CIO probes Tsvangirai incident

http://www.zimonline.co.za/

by Patricia Mpofu Friday 05 March 2010

HARARE - Zimbabwe intelligence chief Happiton Bonyongwe has ordered a probe
into allegations that Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai was issued with a
defective vehicle during a tour of drought-ravaged south-western Zimbabwe,
ZimOnline was told on Thursday.

Tsvangirai, according to his officials, narrowly escaped death last month
when his official all-terrain vehicle burst a rear tyre during a trip to the
arid Matabeleland region where the Premier had gone to assess the food
security situation in the region.

"Bonyongwe has the report on his desk and is investigating the matter as it
puts the coalition government in bad light. An official report from the
manufacturer clearly shows the car was tempered with before being issued to
the PM," said a government source, speaking strictly on condition that he
was not identified.

It was not possible to get confirmation from Bonyongwe's office because the
Central Intelligence Organisation does not discuss its work with reporters
as a matter of principle.

There were also reports that Tsvangirai's MDC party would also launch its
investigation to establish how a defective car was issued to the head of
government although some officials said that it was also possible that the
vehicle could have been tampered after delivery to the Prime Minister's
department.

James Maridadi, the Prime Minister's spokesman, confirmed investigations
into the matter were underway but would not say who exactly was
investigating the matter. "Its obvious the PM wants answers," said Maridadi.

According to various press reports on Thursday, a German expert, Karl V
Lehnardt, who imported the vehicle that was being used by Tsvangirai insists
that the car was fitted with run flat tyres and had a very low mileage,
while all its systems were in perfect condition.

The reports quoted Lehnardt as suggesting that the vehicle was tampered with
after he delivered it to the government.

"When I inspected the vehicle now, I observed the following: The boot is not
opening. The spare wheel is very badly damaged and cannot be repaired. The
remote control as well as the central locking system is dysfunctional. The
run flat equipment is in the boot of the vehicle. All door hinges are loose.
There is evidence that the vehicle has been used before it was delivered to
the owner," Lehnardt is reported to have said.

Tsvangirai survived a horrible car crash last March that, however,
unfortunately claimed the life of his wife Susan. He ruled out foul play in
the accident that happened only weeks after he formed a unity government
with President Robert Mugabe.

The latest road mishap involving the Prime Minister is unlikely to cause
major upheaval in the fragile unity government but will certainly feed
speculation in a country with a long history of mysterious deaths of leading
political figures many of them of them in road accidents. -- ZimOnline,

Zimbabwe PM Tsvangirai's MDC Assesses 'Deteriorating' Political Climate

http://www1.voanews.com/

Sources said Tsvangirai MDC party leaders took up the delays in resolving
outstanding power-sharing issues, the constitutional revision process and
new incidents of political intimidation or violence

Patience Rusere | Washington 04 March 2010

Senior officials of Zimbabwean Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai's Movement
for Democratic Change met on Thursday to discuss what party sources
described as a "deteriorating" political environment.

Sources said party leaders looked at delays in resolving outstanding issues
and the constitutional revision process, as well as new incidents of
political intimidation or violence.

Party officials declined to disclose the outcome of the meeting, saying
resolutions needed approval by the MDC formation's national council. They
said a news conference was likely to be held Friday.

But party spokesman Nelson Chamisa told VOA Studio 7 reporter Patience
Rusere that the party is particularly concerned with the deadlock in talks
on unresolved power-sharing issues.

Chamisa characterized the political environment in the country as
"deteriorating" in an interview this week with the Zimbabwe Times, a Web
news source.

Zimbabwe House Ratifies Investment Pact With S. Africa Amid Indigenization Debate

http://www1.voanews.com/

Innocent Gonese, chief parliamentary whip of the Movement for Democratic
Change formation led by Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, said the agreement
should be ratified within days by the Senate

Gibbs Dube & Sandra Nyaira | Washington 04 March 2010

Zimbabwe's House of Assembly on Thursday ratified the Bilateral Investment
Promotion and Protection Agreement signed by Zimbabwe and South African
officials last November.

Parliamentary sources said the move likely meant that South African firms
would be exempted from the highly controversial indigenization process that
was launched this week. The 2007 legislation requires indigenous
Zimbabweans - under the definition this means black Zimbabweans - to hold a
51 percent stake in all firms with assets in excess of US$500,000. Neither
the law nor related regulations issued last week distinguish between foreign
and domestic companies.,

Innocent Gonese, chief parliamentary whip of the Movement for Democratic
Change formation led by Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, said the agreement
now awaits ratification by the Senate, which should take place in the next
few days. He said putting the treaty in place will ensure the safety of
South African investments in the country.

"The essence of the bilateral agreement is to enhance South African investor
confidence in Zimbabwe through guaranteeing the safety of their investments
against expropriation and nationalization," he said.

But some critics of indigenization say it remains to be seen if Zimbabwe
will respect the bilateral agreement in light of numerous violations of
property rights during a decade of fast-track land reform. Zimbabwe rejected
the authority of a Southern African regional tribunal after it ruled against
Harare in a land reform case.

Meanwhile, indigenisation was driving another wedge into the troubled Harare
unity government with the main poliical partners divided over how to proceed
in a way that will benefit the nation as a whole.

Sources said the Council of Ministers agreed Thursday that only
Indigenisation Minister Saviour Kasukuwere should be authorized to make
statements on the subject - but differences clearly have not been settled.

Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change formation
argues that the Cabinet was not consulted before Kasukuwere gazetted the new
indigenization rules last week. The rival MDC formation of Deputy Prime
Minister Arthur Mutambara is divided on the issue, however.

For a closer look at the indigenization question, VOA Studio 7 reporter
Sandra Nyaira turned to Affirmative Action Group President Supa Mandiwanzira
and political commentor Paul Rumema-Chimhosva.

Mandiwanzira said that contrary to what many skeptics have contended lately,
the indigenization process will benefit as many Zimbabweans as possible.

But Rumema-Chimhosva argued it was likely the new regulations would benefit
the same group of individuals within and connected to ZANU-PF who benefited
from the farm invasions of the past decade.

He said indigenization should have been put on hold to be covered under the
new constitution - though that process has also become contentious.

SA opposition again lashes out at Zuma

http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=27722

March 4, 2010

By Mxolisi Ncube

JOHANNESBURG - South Africa's main opposition party - the Democratic
Alliance (DA), has again lashed out at that country's President Jacob Zuma
for his continued support for Zimbabwean President, Robert Mugabe, despite
the octogenarian leader's continued intransigence.

Zuma, currently on a state visit to the United Kingdom, has used the trip to
urge western nations to lift targeted sanctions they imposed on Mugabe and
senior officials of his Zanu-PF party during the past decade.

The sanctions, coming mainly in the form of travel restrictions and the
freezing of assets belonging to individuals and companies linked to Mugabe's
ruling elite, were imposed after the west accused Mugabe of gross human
rights abuses against the Zimbabwean citizens, which began at the formation
of the opposition MDC in 1999.

Zuma stated also stated on his first day in London that his government would
not involve itself with Mugabe's controversial law on the indigenisation of
foreign firms, which aims to force foreign-owned companies operating in
Zimbabwe to cede 51 per cent of their businesses to Zimbabwean nationals.

The DA on Wednesday described Zuma's stance as a reaffirmation by the South
African leader of his tacit support for Mugabe, who has ruined Zimbabwe both
politically and economically since he assumed power in 1980. He is blamed
for the tardy progress that has characterised Zimbabwe's unity government
that was formed early last year.

"What the ANC government in general and President Zuma in particular seem
incapable of understanding is that South Africa's attitude toward Zimbabwe
is not solely about its ability to influence what happens in that country
but, significantly, also about our own values and principles as a
 democracy," said DA Parliamentary leader - Athol Trollip in a statement.

"There is no end to the number of problematic policies adopted and enforced
by Robert Mugabe; the duty our government has failed to fulfill is to
present to Robert Mugabe and the world a coherent and principled stand
against the destruction of that economy and the damage done to the basic
rights of Zimbabweans, whether it be human rights abuses or the creation of
widespread poverty."

He accused the ANC of failing to take a principled stand on Mugabe and
instead, adding that Zuma's party was instead trying to "deflect attention
by focusing on technicalities".

".. but until it (ANC government) addresses its fundamental failure to put
principle ahead of party political solidarity, this government's attitude to
Zimbabwe will always be corrupted.

"Jacob Zuma can wax lyrical about how no one has the right to judge anyone
else, but when it comes to human rights, the standard is internationally
benchmarked and all progressive democracies have adopted a position towards
Zimbabwe that South Africa has been unwilling to follow."

The DA called on the South African government to "rethink its fundamental
approach to Zimbabwe as a matter of urgency", while challenging Zuma to
adopt a more considered stance and refocus South African national policy to
be utilised to impact on Zimbabwe's "dire political situation".

The opposition party suggested that Zuma strongly opposes any acts of
violence towards innocent civilians, such as the recent reports of brutality
on the Marange diamond fields and to recommit the South African government
to the targeted sanctions currently imposed on Mugabe and his cronies until
meaningful steps are taken by the Zimbabwean leadership to met the
guidelines laid out by the Global Political Agreement.

"The DA has set out in some detail a road map to democracy, the government
would do well to consider some of the fundamental changes it proposes,"
added Trollip.

"Given its close ties with Zimbabwe, the global community is looking to
South Africa to play a critical role in resolving the Zimbabwean political
crisis.

"In adopting an Mbeki-like silence towards the dangers of Mugabe's policies,
President Zuma places at risk not only Zimbabweans, but also South Africans,
like those affected by last week's SADC tribunal hearing.

"The final judgment, made by the North Gauteng High Court in Pretoria,
granted the civil rights union AfriForum an order to register and implement
a November 2008 SADC tribunal ruling.

"The ruling will protect South African farmers in Zimbabwe from persecution
under Mugabe's infamous land reform programme and ensure that those already
affected are entitled to compensation."

Recovery rattled

http://www.mg.co.za

JASON MOYO | HARARE, ZIMBABWE - Mar 05 2010 06:00

On Monday, as Zimbabwe's tough new indigenisation measures came into effect,
the electronic board at the country's stock exchange was all red.

Ten straight days of losses in the previous week had taken their toll and
only a few brokers were taking new buy orders as the investors, who had, for
the past year, made the Zimbabwe Stock Exchange one of the world's most
fast-rising markets, stayed away.

"We had been coasting along quite nicely. The news hit us quite badly,"
broker Fred Ndebele told the Mail & Guardian, watching what looked like yet
another losing session early on Wednesday.

Emmanuel Munyukwi, chief executive of the stock exchange, said trade
plummeted from a daily average US$2-million to US$500 000 since the
indigenisation laws were published. It's a gauge of just how the law has
been viewed by investors inside and outside the country and shows how far
back the country's recovery efforts have been taken as President Robert
Mugabe pursues his latest "empowerment" crusade.

The regulations were set to be top of the agenda at a meeting of a council
of ministers, chaired by Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, on Thursday, but
Empowerment Minister Saviour Kasukuwere, a wealthy businessman and a
hardline Mugabe loyalist, said there would be "no going back".

The country's main business groups and unions are worried economic recovery
will now stall and fear that the exercise could be a repeat of the land
reform process where top Mugabe loyalists helped themselves to plum farms.

There is much to lose for large foreign investors in Zimbabwe.

Zimplats, majority-owned by South Africa's Implats, sits on the world's
second-largest platinum resources. It is now withholding US$500-million in
new investment. Angloplats and Rio Zimbabwe are also freezing new investment
at their mines.

But Patrice Motsepe's African Rainbow Minerals (ARM) still plans to spend
US$300-million in Zim­babwe. Mines Minister Obert Mpofu confirmed talks with
ARM chief executive Dan Simelane. Although Mpofu gave no details, ARM is
reportedly taking over claims surrendered by Zimplats.

It is likely Motsepe's assets will be among those for whom "exceptions" will
be made.

For years large corporations had anticipated the new laws, taking steps to
bring in locals. Zimplats spent close to a decade trying to sell a 15% share
to locals, but none could afford the stake. A fresh agreement was reached
with the government, giving Zimplats "indigenisation credits" in exchange
for social investment and unused claims.

In 2007 Old Mutual announced it would sell 20% its shares to staff, hoping
that would protect it from the full requirements of the regulations. Old
Mutual is the largest investor on the stock exchange, and the largest
property owner.

It is a frequent target of radical empowerment groups, which accuse it of
racism and exploiting pensioners and tenants.

The law
Indigenisation laws have been on the cards since 2003, when Zimbabwe
abandoned a plan to force companies to sell 49% to locals. But the
Indigenisation and Economic Development Act that was passed in 2007, forcing
companies to sell 51%, finally came into effect on Monday.

Any business valued at over $500 000 must sell 51% to "indigenous"
Zimbabweans, but the law does not say how such valuations will be made.

The Act defines "indigenous Zimbabwean" as anyone who was racially
discriminated against before independence in 1980. Robert Mugabe is clearer:
whites, he said, are "not indigenous, even though they were born here. They
are the offspring of settlers."

Businesses must report to the minister on their shareholding by April 15,
companies have five years to comply fully.

CORRECTED HOT SEAT: PART 1 - Harare Mayor Much Masunda

 http://www.swradioafrica.com/pages/hotseat040310.htm

SW Radio Africa Transcript BROADCAST: 26 February 2010
VIOLET GONDA: My guest on the programme Hot Seat is the Mayor of Harare Much Masunda talking about the issue of service delivery in the capitol city. Welcome on the programme Mr Masunda. MUCH MASUNDA: Thank you Violet. GONDA: Now let's start with a general question - the residents of Harare voted for change and democracy - how have you implemented these promises?
MASUNDA: We have implemented some of them but not all of them because, I think what needs to be appreciated is that the infrastructure and other ancillary facilities had become so run down over the years that it wasn't going to be an overnight sort of situation to get them working as they used to. But there are some tangible results that we've achieved in the 19 months that we've been in office. But I think the starting point before we go into all these issues that are of concern to the residents and other stakeholders in Harare is just for your listeners to get an appreciation of how I got myself into the 'hot seat' because that is something that is not commonly understood. I did not stand for election as a councillor. What happened was, in the build up towards the harmonised elections that took place on the 29th of March 2008; amongst the many pieces of legislation that were amended was the Urban Councils Act. Now the Urban Councils Act was amended in two significant respects. The first amendment gave the elected councillors, and in the case of Harare there are 46 of them, because Harare is divided into 46 Wards. Now 45 of the Wards were won by MDC councillors - I'm talking about the mainstream MDC and the solitary Ward was won by a ZANU PF councillor. So those 46 democratically elected councillors were given an opportunity in terms of this amendment that I mentioned, to elect a mayor in either of two ways: either they stick to the hallowed and tried and tested method of choosing a mayor from amongst their number, in other words choosing one of them to become mayor; alternatively they were given an option to go to civic society and look for somebody with sufficiently grey hairs and somebody who is a glutton for punishment and that's how I got elected. So we then got sworn into office of the 1st of July 2008 but it's not been easy, I will be the first to confess. But I think we have set about to focus on those critical areas and the very first one was water and sanitation. GONDA: Mr Mayor, let me interrupt you on that - we will come to the issue of water and sanitation - but I just want to go back to what you've just told us about how you were appointed. Now correct me if I'm wrong. MASUNDA: Elected - not appointed. GONDA: Is it correct that mayors under the amended Urban Councils Act are appointed by the Council for one year and that technically your position is now illegal? MASUNDA: No it's not correct at all. I mean in the past the Urban Councils Act made a provision for the mayor to be re-elected on an annual basis but this amendment that came in, mayors that got elected in the manner that I did, and together with those that got elected in the old way, they are in office for five years. So my term will come to an end, in the absence of yet another harmonised set of elections, I'll be in office until 2013 and that is the position. And I checked that out, I mean I've been an attorney for many years, and one thing I would not have overlooked was the basis upon which I'm in office. So that I think we can square it away, you know there's no question of my term having expired. GONDA: And you mentioned that. MASUNDA: Can we just finish off the. GONDA: Before we go to the issues of service delivery, just to go back again to a point you raised just now - you said you were chosen from civic society, but according to court papers filed by disgruntled members of the Mavambo/Dawn/Kusile group, they name you as a respondent, as a leader in Simba Makoni's Mavambo. Are you part of this political party? GONDA: No, I'm not a member of any political party, but the position as far as Mavambo is concerned is that I as an attorney assisted in the formation of the Mavambo Trust and I became one of the initial trustees as it were. You know those are two separate entities altogether. The Mavambo Trust, you know I am a trustee and that is separate entity altogether from the Mavambo/Dawn/Kusile Movement. And over the years Violet, you must appreciate that I've studiously and religiously and deliberately avoided getting embroiled in party politics because it was not going to be of any advantage to me as a practising attorney. Because as an attorney and as a partner at the time of Gill, Godlonton & Gerrans which is one of the longest established firms in Zimbabwe, I could not afford a situation where some of my clients could start looking at whatever advice I give them in a jaundiced manner because I'm tarred with one political brush or another. And I have over the years I have rendered advice to all sorts of people; Simba Makoni has been one of the recipients of my legal advice, just like I've had a fairly close working relationship over the years with Morgan Tsvangirai and a number of members of ZANU PF. GONDA: So what does retired Major Mbudzi mean by saying you are one of those people still in control of some of the assets and resources belonging to the Party? MASUNDA: The assets that they are squabbling over were registered in the name of the Trust and the trustees are myself, Abiathar Mujeyi, Dr Nkosana Moyo and Dr Nkosana Moyo I think resigned following his appointment as the Chief Operating Officer of the African Development Bank and he has since been replaced by Pearson Chitando a Chartered Accountant. So we are there Violet in a fiduciary capacity. The only person amongst the trustees who is actively involved as a member of Mavambo Mavambo/Dawn/Kusile Movement is Abiathar Mujeyi. So I can appreciate the difficulty which Kudzai Mbudzi may have in appreciating the subtleties involved in all this because he is a military man as opposed to a professional man. GONDA: OK, so let's go back to the issue of the Harare City Council and let me start by getting your response to complaints by residents about the poor performance of elected councillors. Why is that? MASUNDA: Before I go into that Violet, can we complete the explanation which I've started giving about the two significant amendments that were made to the Urban Councils Act in the build-up towards the harmonised elections? I've explained to you how the democratically elected councillors were given an option of choosing a mayor. What I've not yet explained, is how the Minister responsible for Local Government, Rural and Urban Development was given a special dispensation, prerogative in other words to appoint Special Interest Councillors in all those urban settlements in Zimbabwe and there must be about, between 15 and 19 of them, in other words cities and towns; and that dispensation says the Minister has the prerogative to appoint Special Interest Councillors, not exceeding 25% of the democratically elected councillors. So in the case of Harare as I said earlier, there are 46 democratically elected councillors, so 25% of that in round figures is 11, so we have a compliment of 57 councillors - 46 democratically elected councillors, of whom 45 are MDC, one is ZANU PF, plus the 11 Special Interest Councillors who were appointed by the Minister responsible, and in this case Ignatius Morgan Chimhinya Chombo. So by the time we came into office, the last time that there had been an elected councillor in office was back in 2004 when Elias Mudzuri was the Executive Mayor of Harare and then when he was hounded out of office before a series of commissions headed by amongst others, Sekesai Makwavarara and up until the time that we came into office, Michael Mahachi. And I think that it was during that period that things really got out of hand as it were. But the actual battles that we have as local authority should not be divorced from the social economic meltdown that occurred in the country as a result of hyper-inflation amongst other things. And by the time we came to office the unemployment levels had reached an unprecedentedly high number of 90% plus, and people were not able to pay for the services that they required. So to be more specific, starting with housing, which is an issue you have raised with me, there has been no more meaningful housing development for the best part of the last 20 years and the population of Harare has grown. And as things stand, there's a relentless migration of people from rural areas to urban areas and when you look at for instance, the 58 hostels in Mbare, Matapi Hostel, Matererini and others, those hostels were built pre-Independence for single migrant workers and with the advent of Independence in 1980 we did a quick fix and sought to convert accommodation that was meant for single people into married quarters and hence the problems that we are having today. And so I think I can tell you for instance right now that we have initiated, with the assistance and support of the Ministry of National Housing and Social Amenities, an initiative that will see a serious development in terms of houses and that development is going to involve the private sector players like Old Mutual and CABS and as fate would have it, I'm Chairman of Old Mutual - and CABS is a wholly owned subsidiary of Old Mutual and so we're quite serious. We have, as the City Council, already identified areas where these housing settlements are going to be built. GONDA: And also, still on the issue of housing, given this serious backlog on housing which was worsened by Operation Murambatsvina does the Council have a current housing list? MASUNDA: Yes we have, we have but it's not really up to date. GONDA: What is it so far? MASUNDA: I think there's a backlog of between 500 000 and a million housing units - which is quite a lot. You know because these things in a normal environment are dealt with on an incremental basis, but if you have a situation like I described earlier where there's been no meaningful housing settlements built for the best part of the last 20 years, then you've got a problem. GONDA: And is it known or do you know yet how many housing units you actually own as Council? MASUNDA: Well that's a very good question actually; all I can say at this stage is that we have under our jurisdiction 28 housing estates. In other words suburbs ranging from high density to medium density to low density and it gets a bit difficult to actually pin point the units that are actually needed to make up the shortfall, but most of the high density suburbs - that's where you find the units that are actually owned by the people of Harare - and have been rented out to tenants over the years whereas the majority of houses in the low density areas belong to individual house owners. But you'll be amazed at how much property the City of Harare actually owns. You know we have an exercise that is being undertaken at the moment that is nearing completion to just give us an indication of who is who and what's what in the Harare zoo as it were. And not only in respect of houses and other tangible assets but also doing a similar exercise to establish the real head count of people employed by the City of Harare. And that's something we embarked on immediately after coming into office in July 2008. We have a compliment at the moment of over 10 500 employees. We are arguably the second largest business in the country and the second largest employer in the country, second of course in both instances to government. But I genuinely believe that we could run the City more effectively from a cost point of view and service delivery point of view with less that the compliment of 10 500. GONDA: Is it true that some former employees and also some senior government officials are occupying Council property or Council houses? MASUNDA: Yes it is true, I'll not deny that and, but you see, when you look at some of these senior functionaries like the Town Clerk and the other ten heads of department because we've got 11 senior functionaries ranging from the Town Clerk right down to the recently appointed Director of Waste Management, as part of their service contract they have over the years been entitled to occupy a council house. But what happened over the years is that some of them upon terminating their services with the City for whatever reason, they then got given the option to buy the houses that they occupy and others exercised their rights over those properties, others didn't. But you also have other situations where certain government officials were not doing anything remotely connected with the City Council's business, especially some of those officials that live outside Harare, they came to be in occupation of Council houses which were subsequently sold to them in pursuance of a resolution, Council resolution that was passed some time back to authorise the sale of the Council houses to sitting tenants. GONDA: Who were some of these government officials? MASUNDA: I can't name them off hand because they are quite a number. And there's a standing court case right now in which the City of Harare is seeking to evict Joseph Chinotimba from a Council house in Belvedere. GONDA: Is he refusing to leave the house? MASUNDA: Well the law is taking its course and we have instituted eviction proceedings, yes. In fact there are instances and I believe Joseph Chinotimba's case is one of those instances where certain Council officials were not eligible for accommodation in certain areas, like in this case, Belvedere where for one reason or another were allowed to take occupation of these houses and they are now seeking to have those houses sold to them when in fact they shouldn't have been there in the first place. All these things are going to come out in the wash in this exercise that is being undertaken. I can give you umpteen other examples; you are familiar with Trafalgar Court which overlooks the Harare Gardens? That is a City of Harare asset. And we've got shops on the ground floor and we've got offices up to I believe the third floor and the rest are residential flats and there are some government employees who are in occupation of those flats and they occupied those flats in terms of arrangements that were made way back and I think we need to have a look at all those cases with a view to rationalise and normalise the situation. GONDA: And what about the victims of Operation Murambatsvina. What is the Council doing or what has the Council done to address the plight of the victims? MASUNDA: I will be the first to admit that very little has been done other than the Garikai/Hlalani Kuhle Project which was spearheaded by the ministry responsible and we've recently been asked to take over that Project and we are in the throes of doing so. I think your readers will be aware that Garikai/Hlalani Kuhle Project was hastily put together following the Murambatsvina scourge and in the course of putting all that together it's a classic example of putting the cart before the horse. You know the structures were put up before the stands were properly serviced, in other words, there was no provision of water and sanitation facilities. But the structures are there so we need to move in there and rectify all those things and then get on with it. GONDA: Is it true that an estimated 200 people actually faced eviction and thousands of informal traders across Harare also faced being forcibly removed without being given notice? MASUNDA: That's a bit of an exaggeration. I think people need to see things in context. Let's go back to the situation that pertained immediately before and immediately after Independence. After Independence we have seen a whole lot of indiscriminate vending taking place within the City and there's been no political will to enforce the by-laws so what my Council is at pains to do is to clean up the City in a way and have all these vendors operate from designated points; together with the commuter omnibus operators and the touts and others that have grown accustomed to doing things with total impunity. And we are engaging constructively all the key players in the transport sector for instance with a view to restoring order as it were. GONDA: But some of your critics say that the Council is implementing policies that are identical to those of the illegal Makwavarara Commission and that with the latest threats of evictions you were actually forced to bow down or to bow to pressure after human rights organisations like Amnesty International put pressure on you to stop the latest evictions. What can you say about this? MASUNDA: The evictions that attracted the attention of organisations like Amnesty International were evictions that had more to do not so much with vending but with accommodation. Because we have squatter camps starting up here and there especially around the Borrowdale Race Course, because you've got those poor folk who used to be employed by the Mashonaland Turf Club when the economy was still more buoyant than it is now. And with the down turn of the economy the fortunes of the Mashonaland Turf Club took a nose dive and a lot of those poor folk who were employed there as general workers lost their employment. They were provided historically with accommodation within the vicinity of Borrowdale Race Course and so those poor guys just spill over into the commonages that are conveniently near the Borrowdale Race Course and those are the people that we need to find accommodation for. And I've met Amnesty International Zimbabwe chapter in my office together with the other human rights organisations that are understandably concerned with the welfare of the people that we are talking about, and I said right let's find a win/win solution as far as we can do with this matter and they undertook to go there. In fact they've brought two representatives from the squatter camp just outside Borrowdale Race Course and we have a lady who was brought along who was representing the curio sellers at Newlands shopping centre and we'd like to have these things done properly. GONDA: But you were going to evict them before you had actually found alternative accommodation for them. MASUNDA: Well there are no evictions that have taken place so far. GONDA: But you were threatening to evict them. MASUNDA: Yes we were because we need to take into account the interests of the other stakeholders whose interests are being prejudiced in the case of squatter camps that are far too near their residencies. In the case of vendors, vending that is taking place within the city to the detriment of the legitimate shop owners who are paying rent and rates and yet they are not getting much in return. It is a matter that we have to deal with and deal with appropriately so it's not just a question of us enforcing the by-laws willy-nilly. We have to find a sustainable solution to the problem. GONDA: Some say given the economic crisis does it not make sense to relax building controls and actually allow people to infill stands with approved structures - and that's provided such a process does not occur on utility lines or other problematic areas. Wouldn't that actually solve the housing problem or the housing crisis? MASUNDA: Sure, if that would be the answer. But I think one thing that needs to be borne in mind is that Harare is amongst the most well-planned cities in sub-Saharan Africa. You have areas that are zoned for certain types of houses, whether they are low density, high density or medium density. The moment you start allowing, bending the rules as it were to accommodate divergent interests then you are going to have a problem. You are going to create a situation that will lead to the devaluation of properties and become an untenable situation that one sees in a number of sub-Saharan countries especially in West Africa, Francophone West Africa. But we have an overall plan for the development of Harare and that plan was put together painstakingly by experts on planning issues, and unless that plan is revisited and changed, we have to stick to it. GONDA: Let me go back to a question I asked earlier on about the residents' grievances and one of the grievances was that of the poor performance of elected councillors; and I asked you why it was like that and you haven't really given me an answer to that. So why is it that there's such poor performance by elected councillors and also the residents are complaining that the councillors are not holding meetings with their constituencies. What's happening? MASUNDA: Yes, I think those are well-founded grievances which the ratepayers are making but the truth of the matter is that when these report back meetings are held, it's not everybody who is able to attend them, so I've been for instance, since I came into office to a number of high density areas and have had occasion to address meetings with the councillors for the Wards and some of those meetings have been very well attended. I recall going to a meeting in Tafara Community Centre and the Hall was packed to the rafters. But the tragedy of the whole situation is that things had become so run down that people expect instant solutions to their problems especially the problems relating to water and sanitation, refuse removal and electricity and the fact of the matter as I keep saying, is that the infrastructure had been neglected for quite a long time to a point where the services that the residents so richly deserve cannot be provided. GONDA: Is it your view that the Councillors, in your Council are generally uneducated and are not qualified to be in Council? MASUNDA: I don't think it's a question of education as in possession of formal paper qualifications, it's a question I think of exposure. It is true that the majority of them have never, through no fault of their own, been exposed to the every facet of the community system that is in place within any local authority and Harare City Council is no exception. But one thing that the Councillors have, especially the democratically elected councillors is courage and I take my hat off to them for the raw courage that they have for having stood up to be counted and lift their heads above the parapet and want to bring about change that the people of Zimbabwe and in Harare in particular want and so richly deserve. So it's a huge learning curve for a lot of them because they've never been exposed to this way of doing things. And what is not commonly understood by the ratepayers is that councillors don't just rock up at a full Council meeting and start waxing lyrical about any of the issues that may have been drawn to their attention by the people who voted them into office. We have a committee system that has to work and work in a certain way. For instance we have got eight standing committees and most of those committees are fairly technical committees - we've got the Audit Committee, we've got the Finance and Development Committee. We've got the Environmental Management Committee, we've got the Business Committee, we've got the Procurement Committee, we've got the Human Resources and General Purposes Committee, we've got the Information and Publicity Committee and the eighth committee is arguably the largest because it encompasses health, education, housing, community services and licensing. And in all those committees you need people that have some background in the related topic that has to be dealt with and if you have amongst the councillors anybody who's not clued up on any of those issues then of course it's going to be a problem. But in an endeavour to plug the gaps that are there we have offered many of the Councillors capacity building programmes but it's going to take time for them to become completely au fait with issues that have to be dealt with. And unfortunately, the Minister responsible has not come to the party in terms of his choice of some of the Special Interest Councillors and I've been on record having said the Minister ought to have maybe exercised his prerogative more judicially - because when we started and having chatted to the 46 democratically elected Councillors it became apparent that there were certain glaringly absent skills amongst the 46 democratically elected Councillors and those skills could easily have been plugged by these 11 Special Interest Councillors that the minister responsible appointed. And those skills that are glaringly absent have to do with strong accounting skills, strong engineering skills, strong entrepreneurial skills and strong business skills and anthropological and sociological skills because to have to deal with the multifaceted matters affecting a metropolis like Harare you have to have people that have got the breadth of vision, people that are streetwise, people that keep their noses and ears to the ground and their eyes wide open. GONDA: In the final part next week the Harare Mayor tells us, among other issues, why there is a crippling water crisis even though the Council received money to address the water problems. He talks about the status of the airport road deal, the saga behind the purchase of an expensive mayoral vehicle acquired at a time when the City was failing to deliver a reliable service to ratepayers and he also explains measures the Council is taking to ease the burden faced by ratepayers. Feedback can be sent to violet@swradioafrica.com

Why the Past Is Not the Past in Zimbabwe

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/

Bess Rothenberg
Posted: March 4, 2010 02:52 PM

The Obama administration is encouraging Zimbabweans to move beyond the human
rights violations committed by President Robert Mugabe and members of his
political party ZANU-PF. As U.S. Ambassador to Zimbabwe Charles Ray stated
in December: "The more people cling to historical symbols and dwell on the
past the less progress there'll be made."

Meanwhile, South African President Jacob Zuma has recently taken a proactive
role in resolving the government crisis in Zimbabwe. At times he seems
willing to hold President Robert Mugabe and his party ZANU-PF accountable
for extensive human rights violations. At others his is conciliatory, most
recently arguing for the lifting of international sanctions against Mugabe
and his allies.

Ambassador Ray's statement indicates a disheartening wrong turn at the wrong
time by the ambassador and the Obama administration. Right now Zuma needs
international support if he is to strengthen the position of Prime Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai, the opposition leader of the Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC), and return the country to rule of law. At this critical
juncture, the US should urge President Zuma to condemn all rights violations
by the Mugabe regime.

Ambassador Ray is wrong when he says that the human rights abuses of
Mugabe's government are in the past. Physical scars are still healing from
the mass rapes of women surrounding the June 2008 elections that Tsvangirai
rightfully won. In a report by AIDS-Free World, one woman describes her
experience of the politically inspired violence: "As they raped me they said
I must join the ZANU-PF and defect from the MDC party. As this was
happening, I could see and hear other women being raped around me
simultaneously." The United States should press the Zimbabwean government to
hold the orchestrators and perpetrators of this systematic violence
accountable.

Counter to Ambassador Ray's claims, there is fresh evidence of ZANU-PF's
continuing harassment of political opponents. MDC politician Roy Bennett
sits in a squalid prison facing unfounded treason charges. The
widely-respected politician was nominated by Tsvangirai to join the
ZANU-PF/MDC coalition government in a cabinet position but is instead
fighting a potential sentence of life imprisonment or death. This too should
be condemned by the US government.

The violent seizures of land of white farmers and political opponents are
also not a distant memory as ZANU-PF officials and mobs target the last 150
of an original 4000 white-owned farms and brutally force people from their
lands. As Attorney General Johannes Tomana of ZANU-PF recently explained:
"All the land in the country belongs to the government and as such no
individual has the right to disobey a government directive to vacate such."

To gloss over these ongoing abuses as "historical symbols" is to give Robert
Mugabe and ZANU-PF a free pass to continue abusing their citizens while the
unity government takes credit for a new era.

Zimbabwe may seem like a good place to try a less confrontational approach
as the Obama administration seeks to engage recalcitrant governments that
have not responded to sanctions. But the United States has an exceptional
opportunity to take a tougher stance against Mugabe and see results. We can
do this not by taking a unilateral stance but by supporting an African
mandate.

Mugabe has often exploited any interference by the U.S. or Europe by calling
it colonialism. He, like other dictators in Africa, has suggested that there
should be "African" solutions to African challenges.

But Africa, like all other continents filled with diverse countries and
peoples, does not speak with one voice. There have been respected African
leaders who have spoken out against Mugabe (the late Zambian President Levy
Mwanawasa was most explicitly critical). And there have been many who have
stood by Mugabe, perhaps fearing the accusing finger would also point their
own way.

The Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) has had primary
responsibility for addressing the challenge of Zimbabwe since 2007. SADC
appointed then-President Thabo Mbeki of South Africa to serve as mediator.
He was ineffective due to his shared background with Mugabe as liberation
fighters and Mbeki's fear that supporting the MDC might strengthen
opposition parties in his own country.

In the end, Mbeki's sacrifice of rule of law and respect for human rights in
Zimbabwe did not give him job security. Last year Jacob Zuma replaced him as
president and mediator. Zuma is far from an untarnished moral leader, but he
is lies tied to Mugabe and his political interests align more with
supporters of the MDC. In short, Zuma is better positioned to push
Zimbabwe's toward democracy.

The Obama administration must clearly support Zuma as he begins this new
phase of negotiations. Rather than distancing and diminishing human rights
violations that define Mugabe's Machiavellian regime, U.S. Ambassador Ray
should highlight and condemn them. He should push for accountability and
demonstrable improvements in governance. He should show clear support for
the SADC mandate as a means of ensuring rule of law in Zimbabwe. There have
been too many lives lost, too many women raped, and too many opposition
supporters terrorized in recent months and years. The U.S. should support
Zimbabweans as they "cling" to these historical symbols.

UNESCO may relegate Victoria Falls

http://www.zimonline.co.za/

by Own Correspondent Friday 05 March 2010

HARARE - Zimbabwe's premier tourist resort Victoria Falls stands to lose its
world heritage status unless the country's tourism officials and their
Zambian counterparts urgently submit a status report to the United Nations'
Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO).

The report that a senior Zimbabwean tourism official told the media was
already eight years overdue, is meant to apprise UNESCO of the conditions at
the mighty waterfall that forms a major tourist attraction for both Zambia
and Zimbabwe.

"Technical teams in both countries are working overtime and we hope to
complete it within two weeks," said the official who spoke on condition that
he was not named because he was not authorised to talk to the press.

"It is, however, quite clear that neither Zimbabwe nor Zambia has paid the
matter the necessary attention, despite repeated requests from UNESCO," he
said adding that the two governments are in a "mad rush" to finish the
report that has triggered panic in the two neighbours' governments.

Over the past eight years, UNESCO has given large amounts of money to both
the Zimbabwean and the Zambian governments and offered technical help to
complete the project which is supposed to address issues including threats
to the natural beauty of the area, for instance development on both sides of
the border.

The Victoria Falls that lies on the Zambezi River is officially ranked one
of the world's natural wonders and is a prime tourist destination in
southern Africa.

Zimbabwe which is struggling to revive its tourism industry that has been in
the doldrums over the past decade in the aftermath of President Robert
Mugabe's chaotic and often violent land redistribution exercise that
attracted negative publicity for the country to scare away foreign tourists,
stands to lose more if UNESCO goes on to relegate Victoria Falls.

"One can only imagine what the economic damage to Zimbabwe would be if this
mighty waterfall were to lose its status, especially with the 2010 World Cup
just around the corner," the tourism official said.

Zimbabwe, expecting economic benefits from the World Cup to be held in South
Africa, has been busy trying to spruce up tourist destinations, hotels and
stadiums to lure World Cup teams and visitors.

The Tourism Ministry has submitted a US$28 million budget to treasury for
the sector's needs during the June World Cup finals. - ZimOnline

Zimbabwe beat West Indies by two runs

http://wwos.ninemsn.com.au/

09:27 AEST Fri Mar 5 2010

Zimbabwe held their nerve to defeat the West Indies by two runs in a
thrilling first one-day international at the Guyana National Stadium on
Thursday.

The hosts, chasing Zimbabwe's 5-254 off 50 overs, were restricted to 9-252.

The West Indies needed 15 runs off the last over and were well on course
when tailender Nikita Miller hit a six and a four off the first two balls.

He took a single off the third delivery before debutant pacer Shingirai
Masakadza shifted the momentum with two wickets in successive balls.

It left the hosts needing four off the last ball and last man Kemar Roach
could only eke out a single to midwicket as Zimbabwe celebrated their first
one-day victory over the West Indies in the Caribbean in ten attempts.

The West Indies' run chase was paced by their two most experienced batsmen,
captain Chris Gayle and Shivnarine Chanderpaul.

Gayle laid a solid platform with an opening stand of 99 in 23 overs with
19-year-old debutant Adrian Barath.

Left-hander Gayle cracked three sixes and two fours for his 57 off 66 balls
while Barath compiled an even 50 off 96 deliveries.

The diminutive right-hander hit four fours and a six.

Once they both departed in mid-innings, left-hander Chanderpaul was the lone
man to stand up in the middle and lower order, striking a run-a-ball 70.

When he was sixth out to Shingirai Masakadza, Zimbabwe were on top with 22
still required off 13 balls.

Elton Chigumbura bowled a tidy penultimate over, claiming the wicket of
Denesh Ramdin and conceding seven to set up a tense finale.

Tailender Miller slammed the first ball of the final over high to long-on
for six and followed that by carving a four past short third man before
nudging a single off the third.

But Shingirai Masakadza kept his composure and bowled a swiping Dwayne Smith
before claiming Sulieman Benn next ball thanks to a fantastic running catch
by Graeme Cremer at midwicket.

Roach could not deliver the final ball boundary the West Indies needed.

Earlier, opener Vusi Sibanda hit a resolute 95 to anchor Zimbabwe after they
won the toss and batted. The 26-year-old, in his 80th match, struck five
fours and a six off 162 deliveries.

Wicket-keeper Tatenda Taibu contributed a vital 56 off 54 balls in a second
wicket stand of 100 with Sibanda.

The diminutive Taibu was eventually lbw to Pollard, who then ran out Brendan
Taylor (1) in the same over with a left-footed direct hit with his follow
through at 3-168.

The second contest in the five-match series is at the same venue on
Saturday.

JAG open letter forum - No. 693- Dated 2 March 2010

Email: jag@mango.zw; justiceforagriculture@zol.co.zw

Please send any material for publication in the Open Letter Forum to
jag@mango JAG OPEN LETTER FORUM - No..zw with "For Open Letter
Forum" in the subject line.

To subscribe/unsubscribe to the JAG mailing list, please email:
jag@mango.zw with subject line "subscribe" or "unsubscribe".

=================================================

1.  Cathy Buckle - No Go Areas

2.  Meryl Harrison appeal

3.  Norman Dolphin letter to Dave Joubert

4.  Letter from George Ormerod

=================================================

1.  Cathy Buckle - No Go Areas

Dear Jag

This week marks the 10th anniversary of the commencement of farm
invasions in Zimbabwe. For me it started with a mob of men who came to
the farm gate. Wearing blue overalls and carrying bricks and sticks they
whistled and shouted that this was HONDO (war) and that they were taking
the farm. The events that followed are history and the seizure of that
farm and theft of home, business and assets have been repeated thousands
of times across the country in this last decade.

There are thought to have been a million people directly affected by
Zimbabwe's land seizures, including farm owners and their employees and
extended families. None of these one million people have yet been
compensated for what was taken from them or for injuries and abuses
inflicted upon them in the process of the seizures. It wasn't only those
million that paid the price. It is widely believed that a further four
million Zimbabweans had to leave home in the last 10 years. There is not
a family in the country who does not have relations living in political
or financial exile in this massive place called 'diaspora' which
encompasses most corners of the world where abused, dispossessed, and
disenfranchised Zimbabweans now live.

Tragically, 10 years later farm invasions are still going on and the
inclusive government does nothing to stop them - unable or unwilling to
stop the lawless monster unleashed a decade ago. Zimbabwe now imports
almost its food including the most basic of staple goods such as wheat,
maize, cooking oil and sugar.

Farms, once the show-piece of Zimbabwe and the life blood of the economy
are now no-go areas. Why? What is it that the beneficiaries of the seized
farms have got to hide? What are they ashamed of? What have they being
doing these 10 years that leaves our shelves barren of Zimbabwean food?

Perhaps one person who knows is Gertrude Hambira, Secretary General of
the General Agriculture and Plantation Workers Union of Zimbabwe
(Gapwuz). Mrs Hambira was in hiding again this week days after she'd been
called to a meeting and interrogated about a documentary and report
published by GAPWUZ recently. The report called 'House of Justice,"
exposes evidence of human rights violations against farm workers in the
decade of land seizures and details the involvement of senior government
officials.

This week I had the privilege of going for a walk in the bush - a rare
treat these days after everything that has gone on here. Tall, thick
vegetation, lush grass heavy with raindrops and drooping with seeds.
Everywhere you look there is another delight to see and for me it was
like meeting old friends: exquisite mushrooms of every description from
thin stalks with delicate ivory heads to bright orange spikes erupting
from a bare sandy patch; red toadstools, brown balls, little white beads
glimmering in the grass and huge brown and orange bracket fungus clinging
to trees.

There is so much to do out there in the Zimbabwean bush, so much to
preserve, conserve, protect and so much for our children to learn - if
only the politics and greed of a few could be stopped. Until next time,
thanks for reading, love Cathy

-------------------------------------------------------------------------------

2.  Meryl Harrison appeal

Dear Jag

Meryl Harrison has returned to Zimbabwe to continue her work in helping
the animals here.

She is looking to buy a fridge, small gas stove, decoder and dish at,
hopefully, very reasonable prices.

She would also like to borrow a TV for a couple of months until her goods
arrive from UK.

If anyone can help please email pippa@zol.co.zw or phone Meryl on 0914
168218.

-------------------------------------------------------------------------------

3.  Norman Dolphin letter to Dave Joubert

Dear Joubs and Midge, how are you all down there?

I have registered my farm details with Valcon, an organisation of
7 valuators based in Harare.

This is after we registered with CFU as a non farming member.

After a meeting with Graham Mullett of Valcon, he was very anxious that
as many farmers register their details of their farms and operations, as
at 2005 when the land was "so called nationalised". A group of donors and
the EU along, with the Gov of Zim, have recognised the need for Agrarian
Reform. This reform recognises the need for some form
of financial compensation to be paid to the displaced farmers, which has
been acknowledged by this Group, in order for progress to take place in
Zim.

That is, security of tenure of properties, in order for loans to be
raised for revolving funds???

These farm details can be registered with Valcon for no immediate cost.

An umbrella group under CFU has been very active in this area and is now
called ARAC, agricultural reform and compensation, coming under the
guidance of the CFU Vice President Charlie Taffs.

JAG has been in some strife for some time and their CEO is being
internally investigated????

What was important in the meetings held overseas with this group was that
we as Zim Farmers have to speak and act as one. Concerns were raised that
we were too fragmented as a farming community.

Some encouraging developments are happening and if we all, as 4800
farmers, act as one we have more chance of realising our goal for
compensation.

Some of your thoughts would be good and I could take back any ideas that
you might have for us.

Take care, Norman.

-------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Letter from Dave Joubert to Norman Dolphin

Norm,

As a veteran racing snake you should understand that things are not
always as they seem! Valcon are a commercial organization with their own
business interests at stake in this matter. That is not to say they don't
have or will not have value in the future, but there is a serious danger
in just signing up with them for the wrong reasons., You need to also
understand that the standoff with JAG is more a reflection of the
embarrassment JAG is causing in the field of the valuations and the total
rights of disposed farmers. The problem with JAG, for their own faults,
is that they represent an ever growing voice which differs from VC ,
which means they add value to the debate as they offer a different
viewpoint., You really need to have those options available to you at the
right time. Whatever VC are saying, they DO NOT represent the umbrella,
and you WILL NOT be excluded from the compensation package when the time
comes if you are not signed up. The danger in giving them the mandate is
you assist to create a consensus of the valuation of the property, which
may ultimately result in the payout been far lower than it could be in
terms of the precedent at present being set in law.- let alone their fee
of 3.5% of all compensation. The fee for a MillsFitchett valuation is
about 00.4%

Be mindful of the following:

1/ There has been a lot of brilliant legal work done by farmers
(Campbells, Ben Freeth and others, let alone the many court precedents
set by farmers such as ourselves .The question of compensation is
therefore a matter now on international law. The land acquisition is
illegal, racist and compensation must be paid on the basis of
improvements and the land itself. The land must follow a valuation based
on comparative regional valuations and it is not a thumb suck.

2/Recently the SA Supreme Court ruled the SADC decisions binding, and
whether they like it or not, Zimbabwe will have to accept the rulings if
they are ever to regain international recognition. Very soon, the same
High Court that has ruled that the SA Government is responsible for the
losses suffered by South Africans at the hand of the Zim government, will
hear oral evidence from very experienced SA valuators with great
creditability,( MillsFitchett), who will establish the quantum of damages
in the Von Abo case:(This claim is massive and all aspects included). At
much the same time three Zim farmers are returning to SADC Tribunal to
similarly establish the parameters and guidelines for the award of all
compensation issues including damages, displacement fees etc, something
that VC are not even pursuing. Once these precedents are set, all
Zimbabwean farmers will benefit from these cases, which will be done and
dusted by April.

3/ Whether John WW of JAG is been audited or not, is beside the point.
His confrontation with VC arises over his criticism of VC handling of the
valuations of the 13 Dutch farmers which I can assure you were a lesser
fraction of what should have been awarded. What he has done is simply
stirred up the pot some pretty serious shortcuts on the side of VC and
they are trying to discredit him. He is giving you food for thought and
you should use it! Don't kid yourself that JAG is finished. Actually, the
body of JAG, has voted JWW back, despite the efforts of some to have him
evicted.VC see him as upsetting the apple cart, for good reason.

4/When it comes to the actual valuation, the comparison of value and
presentation between work done for the tribunal by M&F and VC is chalk
and cheese. For the upcoming SADC hearing three farmers valuations are
going forward. From the horse's mouth, that of Larry Cummings (Vic Falls)
is x 5 greater by the M&F valuation. You probably know Andy Cockett (I
think Karoi area) who is another farmer going to SADC. Call him and ask
his opinion.

To be honest, it really worries me that professional people are finding
it necessary to engage in a character assassination campaign against
dissenting voices, given that they are potential financial benefactors
.It worries me a lot more that people should get sucked into being
represented by a commercially orientated group, who in the end of the day
won't really care what the level of compensation is. It could
backfire on the farmers quite dramatically if a body of signatures
pressures lower values of compensation- The wrongs of the land grab, will
potentially result in the largest ever lawsuit in history, and I believe
potential donors would jump at the chance to pay out less, based on a
mandate such as what you are doing by giving up your individual right to
contest the case in Court.

My view is back yourself and keep your options open, and be able to use
the system of your choice at the right time and to your best advantage..
Despite what anyone may say, nothing is going to happen before Mugabe
disappears. The problem is that there are many desperate people out
there, who will take any deal, but don't be swayed into believing VC has
any special influence over the process or the preferential award of
compensation to farmers. At any rate you can join the umbrella at any
time that it suits you. After the judgments' we are expecting in SA and
Windhoek very shortly, and then will be a more appropriate time to make
decisions. If the courts uphold anywhere near the quantum of compensation
that is to be presented, there will surely be egg on quite a few faces.

Regards

Dave

-------------------------------------------------------------------------------

4.  Letter from George Ormerod

To Whom it may concern,

Please may I point out to you that in the letter concerning Bennetts
farm,there appears to be an error. And that is,to quote 'on Bennetts
former farm'' as far as I know he is still the legal owner. This ERROR
seems to be appearing on a lot of correspondence of late, and is used
frequently in conversations. I for one am very conscious of the fact that
I still own my farm, albeit that those who occupy it think differently.

Regards

George Ormerod

=================================================

All letters published on the open Letter Forum are the views and opinions
of the submitters, and do not represent the official viewpoint of Justice
for Agriculture.

Zim democratic transition remains at risk –– ICG

http://www.theindependent.co.zw

Friday, 05 March 2010 09:56

ZIMBABWE is facing political and security risks which might scuttle the
current transition, the International Crisis Group (ICG), a global
organisation led by retired statesmen, has said. In its latest report titled
Zimbabwe: Political and Security Challenges to the Transition, the ICG said
the country’s transition from dictatorship to democracy was bedevilled by
serious “political and security risks”.

“Despite initial scepticism, Zimbabwe’s year-old unity government has
achievements to its credit, but the democratic transition remains at risk,
especially from hard-line security officials –– President Robert Mugabe’s
last reliable supporters,” the report says.

ICG Africa Programme Director François Grignon said the military posed the
greatest threat to transition.

“As Zimbabwe enters its second year under a unity government, the challenges
to democratic transformation are in sharp focus,” Grignon said.

“The military leadership and other Mugabe loyalists in Zanu PF are using
their symbiotic relationship with the state apparatus to exercise veto power
over the transition. A mature political system must develop, so Zanu PF and
the MDC engage as both competitors in politics and partners in government.”

The latest briefing from the ICG analyses the situation in Zimbabwe
resulting from the Global Political Agreement (GPA) that broke the stalemate
following failed 2008 presidential elections and led to the formation of the
inclusive government in February 2009. It concludes that all domestic
signatories of the GPA, as well as the South African mediation, must embrace
democratic transformation as the vital objective of the transition.

“A wide range of problems could return Zimbabwe to where it was a year
ago –– on the edge of collapse –– if the long-ruling Zanu PF and the
military leadership maintain an intransigent stance on the reforms for
economic and political stability,” the ICG report says.

“Against the odds, the government that brought together Mugabe and the
leaders of the divided wings of the MDC, Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai
and Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara, started well. Schools and
hospitals re-opened; civil servants were paid and returned to work;
hyperinflation was halted; goods returned to store shelves; a cholera
epidemic was controlled; and human rights activists reported a significant
drop in abuses.”

However, the ICG said “major threats can still derail the reform process”
and plunge the country back to the dark era of political repression and
economic meltdown. –– Staff Writer.

Govt reprieve for ZSE

http://www.theindependent.co.zw

Friday, 05 March 2010 09:52

INDIGENISATION and Empowerment minister Saviour Kasukuwere will meet the
Zimbabwe Stock Exchange (ZSE) and the Securities Commission (SEC) to
deliberate on the empowerment regulations compelling white and foreign
businesses to sell controlling stakes to blacks, amid reports that
government may grant a reprieve. ZSE chief Emmanuel Munyukwi confirmed that
the ministry would be talking to the bourse but refused to give further
details.

But a source said Kasukuwere might grant the market some measure of
reprieve.

"The ministry will be meeting ZSE and SEC to hear how best they can
implement this policy. They want to give the ZSE some kind of reprieve," a
source said.

This comes after stocks fell on heightened fears that government would force
foreigners to sell 51% stakes in businesses in the country.

The mainstream index has fallen by over 20% weighed down by uncertainty over
government's new policy. -- Staff Writer.

Sanctions: MDC-T MPs take Tsvangirai to task

http://www.theindependent.co.zw

Friday, 05 March 2010 09:49

MDC-T legislators this week took their leader Morgan Tsvangirai to task
demanding a clear party position on sanctions imposed on Zimbabwe. Although
Tsvangirai denied calling for a wholesale lifting of sanctions at a caucus
meeting for MPs from his party on Wednesday, some legislators at the meeting
told the Zimbabwe Independent that his message was not very clear as they
are still confused over the party's position on sanctions.

They said it was critical for the party to come up with a clear position on
sanctions and fresh elections because the top leadership has been issuing
conflicting views on the issues.

Reports in the state media quoting Tsvangirai calling for the immediate
lifting of sanctions against the country left the MDC-T MPs bewildered.

They were hoping that the premier would spell out the party position so that
they are able to debate in parliament a motion adopted this week urging
Tsvangirai and his deputy Arthur Mutambara to call for the removal of
sanctions imposed on Mugabe, his family and close political allies.

"Everyone was confused about whether to debate the motion or not," one MP
said. "However, he did not give a clear clarification when he was asked
about his statement in the Herald. Instead, President Tsvangirai asked us
kuti (that) since when did people suddenly start believing what they read in
the Herald?

"He did not respond adequately. It is still very confusing. My observation
is that the right hand does not know what the left is doing. I am still
confused even after Tsvangirai's presentation."

Tsvangirai was quoted in the Herald after meeting visiting Danish Minister
for Development Co-operation Soren Pind in Harare saying: "Well, the issue
of sanctions debate is a very contentious one in Zimbabwe.

We want all sanctions removed. If you want to support the people of
Zimbabwe, you have to support the coalition government."

While Zanu PF MPs hailed Tsvangirai for what they described as a "shift" in
policy, MDC-T legislators did not want to debate the motion.

The sources said they were told by the leadership through its chief whip
Innocent Gonese not to contribute to the debate on the motion moved by
Mwenezi East MP Kudakwashe Bhasikiti on the sanctions.

As the Zanu PF legislators praised Tsvangirai for the call, the US President
Barrack Obama joined the European Union in extending the sanctions for
another year.

In a message to congress on Monday, Obama said: "I am continuing for one
year the national emergency with respect to the actions and policies of
certain members of the government of Zimbabwe and other persons to undermine
Zimbabwe's democratic processes or institutions.

"The crisis constituted by the actions and policies of certain members of
the government of Zimbabwe and other persons to undermine Zimbabwe's
democratic processes or institutions has not been resolved."

The MDC-T sources said Tsvangirai told them that he did not have powers to
remove sanctions.

"We have to stick to what is in the GPA (global political agreement). He
told us that they should (West) look at the positives as well. He said Zanu
PF also has to sort itself out because farm invasions are still ongoing,
there are new cases of violence and the indigenisation laws don't help us,
adding that all these impact negatively on the removal of sanctions," said
one source.

"The leadership must come out clearly on what the position is. Up to now,
personally I still don't know what the position is. We should have a clear
position, which we need to agree at the national council level."

Tsvangirai has in the past been calling for a partial lifting of sanctions
that affect ordinary Zimbabweans.

The sources said Tsvangirai repeated his statement that fresh elections
should be held as early as April next year.

They said he did not however talk about what type of elections the country
should hold - whether they should be just presidential or harmonised.

While Tsvangirai is agreeing to "park" and "proceed" with regard to
outstanding issues following his talks with President Zuma in Davos, MDC-T
spokesperson Nelson Chamisa has said the party position was that a new
constitution must come first, followed by the creation of an environment
that will guarantee security of the people, freedom to campaign, and media
and electoral reforms before Zimbabwe can hold elections that are credible,
free and fair.

Parliamentary Select Committee on the Constitution-making process
co-chairperson Munyaradzi Paul Mangwana has said the earliest that Zimbabwe
could have a constitution is May 31 2011 because of the seven-month delay in
the process.

Chamisa was not reachable for comment at the time of going to press last
night.

Faith Zaba
 

Govt accuses De Beers of looting Chiadzwa

http://www.theindependent.co.zw

Friday, 05 March 2010 09:40

THE government has accused the region's biggest mining giant, South Africa's
De Beers, of looting tonnes of diamonds from the Chiadzwa mining fields over
a period of 15 years without notifying the state of the discovery of the
gems. The government is alleging that it could have lost billions of dollars
in revenue from the "looting" of the diamonds by De Beers.

"De Beers looted our diamonds for 15 years and were sending them to South
Africa without our knowledge and they had even declared that area a
restricted area, as if it was their land when the country belongs to us,"
Mpofu told journalists at the Bulawayo Press Club last week.

He said the government during that time believed that De Beers was only
prospecting and carrying out tests when in reality the company was carrying
out covert mining activities.

"Everyone knows that the diamonds at Chiadzwa are mined from the surface and
De Beers was for the last 15 years alleging that they were doing prospecting
and carrying out tests when in actual fact they were looting diamonds from
Chiadzwa," Mpofu said.

According to Mpofu, De Beers pulled out of the country when government began
a probe into the operations of the company after getting wind that there
were diamonds at Chiadzwa and that De Beers was covertly mining at the site.

Questioned by the journalists on why the government cancelled the licence of
African Consolidated Resources (ACR) which took over mining operations at
Chiadzwa after De Beers pulled out, Mpofu said the government was aware of
the links that ACR had with De Beers and wanted to stop the continued
looting of the diamonds.

Mpofu said the manner in which ACR was licensed was irregular as due
processes were not followed.

"ACR got the diamond fields at Chiadzwa from De Beers through a junior
officer and there was no tender process put forward and there was no
transparency in the whole process and as a government we can not sit back
and watch our resources being plundered, we are not stupid," Mpofu said.

The government-owned Zimbabwe Mining Development Corporation (ZMDC) last
year partnered little-known Grandwell of South Africa to form Mbada
Investments which took over mining of diamonds at the Chiadzwa field.

The ZMDC also partnered another little-known South African firm, Core Mining
and Minerals, in a joint-venture operation trading as Canadile Miners to
exploit the deposits.

The new partnerships have courted more controversy which has forced the
world diamond industry watchdog, the Kimberley Process (KP), to bar Zimbabwe
from trading its diamonds.

The KP has given Zimbabwe until June this year to fall in line with
international trade standards.

Mpofu warned that Zimbabwe will sell diamonds without Kimberley Process
certification should the watchdog rule that efforts to comply with its
standards are inadequate.

"If the KP is dissatisfied with our efforts and wants to be difficult saying
that we have failed to comply with their requirements... we will not lose
sleep, but rather we will just pull out (of the KP) and not lose anything,"
Mpofu said.

Loughty Dube

Police destroy home on orders from spirit medium

http://www.theindependent.co.zw

Friday, 05 March 2010 09:37

WHEN mystic Rotina Mavhunga, alias Sekuru Muboni, announced she had
discovered pure diesel flowing from rocks in the sacred Chinhoyi caves, she
became Zanu PF's new best friend. In no time she was being pampered like a
true "African Queen". She was allocated a farm, two head of cattle and three
buffaloes, a car and received billions of Zimdollars for her upkeep.

The then desperate Zanu PF government thought her discovery would turn
around the troubled economy.

However, she turned out to be a fraudster that left senior government
ministers who included Security minister Didymus Mutasa, Defence minister
Sydney Sekeramayi, Home Affairs Minister Kembo Mohadi and President Robert
Mugabe with egg on their face.

Mugabe condemned his own ministers saying they were probably so blinded by
her beauty that they endorsed her phony story.

Although the diesel fiasco is now an embarrassing story worth forgetting,
the incident however exposed government's blind faith in mysticism.

Now a resettled farmer at Manhenga farm near Lions Den in Chinhoyi was
allegedly evicted and had his home burnt by uniformed police officers using
a police vehicle wielding a pistol and baton sticks following instructions
from a spirit medium.

Bvumai Bamu alleges that his maize and cotton crops which he had planted
over an acre each were also destroyed by the superstitious law enforcement
agencies.

The spirit medium in this case is Lina Govera alias Mbuya Nehanda.

Bamu with the help of his lawyer, Marufu Mandebele of Mbidzo, Muchadehama &
Associates this week sent a letter of intention to the co-Home Affairs
ministers and commissioner-general of police, officer in charge of Chinhoyi
police station, director- general CIO and the President Office in Chinhoyi.

Bamu is demanding US$5 000 for damages for the destruction of his house, $15
000 for damages for the destruction of his crops and $200 000 for shock,
pain and suffering. A 60-day ultimatum has been given to the police to
respond before summons is issued if they fail to respond.

"Our client has not only lost his home, he has also lost his means of
livelihood and has been driven into destitution by the acts of members of
the Zimbabwe Republic Police acting at the instance of a spirit medium,
which Chinhoyi never seems to run short of especially after the diesel n'anga
exploits," the letter said.

On January 7, Bamu -- who was resettled in 2000 --- was allegedly "ambushed"
by members of the ZRP while he was about to leave his homestead at Manhenga
farm.

"The police details were in a marked Zimbabwe Republic Police service
vehicle, a Mazda pick up truck. They ordered our client to load all his
belongings into their truck before setting his house on fire," the letter
said.

Bamu and his pregnant wife were "unceremoniously" driven off their plot and
dumped at a police road block near Ranfield farm along the Lomagundi Road.
The police then instructed those manning the road block to assist Buma to
get free transport to whatever destination he wished as long as it was not
close to Manhenga Farm or Chinhoyi. Buma and his wife went to Dicks Farm
situated between Karoi and Magunje where they sought refuge after his spouse
went into labour.

He later went back to Manhenga farm in a bid to establish why he was evicted
before he was charged by a local chief, Magonde.

"While there, he was advised that the matter for which he had been summoned
earlier had been cleared. It had been alleged that that he had killed a
baboon which was alleged to be a speaking baboon," the letter said.

"Our client's name has been cleared as the proper culprits had been found
and convicted on their own guilty plea and ordered to pay a beast and a goat
each. Coincidentally, as our client was advised it was because of these
allegations against him that his home had been burnt by members of the
Zimbabwe Republic Police who shockingly had acted on the instructions of a
spirit medium known as Lina Govera, alias Mbuya Nehanda."

Buma aggrieved by these developments approached Chinhoyi courts to seek
redress and officials at the courts asked him to verify the names of the
police officers involved from Chinhoyi police station as he said those who
had burnt his house came from that station. On January 18 Buma approached
Chinhoyi police station and asked to see the police officers who however
expressed ignorance of the incident.

The letter added: "He (second in command) took our client to his superior
who confirmed that the police at Chinhoyi had burnt our client's house based
on information supplied by the sprit medium, though the actual instruction
had come from "Harare".

"When our client explained that he had been absolved by the chief's court of
the allegations that had been raised against him, the police officers
advised him to go back to the chief and ask the chief to mediate between him
and the spirit medium. The chief undertook to address the matter but nothing
is said to have happened as yet."

Wongai Zhangazha

Bootlicking galore in Mugabe b’day messages

http://www.theindependent.co.zw

Friday, 05 March 2010 09:34

ZANU PF youth leader Absolom Sikhosana is a man with a few surprises up his
sleeve. And President Robert Mugabe must be loving all the surprises he got
over the weekend. Earlier, Sikhosana had told the state-controlled media
that he would have international stars performing in a night of music to
mark Mugabe’s 86th birthday. Many had not anticipated Jamaican dancehall
icon Sizzla as the highlight of Mugabe’s bash that went on Friday from 6pm
to 6am the following day.

But his surprise might not have won him any favours with the boss. Sikhosana
was outdone by other party functionaries.

Some bought expensive gifts. Others brought fish-eagle ornaments. The rest
had unrivalled praise messages. It is the latter that must have won for many
the affection of the ageing leader.

First Misheck Sibanda, Mugabe’s chief of staff, congratulated the
octogenarian leader saying he had “telescopic foresight”.

Sibanda said: “Following your telescopic foresight in initiating a
knowledge-based economy by distributing computers to disadvantaged secondary
schools in all the 10 provinces of our country, your officers have been
inspired to immortalise your legacy in this area by putting together seed
money to launch the e-learning programme,” he gushed. “We feel greatly
privileged to be serving under a visionary leader of exceptional fortitude,
whose unwavering determination in defence of our heritage and national
sovereignty have become a hallmark of selfless service to our great nation.”

Educational standards have plummeted over the last decade. There is only a
haphazard supply of electricity to power the computers!

And then a sequel came from the least expected quarter, a key figure in the
MDC formation led by Arthur Mutambara.

Industry and Trade Minister  Welshman Ncube placed an advertisement in the
state daily, the Herald, and made a damascene transformation from reviling
Mugabe as a failed dictator to a man of “visionary leadership”.

But Ncube was low key compared to his Zanu-PF counterparts.

Didymus Mutasa, the Zanu-PF secretary for administration and a Minister of
State in Mugabe’s office, said the octogenarian leader was “a special gift
God gave to Zimbabwe and Africa as a whole”.

Even state editors joined the fray. The state weekly, the Manica Post wrote:
“A great visionary and revolutionary, he (Mugabe) was an object of cynosure
held in both veneration and reverence among other African leaders and in
some international circles.

“He has remained resolutely steadfast and as constant as the Northern Star.
Under his astute leadership Zimbabwe has enjoyed a flourishing democracy,
thriving on the corner stone of a multiparty system, tolerance and
reconciliation around which egalitarianism is built ...No amount of hate
speech or the smearing mudslinging can blinker and distract him from
championing causes that add value to the world order.”

And the Chinese joined the chorus with that country’s ambassador saying
Mugabe was an icon not only to Zimbabwe but to “Africa as a whole”.

Apart from a party held in Mugabe’s honour, the Chinese also took time to
learn to sing the national anthem –– Simudzai Mureza –– in prolific Shona
that would have shamed many of the country’s citizens. It was not the first
time China has spared a thought for Mugabe on birthdays.

In 2007 China gave Mugabe a luxury coach for his 83rd birthday meant for use
by the First Family.

This was the first time a foreign embassy has held a birthday party for the
president.

Other groups also joined in with fresh compositions which emphasised that
without Mugabe’s presence, the country would be stumbling in darkness.

As last week progressed, newspaper advertisements continued flowing in with
the usual bootlicking.

By the end of the televised praise and worship show, it was clear that
Mugabe’s men were fighting to outdo each other in flattery. And some
competition it was this year!

Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai did not show up for the weekend party in
Bulawayo on Saturday.  MDC-T spokesperson Nelson Chamisa said the party did
not attend the bash because it was a “Zanu PF event” and “not a national
event”.

“We only converge with Zanu PF at national events. We should spend our
energy on more useful things,” he said.

Mugabe told the guests, mostly school children, according to our sister
paper, the Standard, that he owed his long life to God and the security
forces.

“Along the way to this day, there have been attempts on my life. Several
people wanted my life. They tried the use of parcel bombs and other means,
but they all missed me. I had vigilant people around me, the security
forces, the Chimurenga allies and many others ensured my safety,” the
president said.

Mugabe is now the world’s oldest leader and has not yet spoken of his
retirement plans. Come next year, his ministers and party stalwarts will no
doubt be inventing new ways and coining poetic phrases to acknowledge  their
“supreme leader” and wishing him many more years.

Chris Muronzi/Kudzai Kuwaza

New constitution: Where Zanu PF, MDC-T and NCA diverge

http://www.theindependent.co.zw

Friday, 05 March 2010 09:31

WHILE Zanu PF, MDC-T and the National Constitutional Assembly agree on many
aspects of what should be in the new constitution, the three disagree on
fundamental areas to do with the executive, commissions, land, systems of
government and on how the bill of rights should be expanded. On the
executive, the NCA is proposing the pre-unity accord arrangement with a
symbolic president and an executive prime minister, while Zanu PF prefers
the post-1987 unity accord setup of a president and two deputies.

The MDC-T prefers the current executive as prescribed by the global
political agreement (GPA), comprising a president and prime minister, but
without the vice-presidents and deputy premiers.

The Morgan Tsvangirai-led party is proposing in its position paper on the
constitution an elected president, who appoints a prime minister from a
party which commands a majority in parliament.

The only difference with the current situation where ministers are appointed
by the president in consultation with the prime minister is that the MDC-T
believes that the cabinet should be chosen by the premier to ensure checks
and balances.

Executive powers of the state, the MDC-T says, "should reside in the
president, prime minister and cabinet". The party suggests that the
president should be the head of state and the commander-in-chief of the
defence forces.

"The MDC wishes to restate that it has spent its life fighting an
all-powerful omnipotent executive president. The president should be elected
directly by the people," says the party's position paper. "The president
appoints a prime minister from an MP whose party commands the majority in
parliament."

Parliament, it said, should have oversight of executive powers.

Meanwhile, Zanu PF has said no to the position of prime minister, preferring
the retention of the old executive comprising a powerful president, two vice
presidents and cabinet as also proposed in the controversial Kariba draft
constitution.

"We need an executive president who shares executive authority with the
cabinet and no prime minister as this results in an endless unproductive
contest for power between the president and the prime minister that results
in a weak state in which neo-colonialism can thrive," Zanu PF said in its
position paper.

The appointment of cabinet ministers, Zanu PF said, should be done by the
president.

Both Zanu PF and MDC-T agree that the president should chair cabinet and
should be at least 40 years old. He should be subject to two five-year
terms.

In total contrast to the MDC-T and Zanu PF positions, the NCA draft
constitution is proposing a non-executive symbolic president, who is a
titular head of state and commander-in-chief of the defence forces.

The NCA said the president should be elected by an electoral college
consisting of all MPs and should be between the ages of 35 and 65.

The duties of the president would include summoning parliament for its first
sitting, dissolving the House pursuant to a resolution to dissolve it by the
national assembly, assenting to and signing Bills, referring a Bill back to
parliament for reconsideration of its constitutionality and make any
appointments that he or she would be required to make in terms of the
constitution.

The NCA said the prime minister with two five-year terms would be
responsible for appointing ministers and assigning functions to them,
chairing cabinet meetings, directing the operations of government and must
answer questions and respond to motions in parliament.

On the legislature, while the two political parties and civic organisations
agree that parliament should consist of the National Assembly and Senate,
they disagreed on the composition and election of the members.

Zanu PF said a decision will have to be made on how many seats should be
contested on a first past the post basis and how many will be on
proportional representation. It is proposing that the country be divided
into the existing 210 national assembly constituent seats and 60 senatorial
seats.

They want 10 seats for provincial governors, 18 seats for chiefs and five
members appointed by the president to the Senate.

On the other hand, the MDC-T is proposing the direct election of 120 members
for the House of Assembly and 60 senators appointed by proportional
representation.

The MDC-T does not want the current system where the president can appoint
members and some seats are reserved.

The party said there should be no unelected MPs and also agreed with Zanu PF
that legislators should not be allowed to cross the floor.

The NCA is proposing a 141-member national assembly of whom 70 would be
directly elected to represent constituencies and the other 70 come in
through proportional representation based on votes in a general election.
The other seat would be reserved for the premier.

The NCA proposed that the country should have only five provinces. This it
said should result in a senate made up of 58 members - eight elected from
each of the five provinces through proportional representation.

The NCA said the remaining 10 must be chiefs and the last eight should be
elected by the national assembly at its first sitting and they should choose
one each from women, the disabled, the youth, ex-combatants, trade unions,
religious groups, business and farmers.

Turning to the judiciary, Zanu PF, the MDC-T and the NCA agreed that its
independence should be guaranteed in the constitution.

They are proposing that there be a Constitutional Court followed by a
Supreme Court, High Court, Labour Court, Administrative Court and
Magistrates and Customary Law Courts.

The NCA also wants in addition a judicial system with a Labour Appeal Court
and a Family Court.

The MDC-T party said there should be an independent Judicial Service
Commission appointed by parliament to select judges.

The Judicial Service Commission will make recommendations for appointments
of the chief justice, judge president and other judges to the president, who
must appoint them.

The appointment of the chief justice and other judges must be approved by
the senate.

On the appointment of the judiciary, Zanu PF is proposing that the president
should appoint judges and the chief justice in consultation with the
Judicial Service Commission.

The commission will also be in charge of exercising disciplinary powers over
members of the judiciary and ensuring the general well-being and
administration of the judiciary and its maintenance in a state of
efficiency.

The NCA said the Judicial Service Commission must prepare a list of three
nominees for the post of chief justice and submit it to the president.

The president on the advice of the commission and with the approval of the
senate would appoint one of the nominees as chief justice.

The president would appoint all other judges on the recommendations of the
Judicial Service Commission and with the approval of the senate.

On the bill of rights, Zanu PF wants abortion, homosexuality, sodomy and
same-sex marriage banned.

"Homosexuality and all forms of perverse sexual orientations are
unacceptable and will be banned.

We should not allow same-sex marriages under customary law to the extent
that they are allowed by our traditions and customs," it said. "The Bible
also forbids same sex marriages. The constitution should specifically outlaw
homosexuality, lesbianism, sodomy, etc."

But the MDC-T and NCA wants the issues to be left to interpretation by the
Supreme Court or any other courts.

An MDC-T source said: "We are not going into abortion or same-sex marriage
issues.

These will be interpreted by the Supreme Court or any other relevant organs
of the judiciary. It will be open to interpretation. Questions like when
does life start and whether banning same-sex relationships infringe on those
people's rights should be determined by the courts."

Faith Zaba
 

...president defends controversial diamond deals

http://www.theindependent.co.zw

Friday, 05 March 2010 08:59

PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe has further immersed himself in the ongoing diamonds
row by defending controversial mining companies Mbada Diamonds and Canadile
Miners which have been accused of involvement in shady deals with
government.

Mines minister Obert Mpofu could face contempt of court charges over the
diamonds dispute unless he complies with a recent Supreme Court ruling to
let certain gem packages be kept by the Reserve Bank.

In a spirited defence of the mining companies' questionable contracts with
government, Mugabe told journalists yesterday at Zimbabwe House in Harare
that the tenders were given in a transparent manner.

This is contrary to the views of MPs on the Mines and Energy parliamentary
portfolio committee and senior government officials who are querying the
opaque handing out of contracts without going to tender.

"Initially we wanted ZMDC (Zimbabwe Mining Development Corporation) to go
into the area and start doing some mining and tell us what is there," Mugabe
said. "We had a list of companies applying. Finally two of them, Mbada and
Canadile, were chosen. They were recommended and I was shown the papers and
their proposals. The ministry then decided that for now they were preferable
to the rest. We said fine. They are the ones who are there now," Mugabe
said.

While trying to defend the mining companies' involvement in Chiadzwa diamond
operations, Mugabe also admitted that there were problems there.

"(Deputy Prime Minister Arthur) Mutambara's team visited the area and they
are satisfied with the work being done and equipment they have," he said.
"But recently I was dismayed when newspapers published that there were two
senior officials of Canadile that were arrested. Diamonds are always an
attraction - I don't know of anyone who will not be tempted," he said.

Various sources say senior politicians are involved behind the scenes in the
Marange diamond mining activities. This has raised reports of corruption and
pillaging by senior government officials.

Mugabe said he had personally not seen diamonds from Chiadzwa and would like
to catch sight of them.

"Up to now I have not seen a single diamond from Chiadzwa. I am yearning to
see diamonds from Chiadzwa. I have seen those from River Ranch. Now that the
representative from Kimberley Process (Certification Scheme) is here, we are
now going to start selling. There are two million carats now from Chiadzwa.
We hope we can start selling and we hope that the yield will be invested and
also assist us in raising the standards of living our people," the president
said.

In remarks which could potentially fly in the face of court rulings over the
ownership of the Chiazdwa diamond concessions, Mugabe tried to deny that
Africa Consolidated Resources (ACR) had any legitimate claim over the gems.

"There is hope with the diamonds. We are trying to be careful about how our
diamonds industry should be organised. We had to deal with a situation in
Chiadzwa which had become untenable. We had ACR that had acquired a licence
in a very dubious manner from some commissioner in Mutare. He had decided on
his own to issue a licence.  De Beers had hidden from us for 15 years,
quietly telling us that they were just testing, trying to evaluate whether
there are diamonds or not, ivo vachituta (while they looted). We then
discovered that and they abandoned, but they had links with ACR," Mugabe
said.

In the meantime, Mugabe said, the "ordinary people got wind that uku zvamuka
(something has come up) and they flocked there in their thousands - lots of
diggers.

"On the one hand there was the deal with ACR and on the other thousands of
diggers. We then made it a state property. We surveyed the place roughly and
we put a fence around it," he said.

Dumisani Muleya
 

I won’t quit — Mugabe

http://www.theindependent.co.zw

Friday, 05 March 2010 08:58

PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe has said he has no plans to retire and will stand in
the next presidential election if his party endorses his candidacy — a move
which will heighten fears that he is determined to be president for life.

Mugabe’s decision to stay on sets the stage for another bruising fight
between him and his fierce rival, MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai in the
elections that he says are possibly on for next year.

The 86-year-old leader indicated yesterday elections were coming immediately
after the constitution-making process whether the draft constitution is
adopted or not at the referendum.

Mugabe made it clear he would want to be the party’s candidate in the
elections at a time when both Zanu PF’s main factions led by Solomon Mujuru
and Emmerson Mnangagwa are battling to gain influence to field their own
candidate. The Mujuru and Mnangagwa camps would like to take control of Zanu
PF and have their own candidate in the elections.

However, judging by the Zanu PF congress in December, no one in the party is
strong enough to challenge Mugabe for the party leadership. Mugabe was
endorsed by all 10 Zanu PF provinces as party leader for the next five years
after a good deal of arm-twisting.

Asked by the Zimbabwe Independent at a press briefing with editors at
Zimbabwe House in Harare yesterday if he was going to retire soon, Mugabe
made it clear that he was not going anywhere.
“May the lord give me many more days,” he said.

When pressed to say if he is going to seek re-election, Mugabe, pointing a
finger at this reporter, asked: “Do you want me to go? I am asking you, if
you want me to go? Ask Zanu PF. I am a son of Zanu PF.”
When further pressed to respond to the question, Mugabe said: “If Zanu PF
says so, yes, I will go for it. It depends on Zanu PF.”

This put to rest speculation that Zanu PF would have a different candidate
in the next elections.
If Mugabe was to win another two terms  in office  — assuming the elections
take place  under a new constitution — he could extend his leadership to
over 40 years in power.

Mugabe said the next elections, which are to be held whenever the
constitution-making process is concluded, would be harmonised, meaning they
would include local, parliamentary and presidential elections.

“Elections will be a product of success or failure of the
constitution-making process. If the constitution succeeds, it will end up in
elections — it will be an early election and if it fails, it will also end
up in an election,” he said.

Asked if Zimbabweans would be ready considering the traumatic experience of
the bloody 2008 presidential run-off poll, Mugabe said people would be ready
despite the fact that not much has been done to heal the nation after a
brutal attack on the opposition which left more than 200 MDC-T supporters
dead and thousands others injured.

“We will make them ready, if there is sufficient guidance by the leadership.
What happens on the ground depends on how the parties react to each other. A
lot can be done to avoid violence,” he said.

Mugabe also spoke on wide ranging issues including the controversial
diamonds mine in Chiadzwa, the performance of the government of national
unity (GNU), sanctions, elections, the constitution-making process,
relations with China, the land issue, the number of farms his family owns,
the indigenisation laws and the media.

Mugabe said journalists should not be arrested for writing critical stories.

“Arresting a journalist just because she has written something you dislike
is wrong,” he said.

Mugabe disclosed, after being asked how many farms he owned, that he
personally owned Highfield farm in Norton, which he bought in the early
1980s and Gushungo dairy farm in Mazowe, which he said was a family farm.
Other farms, he said, belonged to relatives.

On sanctions, Mugabe commended Tsvangirai, who was quoted in the Herald this
week calling on the European Union and the United States to lift all
sanctions.

He, however, said such a call was not enough, adding that Tsvangirai should
set up a team to go to Europe and the United States to lobby for the removal
of all sanctions.
Mugabe said his party would play a back-seat role because any active
participation might have an opposite effect.
“Is the call made by the Prime Minister enough? He has done a good thing. It’s
a good statement. The call must be pursued and I would want to see him set
up a team that he believes can be effective to go to Europe and America,” he
said.
“The Prime Minister will be listened to better than my side. I want to be in
the background because we want to be effective and not play politics about
this. I will discuss with the Prime Minister the best way to go.”
On the GNU, Mugabe said the all-inclusive government was working well
together to try and turn around the economy.
He said initially there was mistrust, but they have since overcome that and
were working well together.
Mugabe admitted that there were some areas they disagreed on, like with the
land issue and indigenisation laws, which has the support of Zanu PF but is
rejected by MDC-T, which argues that it would scare away investors.
“There are no cracks in the GNU at all. There may be voices of criticism or
discontent but that does not amount to cracks in the GNU,” he said.

Mugabe said Zimbabwe’s relations with China have been strained lately
because of the US$57 million debt, which the country owed.

He said Finance Minister Tendai Biti had since paid US$5 million, which
would see China releasing the agreed US$900 million for the agriculture
sector and other areas.

On the media, Mugabe said his government was willing to reconstitute the
Broadcasting Authority of Zimbabwe (BAZ), if it was irregularly appointed.

Media, Information and Publicity minister Webster Shamu announced a
Tafataona Mahoso-led BAZ without consulting the Prime Minister.

Faith Zaba

‘Government revising empowerment rules’

http://www.theindependent.co.zw

Friday, 05 March 2010 09:59

INDIGENISATION and Empowerment minister Saviour Kasukuwere published
empowerment regulations compelling foreigners to “cede” 51% shareholding to
blacks “prematurely” and did not have the cabinet’s nod to proceed, Industry
minister Welshman Ncube has said. Ncube told delegates to his breakfast
meeting in the capital on Wednesday that Kasukuwere had prematurely
published the empowerment regulations without cabinet legal committee’s
approval or input.  He said the government was now revising the regulations.

“The minister published the regulations prematurely,” Ncube said. “The
procedure is that you take the regulations to the cabinet committee on
legislation and the committee deliberates. It is now before the cabinet
committee on legislation. We have asked other ministers to make
contributions.”

He was responding to concerns raised by business leaders on the regulations
that became operational on Monday.

The regulations, among other things, compel all foreigners and whites to
sell 51% in every existing business, partnership, association or sole
proprietorship with an asset value of US$500 000 or more to submit a report
to Kasukuwere by April 15. Defaulters face a fine and/or imprisonment for up
to five years.

Companies would have to submit empowerment plans to the minister outlining
time frames of when they intend to comply.

Ncube added: “Clearly, from the presentations, we have a consensus that we
need empowerment. What we do not have is consensus as to how to achieve
empowerment of our people while growing the economy at the same time. We don’t
have a methodology to do that yet.”

But Kasukuwere already has the blessing of President Robert Mugabe and
Zanu-PF’s supreme decision-making body –– the politburo –– to implement the
regulations.

Mugabe told supporters who attended his 86th birthday celebrations in
Bulawayo last week that companies should follow the regulations without
being coerced.

He said: “I have to state it clearly that we are not nationalising
foreign-owned companies. What we want is to broaden the ownership structures
of these companies so as to also involve our own citizens. We do not need to
force companies to follow the regulations. They should just follow them
without coercion.”

This is not the first time the inclusive government partners have differed
on the empowerment regulations.

Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai last month attacked the regulations a few
days after they were published saying the rules had been gazetted without
consultation.

He said: “They were published without due process as detailed in the Global
Political Agreement (GPA) and the Constitution and they are therefore null
and void.”

The Indigenisation and Empowerment Bill was passed by Parliament in 2007 and
assented to by Mugabe in 2008 before the creation of the inclusive
government.

But business leaders want Kasukuwere’s powers curbed to prevent possible
abuse of office and corruption. Businesses also want the word “cede” changed
to “sell”.

They say “sell” assigns responsibility to the indigenous investor whereas
“cede” implies giving away.

At the same Wednesday meeting, Chamber of Mines chief Victor Gapare also
raised concerns over electricity outages.

Gapare said there was urgent need to address the ongoing power crisis.

“As at the end of last week, Hwange was delivering 50 MW, which basically
means that it’s not in play at the moment,” Ncube said.

Another business leader, David Govere, said the shortage of power would slow
down industrialisation of the country.

Chris Muronzi
 

ZSE trading vulnerable to manipulation— analysts

http://www.theindependent.co.zw

Thursday, 04 March 2010 18:05

WHEN dual listed cement producer PPC announced that their stock was now
fungible, the market had mixed reactions to the news. For some investors,
this was time to get rich or die trying. Fortunately for them, their PPC
share was now interchangeable with the same stock on the JSE. But analysts
raised eyebrows when the news broke. Their source of suscipicion was simple,
timing.
Analysts say the company issued a cautionary statement at a time when plans
to have the stock fungible had reached an “advanced stage”, raising
suspicions of insider trading.
Ranga Makwata, an investment analyst, observes: “The successive price
movements observed between February 15-22, when the notice was finally
publicised, bolsters that suspicion. PPC rallied by 15,7% against the
industrial index’s -4,62%. The accumulation of PPC during this period is
also evident in the volume increases from only 486 shares from a starting
price of US$2,60 on February 15 to 2 310, 7 411 and 16 860 on the three
successive days.”
On the date of the announcement, he added, volumes peaked at 21 500 while
the price at US$2,95, was more than 40% discounted compared to the JSE
equivalent price of US$4,23. The share price jumped to US$3,79 barely a week
after.
The March financial reporting season has seen the scrutiny of Zimbabwe’s
capital markets and investment regulations coming to the fore. With now just
over a year trading in United States dollars, the equities market seem to be
more lucrative for a few investors.
Currently trading with no regulations that outlaw or define insider trading,
the financial markets could have become another haven for cunning company
executives.
Analysts say the absence of stop-gap measures to detect any suspicious
transactions on the bourse, trading remains exposed to manipulation.
Zimplow, an agro implements manufacturer, which has just released its
financial results, had an interesting trading pattern on Monday.
Speculation is ripe that the 102 million Zimplow shares sold at US$0,03
could have been linked to a senior member of the board. But with no
regulations on disclosure, such a transaction will remain market gossip.
Elsewhere the regulator of exchanges would have moved swiftly to investigate
the circumstances which had given rise to sudden increases in share trading.
The United States Securities and Exchange Commission however says insider
trading could be either legal or illegal.
The legal version, according to the US commission, is when corporate
insiders, officers, directors and employees, buy and sell stock in their own
companies. When corporate insiders trade in their own securities, they must
report their trades to the commission.
“Illegal insider trading refers generally to buying or selling a security,
in breach of a fiduciary duty or other relationship of trust and confidence,
while in possession of material, non-public information about the security.
Insider trading violations may also include ‘tipping’ such information,
securities trading by the person ‘tipped,’ and securities trading by those
who misappropriate such information,” says the commission.
Locally, the window of “suspicious” trading patterns will remain open until
regulations are in place. The Securities Commission of Zimbabwe was this
week quoted saying the commission was working on various statutory
instruments that seek to plug insider trading and address matters of
disclosure.
Alban Chirume, the commission’s chief executive officer, admitted that the
Securities Act, which governs the equities market, needs some changes. And
so the party continues for some astute market punters until regulations are
gazetted?
“I think to solve this we need a computerised Central Depository System.
Automation of the stock exchange is a critical element for minimisation of
fraud and monitor compliance with the Indigenisation and Empowerment Act,”
said Chirume.
Currently, he added, such information can only be drawn from transfer
secretaries.
“There are various issues of insider trading, which are not talked about in
detail, that have to be overcome by putting the rules and regulations
through a statutory instrument, which is a subsidiary legislative instrument
of the Act (Securities Act),” Chirume said.
It remains to be seen whether the commission would closely monitor trades on
the bourse in the absence of regulations and also if the ZSE committee will
recommend the deregistration of players suspected of manipulating the
exchange.
In 2002, the committee pushed for the suspension of Continental Securities’
brokers Bruce Eeson and Edwin Gumbo for “bringing the exchange into
disrepute”.

Bernard Mpofu

ZSE one year on: Political uncertainty blights recovery

http://www.theindependent.co.zw

Thursday, 04 March 2010 18:03

WHEN the Zimbabwe Stock Exchange (ZSE) began trading last year, only one
counter -- Apex -- traded. The economy had gone through transformation
almost overnight. The Zimbabwe dollar had been demonetised and replaced by
the rand and the US dollar unit. The change also saw former investors
withdrawing from the market owing to liquidity problems and new ones coming
in. Foreigners also appeared on the market targeting blue chip counters.
There was a big spread between buyers and sellers. Buyers offered prices
that were below what sellers were asking for. And naturally no one sold.
Now, a year later, the ZSE has seen the volume of shares traded in the same
period reaching US$427 million.
Tight liquidity has not pushed the market and this is coming at a time when
alternatives such as the money market have become unattractive.
According to stock brokers, investors made money on the local bourse in 2009
as evidenced by an uplift of 52% achieved, a good return by any measure. In
2010 the local market is said to be "not so rewarding". But there is
consolation, it is not the only market doing badly.
The market was quite firm in 2009 as shown by a 52% rally in the industrial
index. The rally was buoyed by strong volume growth with daily turnover of
trades averaging just under US$1,7 million.  But this year, the equities
market has been trading rather mixed.
Economist Eric Bloch told businessdigest that the stock market had been
relatively moribund last year, primarily due to the gross money market
illiquidity precluding funding of equity investment.
"This has impacted negatively upon all usually focused upon investment in
equities, but especially upon pension funds and insurance companies who,
traditionally, are key players on the Stock Exchange," he said.
"Concurrently, the volatile state of the Zimbabwean economy, and
consequential investor reservations as to viability and prospects of listed
companies has markedly deterred investment."
He said with most of the world's bourses depressed, the 2008/9 global
financial recession and economic decline had played against both investor
confidence and ability to fund deals on the ZSE.
"Therefore, very few will have made any substantial gains on the ZSE last
year, and have to await political stability, economic recovery, and money
market liquidity before real gains can be achieved," Bloch said.
Kingdom bank analyst Chengetai Zvobgo said having become used to getting
attractive returns last year, "it is understandable why some investors are
beginning to get worried whether they are making the right decision by
sticking to the equities market, despite its depressed performance".
Analysts said during the period under review many investors, however, seemed
to have forgotten the high political and economic risks in the country.
"It would be interesting to compare the risk-adjusted returns, not absolute,
of Zimbabwe against other competing countries and see if the argument on
returns would still hold. Chances are that the country may come out last,"
an analyst said.
The analysts said optimism and improvement in the global economy has helped
to push most markets up.
Economist Brains Muchemwa told businessdigest this week that the stock
market was still being weighed down by the economic risks that are priced in
the investment decisions, whose risks are real.
"The economy-wide liquidity issues affecting the availability of working
capital, the poor consumer demand and the fragile global economy are all
real fundamental issues that are affecting company revenue models, and hence
earnings," he said.
However, Muchemwa said evaluating these same risks showed that 2010 will not
be an easy walk for the market.
He points to the fact that the country's banks do not have much to lend,
weak consumer demand, government, the biggest single employer, failing to
award civil servants salary increments.
"On the other hand, the economy-wide liquidity challenges continue to
negatively affect the ability of listed companies to actively pursue right
issues to bolster their weak balance sheets," Muchemwa said.
Trading was brought to a halt on the ZSE in November 2008 after Reserve Bank
governor Gideon Gono read the riot act to banks that were using fraudulent
cheques to buy shares and artificially inflate their prices.
Suspension was further extended after the country's Securities Commission
ordered stockbrokers to submit audited financial reports of their net worth
by the end of December 2008.
The commission warned broking firms that they would be closed if they failed
to meet the deadline. A low transaction cost that came into play on January
11 2010 when the market was already depressed was expected to improve the
market performance but heightened fears that foreign owned companies would
be forced to sell controlling stakes to blacks have slowed the market.
"Trade by foreigners in 2009 pushed the market up. However this year
foreigners have been shying away because of the global political agreement
problems and the indigenisation laws," an analyst said.

Paul Nyakazeya

Muckraker: Put your money where your mouth is, Sizzla!

http://www.theindependent.co.zw

Thursday, 04 March 2010 18:43

THE 21st February Movement gala held at the Zimbabwe International Trade
Fair Grounds in Bulawayo last Friday was a spiritually captivating affair,
the Herald reported.  Jamaican reggae artist, Sizzla Kalonji, was the star
attraction at the gig to celebrate President Mugabe's 86th birthday.
We are told that when Sizzla took to the stage people went "ballistic" and
some tried to jump on stage. Security had to move in fearing for the
musician's safety.
"Security had a hard time trying to disperse the crowd that was closing in
on the reggae artist who, seemingly unaware of the danger he was in,
discouraged the police from dispersing fans," the Herald reported.
What we find interesting is that Sizzla appeared oblivious of the fact that
he was in real danger of being harmed by his "fans". We are not surprised
there was chaos at the bash because it was mostly populated by supporters of
Zanu PF.
Webster Shamu and George Charamba were among the fans who joined in the
dancing. Let's hope George was not wearing his Mugabe shirt and little red
scarf. That could be taken down and used as evidence against him at the
inter-party talks.

Perhaps Sizzla did not see he was in danger because he was high. The Sunday
Mail told us: "The 34-year-old self-confessed mbanje (marijuana) smoker,
anti-gay lyricist and champion of the repatriation movement of black people
living in the Western hemisphere, promised love, happiness, togetherness and
righteousness to music lovers..."
Talking about his desire for black people to be repatriated to Africa,
Sizzla should lead by example by making a permanent move to Zimbabwe. But
that may prove a tad too challenging for the Jamaican performer.
He is probably not aware that millions of Zimbabweans live in the Western
world after deserting their motherland because of economic and political
problems created by President Mugabe and his Zanu PF party who he has been
flown in to publicise.
We are tempted to know how much Sizzla was paid to perform at the Trade Fair
grounds because he appeared careful not to upset his promoters.  The Sunday
Mail quoted him saying reggae artists like him needed money to survive.  He
could not bite the hand that fed him. We would also be keen to know who
underwrote "Comrade" Coltrane Chimurenga's recent visit here.

We notice the Herald will not relent in its attempts to exaggerate Benjani
Maruwari's soccer exploits. We have always regarded Benjani as a good
footballer who has kept our flag flying high in the prestigious English
Premier Soccer League, but it does not help matters to overrate him and
compare him with stars such as Brazil's Robhino.
"Benjani decided to leave the world's richest club, where his chances of
first-team football were limited, for the Black Cats of Sunderland hoping to
be a regular member of Steve Bruce's team at the Stadium of Light," the
Herald wrote on Tuesday, adding: "Brazilian forward Robinho, who at one
stage was rated as one of the best five players in the world, also left
Manchester City - during the same period and for the same reasons - and
returned home to Santos. Both men have made it clear that they believe they
have unfinished business in their international careers."

'Robinho wants to be part of the Brazil team for the 2010 World Cup in South
Africa while Benjani still dreams of a dance with the Warriors at the 2012
Nations Cup finals. They believed those dreams were fading fast because they
were apparently being frozen out at Manchester City, the ambitious club with
rich pockets, which bought an array of attacking power that includes Carlos
Tevez, Roque Santa Cruz and Emmanuel Adebayor."
As we said, Benjani is a good player. But let's not stretch patriotism too
far and mislead readers into believing he is in the same class as the Samba
boy called Robhino.
Perhaps the writer was overwhelmed by the "revolutionary spirit" that
pervaded the International Trade Fair Grounds during the February 21st
celebrations in Bulawayo last weekend. The same spirit was evident in
newsrooms of state-controlled media houses. Presenters wore the North
Korean-style scarves. Do these guys not have any sense of professionalism?
Don't they care that the country has moved on from that sort of childish
conformity?

Listening to Good Evening Zimbabwe Spot FM news bulletin at 6pm on Monday
brought some lighter moments. The newsreader had a slip of the tongue
bordering on "treason" at ZBH.  While reading the bulletin's main news
headline, the female newsreader said: "Prime Minister, Comrade Morgan
Tsva... I beg your pardon."
Then she restarted: "Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai..."
The PM had just met a top Danish diplomat and reportedly discussed the issue
of sanctions and the GPA. Could it be that the message from the PM was too
"patriotic"; that the newsreader easily mistook it as coming from some
comrades such as Webster Shamu or Rugare Gumbo?
But why there wasn't a voice recording so listeners could hear for
themselves exactly what Tsvangirai had said remains a mystery. Almost all
the news reports in that bulletin except the PM's were accompanied by voice
recordings.

We were happy to see a "clarification" from Justice Ben Hlatshwayo on his
relationship with Ariston Holdings following a story in the Independent. He
now occupies a farm, Kent Estate, on land Ariston offered for resettlement
in 2003, the Sunday Mail helpfully reported. He has a valid offer letter, we
are told, and relations with Ariston are "excellent".
Justice Hlatshwayo said he had "managed to do well in a short period". So
far he has 130 hectares of soyabeans, 40 hectares under seed maize, 40
hectares of seed sorghum, and 40 hectares equally apportioned between
commercial maize and sugar beans.
He has clearly managed to hold down a busy job as a High Court judge and as
a farmer!
But what surprised us in the Sunday Mail article was the absence of any
mention of Gwina Farm. Could the paper please tell us what happened to that
holding and why Justice Hlatshwayo felt the need to move?

We were interested to note the small war the AAG is starting up with Telecel
because their management is not Zimbabwean. This followed Aimable Mpore's
deportation. He obviously found Zimbabwean officialdom less than amiable!
Talented Zimbabweans in the job market needed to be engaged, said Charles
Nyachowe, president of the AAG's Harare province chapter in an interview
with the Sunday Mail. Some, such as Sifiso (not Siphiso) Dabengwa, who is
MTN's chief operations officer in charge of Africa and the Middle East, were
driving the telecoms business of other countries, he said.
Fair enough. But then his argument came off the rails.
"We want to see small media players participating," Nyachowe said. "The cake
is too big for advertising agencies such as Baker McCormick (Barker McCormac
Ogilvy) and Michael Hoggs (Michael Hogg). Where is Yebo Communications,
Dicomm and other black-owned and managed industries?"
Where indeed? What happened to Michael Hogg after it was "indigenised" three
years ago? How much value did Sharon Mugabe add to Imago Y&R as the agency
became?
Where is the Dicomm owner? In the US we gather. And what about Albert Nhau
at Lintas? Did Zanu PF ever pay the agency for election expenditure? Lintas
was once one of the most prosperous agencies in the country. What happened?
What we see in all these cases is indigenously owned companies demonstrating
their gratitude to their political sponsors in Zanu PF only to discover they
were not expected to charge for party ads!
Nyachowe said it was the AAG's mandate to "police the implementation" of
empowerment laws. We know what he means. How many rural bus owners have been
ruined because Zanu PF declined to pay their bills?
And the next time the Sunday Mail's business reporter writes on this topic
at the behest of AAG vultures it might be useful to know just a little about
the advertising business and spell a few of the names right of those
involved.

Much is expected from President Zuma's visit to London this week. He will
stay with the Queen at Buckingham Palace and ride in an open carriage down
the Mall. Talks with Gordon Brown will include Zimbabwe. But Zimbabweans
should not get too excited by that. The two leaders have much else to
consider including world trade and climate change. And Zuma has events back
home to worry about.
He has problems with his own restive population, not to mention the small
matter of his wives. This resulted in laughter in parliament during his
state-of-the-nation address recently. He was the only person not laughing.
It happened when he congratulated football administrator Ivan Khoza on
progress in the World Cup preparations. Khoza's daughter has been the latest
victim of presidential depredations.
In this connection we enjoyed the following letter to the editor of the
Citizen recently.
"I phoned the President's Office and thank goodness I did. If it was not for
me making that call our Zumie would have ended up with 16 wives in the very
near future.
"Very early in our discussion it became clear to me that the whole problem
is purely because our president misunderstood his wedding vows. He thought
the priest had said 'Four better, four worse, four richer and four poorer.'
"So you can all relax. He now understands that he doesn't have to have 16
wives."
In all fairness, Zuma did throw out an interesting remark on Zimbabwe last
week that warrants repetition. While he condemned sanctions, he attempted to
justify his "park and proceed" policy with the following: "Suppose somebody
in Zimbabwe is using these issues to maintain tension until elections. You
are playing into the hands of such a person," he said.
Indeed!

Last week in this column we referred to the "murder" of "commercial farmer
Jock Kay".
That should have read David Stevens. Our apologies for the error.
 

Eric Bloch: Right objective, wrong methodology

http://www.theindependent.co.zw

Thursday, 04 March 2010 18:30

IN the last two weeks this column erroneously projected negative economic
consequences of the enactment, on February 12, of the Indigenisation and
Economic Empowerment Regulations, 2010.  The error was not that the
projection of adverse impacts upon the economy was incorrect, but that it
did not fully recognise the magnitude of the impending economic disaster.

Now, after only three weeks, it is irrefutably evident that the ill effects
of the regulations upon the economy are monolithic in extent, and are set to
bring the near-total demise of an economy which had begun to recover from
decades of gross mismanagement and abuse.

With lightning speed government's grievously ill-considered policies to
achieve indigenisation and economic empowerment have:

    * Almost totally destroyed foreign investors' interest in the great
investment opportunities of Zimbabwe;

    * Frozen virtually all external lines of credit which are desperately
required to revitalise a constrained money market and, as a result, has
intensified the gargantuan inadequacy of working capital for the
manufacturing, mining, commercial, tourism and other economic sectors;

    * Plunged business confidence (a prerequisite for a virile economy) to
subterranean lows;

    * Intensified Zimbabwe's isolation and its international pariah status,
negating the significant progress of recent months towards international
harmonious relations;

    * Motivated many long-established enterprises to give serious thought to
discontinuance of operations and divestiture of assets, with the resultant
increase in unemployment and exacerbation of the poverty, misery, suffering
and malnutrition of a majority of the population.

Speaking to an audience of Bulawayo's business community, the Minister of
Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment Saviour Kasukuwere last week stated
that "The Act seeks to correct the economic imbalances that exist in the
country as we cannot ignore the reality.  We are not against the minority,
we are saying let's open the doors and let's work together for the benefit
of the indigenous people."

Few, if any, will deny the existence of economic imbalances, and that the
many millions virtually outside of the economy need to be accorded
opportunities of economic engagement.  Similarly, almost all are willing to
collaborate and assist in meaningful, substantive economic empowerment for
all those able and willing to be economically empowered.

However, even if government is "not against the minority" (and few can give
credence to that contention), the hard fact is that the legislation is
intensely discriminatory, unjust and oppressive against the minorities.  It
is impliedly racist; it is prejudicial to those who have energised the
economy for decades.

It is constrictive upon those who are not Zimbabweans, notwithstanding their
permanent residence in Zimbabwe since birth, or for extended periods, and it
is injurious to foreign investors, past, present (and remotely possible) in
the future.

Speaking at the same occasion, the deputy Indigenisation minister, Thamsanqa
Mahlangu said:  "Everyone is in support of the economic empowerment and
indigenisation, but some people have expressed concerns on the methods
 used."  In that statement, he was almost wholly correct, for those who do
not support the principle of economic empowerment and indigenisation are a
very minuscule number.

However, it is not but "some people" who have concerns on the intended
methodology.  It is an extremely great number.

It is not only the foreign investors who have substantial investment stakes
in the country, or the non-indigenous Zimbabwean business community.

Many indigenous Zimbabweans have voiced like concerns, being fearful that
the economy, in general, and their enterprises in particular, will be
devastated by the destructive consequences of the proposed indigenisation
and empowerment methodologies prescribed by the government.

And many indigenous workers are voicing like concerns, being justly
apprehensive as to the future security of their employment.

Government berates the alleged exploitation of Zimbabwe's resources for the
benefit of foreigners and the non-indigenous.

It does so with contemptuous disregard for the immense resources provided to
access, beneficiate, add value to and use the Zimbabwean resources. This
ranges from provision of capital to technology-transfer to markets access.

It ignores the considerable employment generation, the downstream economic
benefits, the direct and indirect inflows to the fiscus, and much else.

And not only is government vitriolically aggressive on the issue of resource
utilisation, but it also spuriously calls for "partnerships" between
indigenous and non-indigenous.  However, it is dogmatically insistent on
such partnerships being on the basis of a 51%: 49% ratio.  That is not
partnership, but domination and subordination!

Equally speciously, some ministers seek to justify Zimbabwe's land policies,
and now its economic empowerment policies, with contentions that no country
allows non-nationals to own land or control businesses.

Every economically developed country, whether in Europe, the Americas, and
most of Asia, and many in Africa, welcome foreign investment with minimal or
no constraints, inclusive of land ownership.

A fortnight ago, on Voice of Zimbabwe, Kasukuwere said the regulations would
be "shelved" to enable extensive consultation targeted at enabling
development of a dynamic economy.  However he backtracked afterwards and
persists with the immediate implementation of those regulations.

Undoubtedly Kasukuwere has been pressurised by the politburo, and other
political hierarchy who are imbued with ideological rigidity.  They should
all think again, and instead should focus upon methods which would yield -
with justice and equity - real economic empowerment (as will be in part
addressed in this column next week).

 

Mugabe utterances: Populism or detachment?

http://www.theindependent.co.zw

Thursday, 04 March 2010 18:26

PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe has a new message for foreign investors and local
whites: stop being ungrateful and embrace my generosity and benevolence. The
veteran leader was responding to investors' concerns that regulations
compelling foreign investors to sell 51% stake in their companies to locals
was extreme.
Mugabe said: "49% was a hell lot (sic) of equity." The tone was familiar but
the message was not.
At best he is understood to have meant that the proposed shareholding
thresholds could be lowered to really worrisome levels.
At worst, investors and whites could end up with no shares or so few in
businesses that it would not be worth staying on the shareholder register.
Mugabe's comments came a few weeks after his government gazetted empowerment
regulations compelling whites and foreign shareholders to "cede" 51% stakes
to blacks. From his latest statements, investors have more than a problem on
their hands.
Even after fulfilling the empowerment quota, it might not be enough to
satiate Mugabe's empowerment cravings.
Analysts feel this could be a policy shift from inside his party. A unity
government formed last year between former rivals -- Mugabe and MDC leader
Morgan Tsvangirai -- has not yet changed the balance of power.
For Mugabe, foreign investors and whites can take whatever is on the table.
Many feel that the latest stance might no longer be about controlling such
businesses. Already, there is talk that the regulations are "discriminatory"
and possibly racist. Wording such as "cede" needs to be revised to "sell"
among other things, according to business representatives.
Mugabe also had a few words for the Kimberley Process Certification Scheme
(KPCS): "Zimbabwe is sick of your pestering; after all we do not really need
to get some fancy certificate that our diamonds are conflict-free. We can
sell our diamonds our own way. We are trying to play their way, but we could
go outside that KP system and do it otherwise."
He was speaking on the sidelines of a tourism investment conference in
Harare last week.
Zimbabwe is a signatory to the KPCS, an organisation formed to curtail trade
in conflict diamonds.
Not playing by the rules of the diamond body attracts a single punishment, a
ban on Zimbabwe's rough diamonds.
His Mines minister Obert Mpofu is of the same view.
Worryingly, Mugabe does not care as long as his agendas are fulfilled and
some points scored politically.
At his birthday bash last Saturday in Bulawayo, the aged leader changed his
mind on the diamonds issue saying Zimbabwe was committed to playing by the
book. Unfortunately, the equity bit still stands.
This has become a habit for Mugabe of contradicting himself and leaving his
audience puzzled.
But analysts reckon Mugabe's threats and double speak are no laughing matter
and should never be discounted even when he flip flops on key policy
matters.
He has stuck his finger in the eye of organisations of similar or even
greater importance.
Mugabe opted out of the Commonwealth, a grouping of former British colonies
when they humiliated him over issues of governance.
In an interview with an American news agency a few years back, Mugabe said
Zimbabweans could eat potatoes if there was no maize or wheat.
Critics equated the maladroit
remark as falling in the same
category -- and the same detachment from reality -- as snooty French queen
Marie-Antoinette's "let them eat cake" riposte to news that her subjects had
no bread.
While the French queen might be resting in peace, her equal is still causing
shock and awe with his comments.
Reports that the two major political parties are considering fresh elections
as early as April 2011 do not help the situation and are possibly driving
Mugabe's rantings.
If that is the case, the 86-year old leader could go all out with populist
policies to curry favour with voters.
Mugabe's party is selling the same line -- empowerment -- voters did not buy
two years ago. When that fails, analysts say something even more dangerous
to the economy like the re-introduction of the Zimbabwe dollar, will be
deployed.
Again, the argument will be the same: the people need money and do not have
access to it.
Analysts believe Zanu PF is now devoid of fresh campaign tactics to win the
hearts and minds of the electorate and could be trying to get votes come
election time by pursuing an even more dangerous policy.
Only last year, Mugabe told villagers that he would bring back the
Zimbabwean dollar arguing the rural folk had no access to foreign currency.
Reserve Bank chief Gideon Gono had also gone on a charm offensive explaining
the benefits of introducing the gold standard as a monetary system.
Economists worry the introduction of the Zimbabwe dollar would reverse
economic stability achieved so far.
Almost a decade ago, his government embarked on a land reform exercise that
has failed dismally by any measure.
Even Mugabe's top lieutenants are leasing out farms to the same people they
seized them from during the chaotic redistribution programme.
Mugabe conceded in his birthday interview with ZTV that he is aware of party
members engaged in the practice.
In recent years, Mugabe has tried other stunts such as price controls and
failed.
If anything, such policies proved to be a total disaster.
The same "people" he meant to protect from alleged exorbitant prices at the
height of an economic crisis characterised by skyrocketing inflation, turned
against him after goods disappeared from the shelves.
Instead of taking stock of other failed policies, analysts say Mugabe is
bent on bringing down the economy.
Economist Daniel Ndlela says the planned wealth redistribution will buoy
Mugabe's culture of patronage.
Business representatives feel that government should be focusing on ensuring
that the economy grows and  there is enough food on the plate for everyone
before embarking on a wealth redistribution programme and any such policy
that might harm the economy.
Soon it will be electioneering time. And assuming for some strange reason
that Zimbabwe's oldest political party wins a poll on the back of economic
empowerment, what will be next as an electoral draw card?

Chris Muronzi
 

Zanu PF must lift sanctions on the people

http://www.theindependent.co.zw

Thursday, 04 March 2010 18:20

THE issue of sanctions has been the bane of the MDC-T: the scapegoat of Zanu
PF and an excuse for the otherwise 'sleeping' MDC-M to utter something of
sorts. With the British government's announcement that the removal of
sanctions depends largely on the MDC-T and the decision by the European
Union to extend the said measures by a year and add more people to the list,
the subject has regained first page status.
Zanu PF has come out with guns blazing, claiming that the UK announcement
was a vindication of its continued re-iteration that MDC -T is the pampered
doll of the Western world.
MDC-T has replied to the effect that the utterance by the British government
is a simple re-affirmation of the necessity for democratic reforms before
Zimbabwe can re-establish relations with the international community.
However, what is generally known in mainstream Zimbabwean politics and the
media as "sanctions" are different types of restrictions or injunctions -
different in aspect and cause.
A closer analysis of the issue will reveal that economic sanctions- denying
the country the privilege of borrowing from international financial
institutions are hindering the total revival and development of the
Zimbabwean economy.
There are also political sanctions that have made certain politicians, their
families and our embassies overseas persona non grata.
If the truth is to be told, the restrictions placed on the political elite,
some state-owned companies and in some instances the country, are an
international reflection of the restrictions placed on ordinary Zimbabweans
locally.
While the political elite was bemoaning their inability to access frozen
funds in foreign banks, the ordinary Zimbabweans were mourning their
inability to access their money from local banks.
Again, while those in power were crying foul because their wives could not
go shopping around the fashion capitals of the world, the average Zimbabwean
had resigned himself/herself to the fact that shopping was a rarity.
Parents and guardians across the Zimbabwean divide could no longer send
their children to school as no learning was taking place.
Conversely, the international community also barred the children of the
political elite from learning in their schools and universities.
The point here is that whatever restrictions the former ruling party imposed
on the ordinary Zimbabwean, denying citizens their basic human, economic and
social rights- were rightly replicated on them by the international
community.
The roughshod manner in which Zanu PF has been governing the country for the
past decade or so has seen the state enacting laws that are an insult to
human dignity and are in direct contravention of international laws such as
the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), the African Charter on the
Rights of the African Child, and the International Covenant on Economic,
Social and Cultural rights.
The colonial anachronism that is the Law and order (Maintenance) Act,
re-packaged as the Public order and Security Act, is used to restrict the
freedoms of association and movement. Countless activists and opposition
politicians were incarcerated using this law.
Also, the draconian Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act was
enacted to stifle dissenting views, disseminate propaganda and monopolise
the airwaves while denying Zimbabweans the freedom of expression.
An unemployment rate of 85% made a joke of the right to livelihood while
shops full of empty shelves mocked the citizens' right to food.
In addition, while ministers and the head of state relaxed in their mansions
paid for by the taxpayer, "Operation Murambatsvina" put paid to any hope of
the right to shelter for at least 2, 4 million people.
On the economic front, the lack of fiscal discipline, bad monetary policies,
corruption and inept management of public funds by the Zanu PF government
virtually killed Zimbabwe's economy; relegating the nation from being the
breadbasket of the region to being the epitome of hunger that it was and
also leading to the closure of banks, industries and companies.
After leading the country into the Democratic Republic of Congo war that
sucked $3 million daily from national coffers thus depriving thousands of
their sons, brothers and fathers, the Zanu PF government went on to
distribute gratuities to war veterans using non-existent funds.
To add insult to injury, the government took the noble idea of land
resettlement, bastardised it and poorly executed it as the disastrous "fast
track" re-distribution programme, forgetting the citizen's right to
property.
The result was a nation that could hardly feed itself and resettled peasants
with hardly a hoe to farm the land with.
As if not to be outdone by the Agriculture minister, Reserve Bank Governor
Gideon Gono started playing games with our money - removing zeros as he
liked and printing new notes when he wished, thereby allowing inflation to
skyrocket faster than a New Year's day cracker.
Some ministers helped themselves to parastatals while others chose to use
their positions to their advantage in awarding tenders. Little or no legal
recourse was made to prosecute the erring politicians.
It was as if the law was made for petty plebeians and not for the petit
bourgeoisie regardless of the stipulation in the UDHR Article 7 & 9 to the
effect that all are equal before the law.
These developments make it even more presumptuous and hollow for Zanu PF to
call for the removal of "illegal sanctions". It is the classic case of the
pot demanding that the fire stops burning it when the pot is still boiling
the water. The pot being Zanu PF while the water is the people. It is a
superfluous attempt by the ruling elites to involve ordinary Zimbabweans in
their personal problems.
Most Zimbabweans actually await the lifting of sanctions against them by the
ruling elite; sanctions that have resulted in most people opting for menial
and degrading jobs in foreign lands as their country failed to provide for
them.
Still others spend time as vagabonds in neighbouring countries where they
are constant victims of "Zimbophobia" because they are running away from
persecution by the state and the internal persecution of civic society
activists.
All these are sanctions against Zimbabweans which the ruling elite should
first deal with before agitating for the removal of restrictive measures
against them by Europe and the US.

Nhlanhla Mpofu is an academic specialising in development and public policy
in Bulawayo. He can be contacted at nhlanhlayabo@yahoo.co.uk This e-mail
address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to
view it .
 

Romance could shape Tsvangirai’s political destiny

http://www.theindependent.co.zw

Thursday, 04 March 2010 18:15

THE role of first ladies or wives of prominent politicians in determining
the destinies of political leaders cannot be underestimated in political
discourse and processes. From Marie Antoinette, Imelda Marcos, Eleanor
Roosevelt, Winnie Madikizela-Mandela to Sally and Grace Mugabe, these
prominent women played significant roles in shaping political processes in
their own countries including bringing good fortune and misfortunes to the
political careers of their loved ones.

It is now close to a year since the unfortunate and untimely death (on March
6) of Susan, wife of Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai. May her soul rest in
peace. I want to take this opportunity to interrogate the possible romantic
political meanings to the political life of the MDC leader, Tsvangirai.

History has shown that the wives of political players are sources of
stability or instability to the political life of their husbands.

They can be sources of wise counsel to their spouses and can help prolong
their incumbency. In the case of Tsvangirai, this is so critical because the
recovery of Tsvangirai from that sad episode in his life can possibly
determine his political life. It is also possible that his moving on to a
new romance can also be the source of his downfall or political Waterloo, if
not handled properly.

Tsvangirai has so far survived many misfortunes which include an attempt on
his life when unknown thugs attacked him but failed to throw him out of  the
window of an upper storey building in Harare while he was serving as the
secretary-general of the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions in 1997.

He was also acquitted by the High Court in 2004 of a treason charge for
allegedly attempting to overthrow President Robert Mugabe’s government.

On March 11 2007 during the Save Zimbabwe Prayer Campaign, the premier
together with other political and civil society leaders was brutally beaten
while in police custody at Machipisa Police Station.

While he survived the political violence from his opponents and a plethora
of electoral mishaps, can he survive the risks of venturing into romantic
relationships following the unfortunate death of Amai Tsvangirai?

From my experience and understanding the late Susan was a mature and modest
woman, scandal free and very compassionate. Without doubt, Susan was a
source of political stability to Tsvangirai. She was a woman with stature
and capacity to handle the political dynamics of the party.

Susan also created political balance and stability for her husband in his
party in that there were no reported problems within the MDC linked to her.

I never came across information in the public realm that suggested that
Susan was linked to any power factions in the MDC. During the bitter war
with the other MDC formation led by Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara
back in 2005, Susan was never implicated for playing any negative role
during the split of the party. This suggests that the majority in the MDC
power hierarchy was comfortable with her.

She was therefore a source of unity for the MDC and assisted to shape
Tsvangirai into the national leader he has become today. Unfortunately she
is not around to enjoy the fruits of that critical political role she
played.

When Susan passed on I was studying in the US and a colleague of mine in
civil society, Gladys Hlatywayo called me from Geneva where she was
attending a seminar virtually crying over the loss.

The next call was from my friend Phillip Pasirayi after Susan’s burial in
Buhera. He said musicians, poets, politicians from across the political
divide, diplomats, representatives of African governments were there to pay
their last respects to Susan. That indicated that she was a person who could
unite and bring people together during her life.

I sent my condolences to the Tsvangirai family. To me Susan was a motherly
person and had the capacity to bring people together and provide wise
counsel as well.

My encounter with her was after the March 2002 presidential election. I was
working at the Daily News as chief reporter and wrote a story in which I
exposed that results of the elections were rigged in favour of Mugabe.
However Registrar-General Tobaiwa Mudede called a media conference to rebut
the story.

During the media conference, Mudede threatened to beat me up and called his
security guards to throw me out. All this was filmed by the ZBC and it later
appeared on the main news at eight.

A week later I went to a press briefing at Tsvangirai’s residence and Susan
called me aside and pleaded with me to be very careful in my work as it
posed a danger to my life. She talked to me like a mother. I took heed of
her concerns.

My argument is that if Tsvangirai fails to handle his romantic life as he
seeks a new wife he could be in the same situation Mugabe got into when the
late Amai Sally Mugabe passed away in 1992 (may her soul  rest in peace).
There is a general belief among Zimbabweans that the late Sally was a
compassionate scandal-free lady, and she assisted Mugabe compared to the
current First Lady Grace.

The late Sally was a mature and compassion ate woman. She was not involved
in building mansions in a country engulfed with poverty and misery unlike
Grace. She was not involved in extravagant shopping at international shops
unlike successor Grace who is well known worldwide for her shopping sprees,
and attacked a British journalist in Hong Kong in 2009 while shopping and
visiting her daughter Bona.

In short, Sally brought political capital to Mugabe. She was a source of
good fortune to the First Family. There is a general belief among
Zimbabweans that the death of Sally marked the beginning of Mugabe’s
political misfortunes as  evidenced by the massive civil servants strike in
August 1996.

The strike came after Mugabe’s lavish wedding to Grace in Kutama the same
year. The public servants’ protest against poor conditions of service was
precipitated by the sumptuous spending associated with the wedding.

There are other cases worldwide where First Ladies were a source of
political misfortune for their husbands that Tsvangirai should learn from.
People would remember that former South African President Nelson Mandela
divorced Winnie Madikezela-Mandela when he realised that she was a source of
political instability because of her scandals that had the potential to
destroy Mandela’s political brand.

During the French Revolution that began in 1789, history students appreciate
the political disaster in Marie Antoinette, the wife of French King Louis
XVI when she said protestors should be given cakes when there were shortages
of bread. Imelda Marcos, the wife of the late Philippines President
Ferdinand Marcos was known for her corrupt activities and her unquenchable
thirst for expensive fashion.

The late Zairean leader, Mobutu Sese Seko’s wife, Marie-Antoinette was well
known for her shopping in Europe whilst the country was engulfed in poverty
and civil strife.

The late US First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt was a humanitarian, a pioneer of
modern day human rights and played a leading role in the formation of the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948.

One does not need to be a romance sangoma to realise that at some point
Tsvangirai would need a partner. He must realise that he needs a woman not
just for himself but also for the whole nation who will neither destabilise
him nor the party.

There are without doubt romantic doves hovering over him seeking
partnership. People could be busy bringing possible candidates to him. There
is nothing wrong with that as long as those people are not indirectly
plotting his ultimate demise. Tsvangirai should be wary.

Great author William Shakespeare in his plays always contemplated the strong
conflict between reason and emotion and the disorder that arises when reason
is obliterated. The MDC leader needs to create a balance as he searches for
a life after Susan in order to avoid political downfall through romance.

Pedzisai Ruhanya is a political analyst.
 

Candid Comment: Indigenisation threatens economic recovery

http://www.theindependent.co.zw

Thursday, 04 March 2010 19:04

FOLLOWING the signing of the global political agreement between Zanu PF and
the two MDC formations in 2008 which led to the creation of the inclusive
government last year, economic stability had relatively returned to
Zimbabwe. The country had begun to emerge from a decade of economic ruin
mainly engineered by President Robert Mugabe and his repressive Zanu PF
regime. Mugabe's policy and leadership failures were the root cause of the
economic meltdown which peaked to appalling levels in 2007/2008. There was
hyperinflation, shortages of goods and services, a breakdown of
infrastructure and social services, mass unemployment, poverty and disease
(read cholera!).
Exogenous factors - such as global economic vicissitudes, limited Western
sanctions and erratic weather patterns - worsened the situation.
However, the advent of the inclusive government was beginning to reverse the
untold damage inflicted upon the economy by Mugabe's corrupt and incompetent
regime.
The dollarisation of the economy restored macro-economic stability and many
companies were starting to show signs of recovery. Capacity utilisation had
on average increased from 10% to around 35% by December last year. The
Zimbabwe Stock Exchange (ZSE) had grown by over 118% to over US$4,5 billion.
The growth was driven by foreign investors who saw a huge potential in the
local bourse. A large percentage of money in circulation right now came from
portfolio investments and the country was benefiting immensely.
Investment conferences were held signalling the restoration of peace and
stability as well as investor-confidence and new capital inflows. Capital
flight had crippled the economy badly.
Recovery was beckoning.
Closed companies were also reopening and recovering. Not only companies had
reopened, but also schools, hospitals, clinics and other utilities. Goods
had returned to supermarket shelves and people had stopped scrounging like
vagabonds for food.
Those who had fled political repression and economic collapse in their own
country to foreign lands, mainly South Africa, Britain, the US, Australia,
Canada and New Zealand, were considering returning home.
But this could soon all change for the worse. With the promulgation of
indigenisation regulations whose impact could be as detrimental to the
economy as the disastrous land reform programme, the situation is once again
uncertain and the casualty of this reckless electioneering and elitist greed
would be the economy and the people.
After the indigenisation laws, signs of disaster are already looming. The
ZSE has ground to a halt and the collapse of the bourse could be imminent.
Investors have put projects worth billions of dollars on hold. South Africa's
Shoprite, for instance, has stopped negotiating with OK. Some are taking out
their money and millions have gone out. Cash shortages could soon be back.
What Zimbabwe needs now is more investment and capital, not foreign company
seizures through the backdoor. As things currently stand, Zimbabwe has by
far more indigenous companies than most countries in Africa. The footprints
of local entrepreneurs on business are all over the place. Locals are into
mining, financial services and banking, hotels, catering and tourism,
manufacturing, and productive commercial agriculture. We need to build on
this and avoid destroying what is already on the ground through official
policy folly.
One would have thought Mugabe and his party had learnt something from the
chaotic land redistribution exercise. Just as the country was starting to
recover, the world is again watching with dismay and horror another act of
self-destruction clearly fuelled by official stupidity.
Zanu PF officials are hiding under the convenient cover of legitimate
historical grievances to pillage the economy and enrich themselves at the
expense of the nation and its people.
Zimbabweans in general wanted land reform and want indigenisation but they
don't want officials to use that as a pretext to cling to power and for
primitive accumulation of wealth.
The land grabs provide the clearest evidence of what is going on here. Zanu
PF officials and their hangers-on overthrew the white landed aristocracy
under the guise of empowering the poor black majority but after that they
amassed farms and creamed off the best ones for themselves. The same will
apply with indigenisation.
Part of the problem is the national political leadership's lack of vision
and incomprehensible ignorance.
Whenever questioned on the economic programme of the state since 1980, Zanu
PF officials have always been incapable of a coherent reply because,
precisely, they are completely ignorant of the economy of their own country.
As Frantz Fanon would say: "This economy has always developed outside the
limits of their knowledge.
"They have nothing more than an approximate, bookish acquaintance with the
actual and potential resources of their country's soil and mineral deposits;
and therefore they can only speak of these resources on a general and
abstract plane."
What is needed is a strategic and structured indigenisation policy which
thrusts locals into the mainstream economy, while ensuring economic growth,
employment and prosperity. The last thing we need are seizures of foreign
companies, some of which are now shells anyway, by whatever method and name!

Dumisani Muleya

Comment: It’s not OK Mr Zuma

http://www.theindependent.co.zw

Thursday, 04 March 2010 19:01

FOLLOWING the promulgation of the regulations around the Indigenisation Act,
there can be no illusions about how the international community will
respond. This is another own goal of far-reaching significance.

President Mugabe and his followers appear to think they can pass this off as
an attempt to promote an equitable business environment. In fact it will be
seen as yet another self-serving move that empowers the already powerful and
damages the economy as a whole.

It is clientelism at its worst. Just like the so-called land reform
programme, we shall see nationalisation of private assets by a greedy
clique.

Investors will want no part in this free-for-all. They will not want to be
told that they must give up 51% of their ownership of a company they have
worked hard to build over the years and be presented with a list of suitable
“partners” who all turn out to be members of the same party.

Prospective “partners” have reportedly already been descending on companies
in Harare to check out new possibilities for plunder. Sadc’s reaction will
be instructive.

Sadc’s intervention was designed to rescue Zimbabwe from political havoc
that would damage not only this country but prove contagious to the region.
Sadc leaders gathered in Dar es Salaam were appalled by the pictures they
saw of Morgan Tsvangirai after his “bashing”, as President Mugabe suitably
called it, threatening more.

Zimbabwe was marching in the opposite direction from a region that was
enjoying investment, stability and growth.

Despite appearing to buy Zanu PF’s phoney nationalist rhetoric, there was a
clear understanding by regional leaders that Zimbabwe was scaring off
investors and creating a zone of instability in their midst. The
presidential run-off poll, they unanimously agreed in 2008, was anything but
free and fair.

That is why after the poll they persuaded Mugabe to enter into a political
pact with Tsvangirai. That arrangement, the GNU, is now in trouble because
Zanu PF leaders have undermined the whole basis of the exercise. By leaving
hardliners in place and refusing to accept the need for root-and-branch
reforms, Zimbabwe is doing exactly what its friends feared.

But of all the clumsy attempts to block change, the promulgation of the
regulations surrounding the Indigenisation and Empowerment Act are the most
egregious. The former ruling party has by this move signalled its contempt
for the GPA and for Tsvangirai as prime minister.

Both the GPA and Constitutional Amendment 19 define the powers of the prime
minister. Not only have Mugabe’s supporters driven a coach and horses
through these provisions and ridden roughshod over cabinet due-process, they
have done precisely what Sadc sought to avoid –– threatened economic havoc
and damaged the region’s reputation.

In the circumstances, getting Tsvangirai to lift sanctions is like sending
him on a mission impossible. None of the countries imposing sanctions will
be able to justify to their constituents a removal of measures when there
has been no progress in the GNU talks.

How else do we explain the ongoing land seizures; the torture of political
prisoners; the arrest of journalists, one bearing a letter of introduction
from Minister Walter Mzembi, the other doing his job as a cameraman; and the
continuing abuse of the prime minister in the official press?

US Congressional delegation leader Douglas Meeks described Mugabe as “a
great man” after their meeting at State House last month. It is understood
that compliments in diplomacy work better than brickbats. But he must be
assuming that readers of the New York Times, which publishes in his
constituency, are ignoring its stories on Zimbabwe.

They are not. All the disgraceful details are there. Meeks and his fellow
legislators will have difficulty securing a change of policy in the current
situation.

Barack Obama wasn’t fooled into believing there has been progress.
Tsvangirai’s call for a relaxation of sanctions after Zanu PF unleashed
youths into the city centre to threaten him will not have done much to sway
opinion in the US and Europe!

Tsvangirai, the bravest of the brave in 2007, is increasingly looking like a
jelly that bears the impression of the last person to have sat on it.

President Zuma in London this week will ask Gordon Brown to lift sanctions.
But Brown is likely to ask what the GNU has achieved to warrant such a move?

Does this include the hardliners at Zanu PF headquarters who mobilised the
youths who threatened Tsvangirai last week? Media houses are still unable to
launch new titles. The state media  continues to be abused by 2008’s losers
to justify Mugabe’s damaging policies.

Meanwhile, Saviour Kasukuwere is threatening more damage. He evidently doesn’t
think he has done enough already. Like the AAG, he wants to reap where he
did not sow elsewhere in the economy. And Jacob Zuma thinks all these things
should be ignored; that the GNU negotiators should “park and proceed”.

How can he expect the MDC-T to park the glaring violations of Amendment 19
and the GPA where the PM’s powers are unambiguously defined but now widely
ignored by the old gang of ministers, permanent secretaries, and generals?

If Zuma wants Zimbabweans to disregard the type of leadership that thinks it’s
OK to plunder productive farms and businesses, he might find the same
disease spreading, like cholera, across the border.
 

Editor's Memo: Sanctions an indictment of unity government

http://www.theindependent.co.zw

Thursday, 04 March 2010 18:47

THE US president, Barack Obama, this week extended sanctions on Zimbabwe for
another year saying the political crisis in the country remained unresolved
because certain members of the government
were undermining democratic processes and institutions. Obama's executive
order came barely a fortnight after the European Union also extended
sanctions despite growing calls for the lifting of the embargoes internally
and by Sadc and the African Union.

The US sanctions came as South African President Jacob Zuma, the facilitator
of talks between Zimbabwe's political parties in the inclusive government,
is in London lobbying No 10 Downing Street to lift sanctions arguing that
travel bans and asset freezes imposed by the EU and the US on Mugabe and
members of his inner circle served only to divide the already fragile
power-sharing government.

"Our view is that the unity government should be supported so that it can
get out of the difficulties that face Zimbabwe," Zuma told journalists in
London on Wednesday. "We plead with the countries that have applied
sanctions to lift (them). That would give Zimbabwe the opportunity to move
forward."

Zuma's argument is that Zimbabwe cannot resolve its economic crisis when its
unity government is subject to two "different sets of rules".

"It's going to be difficult (for the government) to get on with other
matters if there are sanctions, because sanctions are one-sided," he said.
"We have a government that's not treated equally by sanctions. Those who
cannot travel freely feel that they are constrained."

Indeed the sanctions - whether targeted or full blown - have harmed and
slowed Zimbabwe's re-emergence from the economic vegetative state it has
been in for the past decade.

The continued imposition of the sanctions is a serious indictment on how our
government conducts its business and how it treats its citizens. The parties
in the inclusive government - Zanu and the two MDC formations - are failing
to fully consummate the global political agreement (GPA) they inked in
September 2008 whose provisions, if implemented, could have addressed the
concerns of the international community.

It is common cause that despite an unambiguous outline in the GPA on reforms
to be undertaken, the inclusive government has done little regarding
institutional reforms, democratising the media space, upholding the rule of
law and national healing.

Ostensibly President Robert Mugabe and Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai are
to blame for the continued imposition of embargoes on our country. After
all, their failure to remove the obstacles to democratic governance
contributed to the renewal of the sanctions.

But there can be no doubt as to the real culprits in this saga. Zanu PF,
through their usual bravado and brute force against the people and failure
to respect human rights have brought this problem on themselves. They had
every opportunity to observe the GPA template and instead treated it and
their MDC partners with contempt.

Now that there is an admission across the political divide that sanctions
are harming progress to economic and social development, the challenge for
Mugabe, Tsvangirai and Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara is to come up
with a common position on how to deal with resolving the sanctions issue.

The inclusive government should come up with a strategy on how to extricate
the country from the sanctions noose and adhere to what they agreed on in
the GPA.

In article IV of the GPA, the political parties agreed to endorse the Sadc
resolution that all forms of measures and sanctions against the country be
lifted to facilitate a sustainable solution to the challenges facing the
nation and they committed themselves to working together in re-engaging the
international community with a view to bringing an end to international
isolation.

It is clear from the GPA that the partners in the unity government agreed
that there were sanctions and committed to work in unison for their removal.
One wonders why the parties have not been speaking with one voice on the
subject.

Zanu PF and Mutambara's MDC's positions on the matter have been clear - the
embargoes must go. Tsvangirai and his party seem not to have a clear-cut
stance on the matter.

Speaking on the sidelines of the World Economic Forum in Davos recently, the
premier called for a calibrated removal of sanctions and on Monday he
reportedly said they must be unconditionally lifted, although his spokesmen
now say he was misquoted. Addressing the MDC MPs' caucus on Wednesday,
Tsvangirai reportedly told the legislators that he had not called for the
wholesale removal of sanctions, but failed to state the party's position.
Tsvangirai's flip-flopping on this important matter is worrying.

Last year Tsvangirai's office said it had been mandated by cabinet to work
on a position paper on the sanctions, but that initiative seems to have been
stillborn given utterances made by various government ministers and
officials on the matter. The utterances exhibit a government in confusion
and this should end.

The inclusive government needs to speak with one voice and act in unison. At
the same time, the government should ensure real reforms to attain full
democracy are undertaken.

The re-emergence of political violence, the reported reestablishment of
torture bases throughout the country by Zanu PF and human rights violations
should not be tolerated because it is these evil machinations that led to
the imposition of sanctions in the first place.

Constantine Chimakure