Belgium has defended its decision to allow Zimbabwe's "banned" trade minister
to attend a European Union summit in
Brussels.
Samuel Mumbengegwi, the Harare minister for trade and industry, arrived on
Thursday to attend Friday's Europe-African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP)
council of
ministers.
His presence follows February's row between Europe's ministers over the
renewal of EU sanctions targeting Robert Mugabe's
regime.
Both the European Commission and the Belgian government say the gathering is
exempted because the travel bans on Zimbabwean ministers apply only to EU
events while the ACP is covered by other international
treaties.
Belgium's foreign affairs ministry said that its decision to grant the banned
minister a visa to attend the conference was a diplomatic requirement and
"absolutely not
political".
"We find ourselves under an obligation in international law to allow [the
ACP] to invite representatives of their member states," he said. "It is
absolutely not a political
case."
Justifying Mumbengegwi's entry for the conference, the spokesman hinted that
the minister may have been barred if the choice was
Belgium's alone.
"It is not a Belgian issue," he
said.
"It is like when the UN are allowed to invite someone to address the general
assembly, some of these people are not considered a friend of the US but
there is an agreement and the situation is similar
here."
The European Commission also stressed that it hands are tied by a sanctions
agreement signed by EU ministers in
February.
"The sanctions and legal obligations have been agreed by Council, they might
not be perfect but as long as member states continue to support the agreement
it remains," a spokesman
said.
British MEP Geoffrey Van Orden disputed the claims. "The ACP is just an EU
creation, a conduit for the EU's own aid programmes. So we have the ludicrous
situation of an individual banned by the EU, coming to the EU's 'capital',
with the host country claiming it has no power to stop this," he
said.
"The simple fact is that if EU Governments wanted to prevent Mugabe's
henchmen from attending meetings in the EU, they
would."
Pope
slams Zim land reform 15/05/2003 19:52 -
(SA)
Vatican City - Pope John Paul II on Thursday sharply criticised
Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe's controversial land reform programme as an
"error" which could only create tension and discord.
"It is an error
to think that any real benefit or success will come simply by expropriating
large landholdings, dividing them into smaller production units and
distributing them to others," the pope said.
Agrarian reform may be
necessary in many countries, the pope said, "but it is also a complex and
delicate process".
"Justice must be made available to all if the injuries
of the past are to be left behind and a brighter future built."
The
pontiff was addressing diplomats to the Holy See as he received
the credentials of 12 new ambassadors, including Harare's envoy
Kelebert Nkomani.
Since introducing the reforms three years ago,
Mugabe's government has so far seized 11 million hectares of farmland from
whites and redistributed it to 320 000 black families.
The land
reforms have partly been blamed for Zimbabwe's grave
food shortages.
The president has ordered a review of the scheme after
his government admitted in March that the exercise has some
"irregularities".
Rich-poor divide
The 82-year-old pontiff said
due weight must be given "to the various claims of land ownership, the right
to land use and the common good".
He said that when values of democracy,
good government, human rights, dialogue and peace were neglected or violated,
"social and political violence will eventually increase, the gap between rich
and poor will grow ever wider..."
He told Nkomani that if land
redistribution in a given country was to offer a sustainable response to
economic problems, it "must continue to develop over time and must ensure
that the necessary infrastructures are in place".
"Feelings of
disenfranchisement or of being unjustly treated only serve to foment tension
and discord."
The leader of the Catholic Church added that any agrarian
reform "should be in full accord with national policies and those of
international bodies".
The pope pledged the "full support" of the
Catholic Church for efforts "to construct a culture of dialogue rather than
confrontation, of reconciliation rather than conflict".
Nkomani is
also ambassador to Belgium, the Netherlands, Luxembourg and the European
Union. - Sapa-AFP
The Land Review Committee will verify
a recent audit of the land reform
programme
JOHANNESBURG, - Zimbabwe's
President Robert Mugabe has established a Land Review Committee (LRC) to
verify information contained in a land reform audit submitted to cabinet
recently, a government spokesman told IRIN
on Thursday.
The audit, conducted by
the minister of state for land reform, Flora Buka, was intended to establish
who owned Zimbabwe's farms at the completion of the government's fast-track
land reform programme. The controversial programme was initiated to
redistribute land, mainly from white commercial farmers to "indigenous"
Zimbabweans.
Media reports have claimed
that it contains details of improprieties in the distribution of the land and
that there were anomalies in its compilation. The audit was endorsed by
cabinet last week but has not been released to the
public.
Government press secretary Steyn
Berejena said: "It [The LRC] is a natural progression from the audit in a
programme as large as the recently completed land reform programme, and will
complement and verify the information contained in the
audit."
It would also address allegations
that the land reform policy of "one man one farm" was breached by senior
government ministers or other well-connected members of the ruling
party.
"That will not be the focus of the
LRC but they will look at it,"
he added.
The newly established LRC
will have two months to gather information which, besides verifying
ownership, will include the number of farm workers still present on land, the
amount and condition of farm equipment, and the needs of resettled
farmers.
"The bottom line is to assist
farmers' potential to produce and achieve agricultural production," Berejena
said.
The eight-person committee will be
chaired by the former chief secretary to the president and cabinet, Charles
Utete, and will work under Buka and the minister of special affairs in the
Office of the President, John Nkomo. Eight provincial task teams will assist
the
committee.
Harare -
Lawyers in Zimbabwe Thursday challenged regulations that allow President
Robert Mugabe's government to tap into telephone conversations and e-mail
communications.
The Law Society of Zimbabwe says that in addition to
violating constitutional rights to freedom of expression, the country's
Postal and Telecommunications Act could also undermine the "fundamental"
right of client-attorney privilege.
Adrian de Bourbon, who is
representing the society, told a full bench of the Supreme Court that "the
administration of justice could be severely affected" if the law did not
recognise legal professional privilege.
The Law Society wants sections of
the act to be set aside and redrafted by parliament.
De Bourbon said
in other countries a court order is needed to tap phones.
"Why is it
necessary for the legislature to impose that absolute power in the
president?" he asked.
Under the act, a "severe criminal sanction" is
imposed on service providers that alert clients to the fact that their mobile
phones, e-mail or telephones are being monitored, de Bourbon said.
But
state lawyer Yvonne Dondo told the court that the president would
only intercept communications if it was in the interest of national
security.
Chief Justice Godfrey Chidyausiku said the court would need
time to consider the submissions. Judgment was
reserved.
HARARE, Zimbabwe
(AP) The Zimbabwe currency went into free fall Thursday when a shortage
of hard currency forced desperate state-owned power and gasoline companies to
turn to the black market for U.S. dollars, dealers said.
The state
companies searching for money to buy power and gas abroad were
paying up to 2,000 Zimbabwe dollars for $1, and with the new demand the black
market rate fell even further to as low as 2,500 to the U.S. dollar, bank
executives said.
"It's going crazy. The demand for hard currency is
driving massive falls in the value of our money," said one trader
whose company policy does not permit him to be identified.
The
currency crisis is just the latest in a long list of Zimbabwe's economic
woes. Industrial production is estimated to be 60 percent below capacity.
Inflation has soared to a record 228 percent this year, and unemployment is
nearly 70 percent.
In the past three years, foreign aid, investment and
loans to Zimbabwe have dried up in protest of political
violence, state-orchestrated human rights abuses, the seizure of thousands
of white-owned farms and the conduct of disputed presidential elections
last year.
Foreign funding accounted for nearly half the country's
hard currency inflows. The rest came from tobacco harvests, tourism
and mining, all now sharply depleted.
In February, the government
devalued the currency, lowering the Zimbabwe dollar's value from 55 to 824
per $1, and the black market responded with a rate of about 1,400 Zimbabwe
dollars to the American dollar.
Despite the devaluation, Zimbabwe
still suffered a massive shortage of hard currency, making it difficult to
get money to buy imports.
The National Oil Company of Zimbabwe, the
state oil monopoly, announced last week it had run out of hard currency to
import fuel and was preparing to buy U.S. dollars "at any rate."
The
state power utility said it was negotiating for hard currency to help pay its
bills for electricity imports from the Congo and neighboring Mozambique,
Zambia and South Africa. Many foreign suppliers, angry at not getting paid,
have reduced the flow of electricity, leading to power outages across
Zimbabwe.
Those outages coupled with the worsening fuel shortages
have crippled industry and public transportation here.
Lines of
vehicles coiled around empty gas stations Thursday. With no fuel available,
traffic in Harare was light, almost resembling weekend traffic flow. Many
commuters walked several miles to work or simply didn't go at all.
The
state Herald newspaper reported Thursday some fuel imports through a key
pipeline from the Mozambican port of Beira resumed after being halted for
about a week, and that some outstanding arrears had been paid to South
Africa's main power company, Eskom. It quoted Energy Minister Amos Midzi
saying the government was pursuing "long-term solutions."
Zimbabwe
imports nearly half its power requirements, and its domestic electricity
industry has been hobbled by breakdowns and shortages of spare parts,
equipment and fuel at its coal-fired and hydroelectric power
stations.
The largest coal mine at Hwange in western Zimbabwe
was virtually shut down last month due to a machinery breakdown,
the owners said. It was being repaired, they said.
Breakdowns and
spare parts shortages at the state rail company have worsened coal shortages
at cement, sugar and tobacco processing facilities.
The National
Railways of Zimbabwe asked the government last year for $27 million to
upgrade its signaling equipment and for other repair work, but it has not yet
been provided, railroad officials have said.
EMERGENCY talks to end the strike
by schoolteachers broke down in Harare yesterday when the government's Public
Service Commission (PSC) rejected demands by the Zimbabwe Teachers'
Association (ZIMTA) to hike salaries by more than 400
percent.
ZIMTA chief executive Peter
Mabande last night said the two parties had failed to reach agreement "on
anything" after eight hours
of negotiations.
"We failed to come up
with a common position. There was no resolution on anything. We will meet
tomorrow and see if we can come up with some degree of consensus. The PSC
team will first consult before we resume the talks," Mabande told The Daily
News.
The talks resume at the PSC's NSSA
House head office today. The PSC is the statutory employer of all civil
servants.
Teachers went on strike when
schools opened last week, to press for higher salaries and better working
conditions that were promised by the government last
year.
Teachers are among the worst paid
civil servants, earning much lower than, for example, junior nurses at State
hospitals.
PSC secretary Ray Ndhlukula
refused to comment on the stalled negotiations
yesterday. But the government has in the past
conceded that teachers' salaries need reviewing, but has said this should be
done as part of a wider job evaluation exercise it is carrying out to
rationalise all civil
servants' salaries.
The talks between
the teachers' representatives and the PSC briefly stopped in the morning
after the PSC negotiators rejected as too high demands by teachers for a
starting salary of $268 000, which is about four times what teachers earn on
average at the moment.
They resumed after
the PSC had reportedly consulted with senior government
officials. "We said to them they had to go and
consult. We later reconvened, but nothing came up," Mabande
said.
The ZIMTA leader said his delegation
would ignore threats by the government to take legal action against the
striking teachers.
The Harare talks took
place as the teachers' strike, which started on a low note last Thursday,
gathered momentum.
The industrial action
this week spread to smaller towns where until yesterday, several schools had
remained teaching as the job boycott was largely confined to Harare and the
major urban centres.
In Chegutu, Kadoma,
Chinhoyi, Glendale and Mount Darwin, several schools were unable to provide
lessons yesterday as teachers either did not turn up or staged
sit-ins. Student teachers at colleges in
Bulawayo and Mutare have been boycotting lectures since Monday in solidarity
with the striking teachers.
Students could
be seen loitering in Mutare because there were no teachers to conduct lessons
at their schools, while some school authorities in Gweru, Masvingo and
several other towns told pupils not to report
for lessons until the dispute was
resolved.
Zimbabwe Congress of Trade
Unions (ZCTU) secretary-general Wellington Chibhebhe last night threw his
weight behind the striking teachers, calling on the government to address
their grievances and urging parents and the general public to sympathise with
the strikers.
Chibhebhe said: "The
problems being faced by the teachers are well documented and this strike
action has long been coming. It is very unfair for the government to turn a
blind eye when the end result is a deterioration of educational standards in
the country.
"The ZCTU would like to call
upon parents and members of the public to rally their support behind the
teachers and urge the government to urgently look into the issue as students
are losing a lot of valuable time."
Meanwhile, three teachers arrested at David Livingstone Primary School in
Harare on Tuesday "for organising an illegal meeting" were released yesterday
without being charged.
Joseph Mafusire,
who represented George Mushipe, Tinei Kapewa and Keresensia Chirere, said:
"They were released after spending a night in cells at Harare Central Police
Station. There was no basis for arresting them as they were arrested for
merely being part of some teachers at David Livingstone who were trying to
comprehend a Press release that had been issued by ZIMTA on the
strike."
SOUTH Africa has resumed
electricity supplies to the Zimbabwe Electricity Supply Authority (ZESA),
which is also expecting to begin receiving power from Mozambique's Hydro
Electrica Cahorra Bassa (HBS) at the end of this month, ZESA chairman Sydney
Gata said yesterday.
He told The Daily
News that supplies from South Africa's ESKOM resumed on Monday after
Zimbabwe's power utility began paying arrears on its debt, which had
ballooned in the last two years because of severe foreign
currency shortages.
According to Gata,
ZESA has begun settling part of the US$55 million (Z$45,32 billion) it owes
to ESKOM and HBS, which had cut back
supplies.
The ZESA chairman said the
electricity situation was expected to stabilise in the next few months
following the creation of a facility that would allow large exporters,
especially mines, to pay their power bills in foreign
currency.
Gata said: "Full supplies from
ESKOM started on Monday and HSB will resume its full supplies at the end of
the month. I have been shuttling between Maputo and Johannesburg to discuss
the progress and the contingencies we are putting in
place."
"Both ESKOM and HSB supplied us
with electricity for five months without payment,'' he
added.
Gata said ZESA had not been
receiving hard cash from the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe since last December,
but denied that the local power utility's debt to regional electricity
suppliers was US$200 million as reported by the local
Press.
Under ZESA's new agreement with
exporters, companies will be offered significant tariff discounts to
encourage them to settle their bills in hard cash. The agreement has enabled
ZESA to slash its debt to regional suppliers from US$55 million to US$45
million in the past week, Gata said.
He
added that ZESA intends to have settled its debt by the end
of June. He told The Daily News: '"Of the
first group of 35 largest companies, 28 of them have signed an agreements in
which they are paying their bills in US dollars and will enjoy tariff
discounts.''
He said two of the 28
companies had signed advance payment agreements and would enjoy an additional
discount.
He said from those companies
that signed the agreements, ZESA received US$5,4 million in February, adding
that in July the electricity company expected to receive between US$11
million and US$12 million from
the arrangement.
Gata said under normal
circumstances, ZESA needed US$17 million a month for its
operations.
Of this amount, US$7 million
would be used for operations and development, including the purchase of new
equipment, refurbishment
and maintenance.
US$5 million dollars
would be used to meet commitments under bilateral and multilateral agreements
with organisations such as the World Bank and the African Development Bank,
while the remaining US$5 million would be used for
imports.
ZESA is charging US$3,2 per
kilowatt per hour for electricity. However,
companies still have the option of paying for power in
local currency.
A HARARE-bound South African
Airways (SAA) jet this week had to abandon travellers' baggage at
Johannesburg International Airport to enable it to carry enough fuel for the
return leg of its journey, amid crippling shortages of Jet A1 fuel in
Zimbabwe.
Rich Mkhondo, the airline's
executive manager for corporate communications, confirmed yesterday that the
airline had to leave some luggage in Johannesburg during a Monday evening
flight to Harare.
He however stressed that
this had been "done with passenger consent".
"I can confirm to you that one of our planes left for Harare this
week without much of passengers' baggage because it had to carry enough
fuel," he told The Daily News from
Johannesburg.
Mkhondo added: "The plane
had to carry less cargo because of shortages in Harare and of course, high
(fuel) expenses." He said passengers had
agreed to the arrangement on condition that their luggage was delivered
door-to-door on Tuesday.
The South African
Airways official had earlier in the week told The Daily News that the airline
had been carrying "reserve fuel" on the Harare route for some time because of
the high cost of Jet A1 fuel in Zimbabwe.
Aviation fuel sells for as much as US$1,03 (Z$848) a litre in Zimbabwe,
compared to an average US25 cents (Z$206) in South
Africa.
"Our planes have been carrying
extra fuel to Harare for sometime because it is expensive," he said, without
indicating how long the contingency measure had been in
place.
SAA's larger aircraft, such as the
four-engine Boeings, would have four full tanks for the 90-minute journey to
Harare, the airline spokesman added.
He
said under normal circumstances, SAA planes always carried cargo commensurate
with passenger or aircraft seat bookings.
He said passenger capacity and cargo bookings were weighted in any flight or
journey. He said: "SAA has always ensured
people travel with their goods. It's only with regards to excessive goods
that people sometimes book
cargo planes."
The South African
airline's emergency measures on Monday come at a time Harare is experiencing
severe Jet A1 fuel shortages.
On Sunday,
an Air Zimbabwe plane had to make an emergency landing in Lusaka, Zambia in
order to re-fuel so that it could travel to
Johannesburg.
The airline indicated on
Sunday that it had opted to re-fuel in Lusaka in order to conserve supplies
in Harare, which a company spokesman said were only enough to last the
national airline two to three days.
The
Civil Aviation Authority of Zimbabwe is now said to be seeking Jet A1
supplies in South Africa.
Settlers face eviction to
make way for politicians, SA
investor
5/15/03 9:38:04 AM (GMT
+2)
From Energy Bara in
Masvingo
MORE than 200 families who were
resettled by the government on Mateke Hills Ranch in Mwenezi under the
fast-track land reform programme face eviction following plans involving a
South African businessman and local politicians to turn the ranch into a
wildlife conservancy.
Under the deal still
shrouded in secrecy, South African Russell Collins will, with the help of
some Zanu PF politicians, reportedly evict villagers presently occupying the
farm to make way for the proposed
wildlife conservancy.
The proposed
deal, which has sparked off an outcry from newly-resettled black farmers and
white commercial farmers, was sealed with the blessing of the now disbanded
Masvingo provincial land committee which was headed by Josaya Hungwe, the
provincial governor.
Hungwe confirmed the
deal, saying it was above board and was a way to open the wildlife business
to blacks.
He said: "We want blacks to
enter into the wildlife business and those whites who want to go into
partnerships with us are most welcome."
But some of the new farmers on Mateke Ranch claimed Hungwe's committee had
been paid money in order to sanction the deal that will leave
the newly-resettled families landless.
"We have received word that some senior members of the provincial
land committee were paid huge sums of money by those behind the project," one
of the new farmers told The Daily News yesterday
.
He said: "The decision to evict us is
unfair because we can also run conservancies. It's a clear case of corruption
which has to be exposed. What is of concern is that the land is being taken
from blacks and given to a white man."
Several civil servants, among them members of the Central
Intelligence Organisation, who were given land on the ranch could be evicted
if plans to turn it into a conservancy come to
fruition.
Politicians have on several
occasions used their power to muscle out villagers from choice farms and land
they would have been allocated by
the government. The Mateke farmers were
allocated land under the A2 scheme.
Bulawayo women query
selective application of POSA
5/15/03 9:38:50 AM (GMT +2)
From Chris
Gande in Bulawayo
The Bulawayo chapter of
the Women's Coalition of Zimbabwe (WCZ) has written to Police Commissioner
Augustine Chihuri over what it says is selective application by police of the
Public Order and Security Act (POSA).
The
WCZ alleged in a letter addressed to Chihuri that the police had in the past
few months used POSA to refuse women in Bulawayo permission to carry out
public marches and demonstrations while allowing women in Harare and other
parts of the country to carry out similar
activities.
Under the draconian POSA,
Zimbabweans must get police approval before they can hold public
meetings.
The WCZ letter, which was also
copied to senior police officers in Bulawayo and Harare, read in part: "The
Women's Coalition of Zimbabwe notes with concern the disparities in the way
police have been handling women activists in the recent past. We wonder where
the differences come about when the police administer the same
laws."
Last Saturday 46 women were
arrested and detained by the police in Bulawayo for about five hours after
taking part in a march to mark Mothers' Day. But the police in Harare allowed
women to hold demonstrations at the city's Africa Unity Square in observance
of the day.
Another women's group, Women
of Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA), which organised the Mothers' Day celebrations in
the two cities, used the same letter to notify police in Bulawayo and Harare
of the planned marches and demonstrations. WOZA is affiliated to the
WCZ.
"We have a problem with the way
police are interpreting the law. The disparities and inconsistencies in the
way the same law is being interpreted in Bulawayo and Harare is worrying,"
said WCZ chairwoman Jannah Ncube.
Police
in Matabeleland refused to comment on the matter referring The Daily News to
police spokesman Wayne Bvudzijena, who has refused to speak to this
newspaper.
But there is growing concern by
some civic groups in the country's southern region of Matabeleland that the
police are applying POSA more ruthlessly there than in other parts of the
country.
The government has, however, in
the past denied that its agencies were singling out the Matabeleland
provinces for punishment because the region is a stronghold of the Movement
for Democratic Change, the main
opposition party.
SPEAKER of Parliament Emmerson
Mnangagwa, widely regarded as a potential successor of President Robert
Mugabe, yesterday told the High Court that he had no ambition to become
President of Zimbabwe.
Mnangagwa, who is
also the ruling ZANU PF's secretary for administration, was answering
questions during cross-examination by Advocate Adrian de Bourbon. De Bourbon
is representing The Daily News in a case in which Mnangagwa is suing the
newspaper for defamation.
The suit arises
over stories the paper published alleging that that the Speaker of Parliament
had illegally authorised the release a hard-core criminal from prison because
he was his son.
In response to the defence
lawyer's questions, Mnangagwa said he was sufficiently informed "to know that
there was no vacancy" for the post of President in
Zimbabwe. De Bourbon further asked: "Do you
aspire to be President of Zimbabwe?"
To
which Mnangagwa replied: "No." De Bourbon
added: "Then the (newspaper) headline tomorrow can say you do not aspire to
be President?"
To which the ZANU PF
secretary for administration replied: "Yes."
Mnangagwa has long been regarded as Mugabe's heir apparent, speculation which
intensified when the President appointed him Speaker of Parliament after he
lost his Kwekwe parliamentary seat to the opposition Movement for Democratic
Change's Blessing Chebundo in the June
2000 election.
He is believed to also
have the support of Vice-President Simon Muzenda and Zimbabwe Defence Forces
Commander, General Vitalis Zvinavashe.
In
December last year Mnangagwa led a ZANU PF delegation to the African National
Congress conference in Stellenbosch, north-east of Cape Town, which further
fuelled speculation that he was a favourite for the presidential
post.
Mnangagwa told the High Court
yesterday that he had been a special adviser to Mugabe, the president of ZANU
PF, during the liberation struggle, but his role had changed over the
years.
Justice Lavender Makoni reserved
judgment in the case where Mnangagwa is seeking punitive damages running into
millions of dollars against The Daily
News.
Mnangagwa was the Minister of
Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs when George Chikanga, who was
serving a jail sentence of 35 years for armed robbery, was released in March
2000. His mother is reported to have petitioned the then justice minister to
facilitate his release.
Chikanga had
served only nine years when he was released.
Mnangagwa denied any wrongdoing and that Chikanga was his son. He said the
release was a result of an error by officials in the Justice
Ministry.
A Ministry of Justice report has
exonerated Mnangagwa of any impropriety in the release of
Chikanga.
Under cross-examination by his
lawyer, Advocate Harry Simpson, yesterday, Mnangagwa said: "Geoff Nyarota
(The Daily News editor-in-chief at the time) could have gone to the prison to
ascertain whether Chikanga was my son or not. My lawyers wrote to him that
the allegations were false."
He said
Nyarota had known that he was publishing false
information.
YESTERDAY we reported that
Zimbabwe has lost $120 billion in revenue this agricultural season, thanks to
the government's haphazard and ill-considered land
reforms.
A survey by the Commercial
Farmers' Union (CFU) has revealed a rapid decline in the yield of most crops,
crippling industries dependent on the agricultural sector for inputs and
markets.
There is no doubt that the CFU is
an interested party to whose advantage it would be to portray a state of
chaos in the farming sector.
But there is
ample evidence on the ground that the impact of the land reforms has been
anything but positive.
Close to eight
million Zimbabweans require emergency food aid because of shortages primarily
caused by the resettlement programme.
Because of severe foreign currency shortages, the government is unable to
import enough food to meet the requirements of people facing
starvation.
The foreign currency crisis
itself has been worsened by the chaos in the agricultural sector, where a
decline in output has hit exports.
In
fact, to meet domestic demand Zimbabwe now has to import some crops it
previously exported, further straining our meagre foreign
exchange resources.
With the worsening
hard cash squeeze, have come serious obstacles to the importation of fuel and
electricity, shortages of which are threatening industry and
commerce.
The government so often fails to
understand that criticism of its chaotic land reform programme does not mean
opposition to the redistribution of land. All right-thinking Zimbabweans
fully appreciate the need to redress colonial imbalances in the farming
sector.
But booting out commercially
productive farmers and replacing them with people without the resources to
farm productively is not
agricultural reform.
What the
government has done is allocate land to people without the money to pay for
the inputs and agricultural implements they need to produce for subsistence
or commercially. Reports of government and
ZANU PF officials grabbing land also indicate that, in some cases, one
farming elite has merely been replaced with
another.
In the euphoria of the so-called
Third Chimurenga, land was grabbed willy-nilly and the sobering reality is
now staring Zimbabwe in the face.
Indeed,
President Robert Mugabe himself conceded only last month that mistakes were
made in the execution of the land reforms.
But what is of major concern to Zimbabweans now is the future. What is the
way forward?
Instead of bothering itself
with land audits and audits of audits, the government would be better served
sitting down to ask itself some
pertinent questions. Now that we have the
land, do we have the capacity to use
it productively?
Because the government
has several commitments already and no money to meet them, does it have the
capacity to take on such a massive
undertaking?
Now that we have the land,
are we using it to produce enough food for the nation? It is senseless to
gloat about having access to resources when you have to go cap in hand to ask
donors to feed your people.
Is it too late
for the government to sit down and rethink this whole idea and come up with a
programme it could use to re-engage the international community, whose
support is necessary if Zimbabwe is to make a success of any land
reforms?
Unless Zimbabwe's leaders ask
themselves some of these questions, all their fine-sounding ideas and plans
for the economy will come to nought. There can be no economic recovery
without a stable agricultural sector.
The
government has to swallow its pride, admit its mistakes and ask for help to
pull itself out of the mess it has needlessly plunged itself and our once
prosperous nation into.
LIKE a
competition-hardened marathon race runner with the finishing line in sight,
opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai must dig deep into his energy reserves.
He must be so focused that he avoids at all costs the all too common
proverbial "so near yet so far" last hurdle
droop.
It is an open secret that
Tsvangirai currently stands on the threshold of wearing the crown. However,
as he marks time to receive the mantle, his adversary is so cunning that he
does not want to descend from the throne gracefully. He has no intentions
whatsoever of tarring, road-marking and signposting Tsvangirai's route to the
palace.
Ever since Tsvangirai threw his
cap into the ring to signal his entry into the political arena, he triggered
off some loud cries from some quarters that thought all along that they had a
God-given mandate to rule this country until their interment. The cries are
far from subsiding, especially now that they realise that the challenge is
neither cosmetic nor token. It is real.
Tsvangirai's entry into the political sphere was initially taken at face
value. It was mistaken as one of those one-day wonders,which cause
a sensation at dawn only to wither and fizzle out as the sun rises. It
was expected to fade faster than a bleached pair of denim jeans. That it
has stood the stern test of time is a bad omen to those that had
rivetted themselves to the high table.
As secretary-general of the umbrella labour body, the Zimbabwe Congress of
Trade Unions, Tsvangirai held a plum post. Despite being in that coveted
post, the dwindling spending power of the country's workforce was in his
heart. It caused him so much discomfort, more so than the then Labour and
Social Welfare Minister Florence Chitauro.
Saddened by the gross neglect of the workers' welfare, Tsvangirai resolved
that his representation of people had to grow beyond the confines of trade
unionism. Hence the entry into the political arena. With the government
displaying a heart of stone by its withdrawal from participation in the
Workers' Day activities, it became loud and clear to him that the government
had relegated the issue of workers to "any other business" on
its agenda.
Tsvangirai did not have a
smooth entry into the political arena. He was given a baptism of fire as he
was winding up his union activities to form the Movement of Democratic Change
(MDC). Some thugs, who for want of a diplomatic term, still elude the long
hand of the police, assaulted him. It is ironic that despite claims of
competence and professionalism, the police are as yet to make meaningful
inroads into finding the attackers.
Any
man of an average nerve would have abandoned the idea of entering into
politics, given the brutal attack he suffered. But Tsvangirai's resolve kept
burning inside him. He courageously brushed that aside as a mere occupational
hazard and went unperturbed to form the
MDC.
That he succeeded to form the party
against the backdrop of glaring life-threatening entry barriers is by all
accounts the yardstick with which men of distinction are measured. And that
his party gave Zanu PF a routing in the referendum in 2000 while still in its
infancy was ample evidence that the populace was fed up right to the marrow
by successive years of misrule and being taken for
granted.
With the defeat in the
referendum, the government harnessed all public resources to harangue the
MDC. The government-controlled media erupted into a frenzy, calling
Tsvangirai all sorts of names. He was demeaned as a stooge, puppet and
sellout that wanted to give the country back to the British. A downpour of
negative publicity rained on him. It is still relentlessly pouring with no
immediate signs of stopping.
As the State
media blitz escalated, the nation hid its face in shame and embarrassment
when President Mugabe stooped from the throne to join in the name-calling,
referring to Tsvangirai in a host of derogatory names. Running concurrently
with the State media scorn and ridicule is the persecution and torment
Tsvangirai and senior members of his party are undergoing. One has to be a
statistician of note to list the number of times MDC officials have so far
been arrested on purely trumped-up
charges.
The thorniest entry barrier that
Tsvangirai had to contend with was the electoral process, which is infested
with rigging, threats, assaults and murders of opposition supporters and
officials.
There was such a wholesale
beating of MDC supporters that it is a travesty of democracy to declare the
elections as free and fair. With the High Court already having nullified
several seats that were won courtesy of violence and intimidation, the 2000
parliamentary election was held in a blood-and-thunder environment for the
opposition.
Tsvangirai's entry and stay in
the political arena has not been an easy one - he had to be on the prowl to
evade such made-up charges as being found with two-way radio communication
equipment. The government-owned power utility, the Zimbabwe Electricity
Supply Authority, also weighed in to add misery to him by wanting to switch
off electricity at his house, despite the bill being paid
up.
With the audience he recently had in
Harare with the leaders of Nigeria, Malawi and South Africa, coupled with the
invitation extended to him by Malawian President Bakili Muluzi, the silver
lining is now visible.
Like a truly
diligent leader, he has been tried, tested and found to be
steadfast.
As Tsvangirai stands in the
dock to answer treason allegations at the resumption of his trial, I, for
one, am convinced that this is the very last hurdle he has to overcome on his
route to the crown.
- Cyprian Muketiwa
Ndawana is a social and political
commentator
An amazing scene occurred on 13 May
when fuel was delivered to a Belgravia service station. Quantity delivered:
10 000 litres.
When discussion with
management failed to yield results, the affected motorists summoned the
officers from Avondale Police Station, who were driven to the scene because
they had no transport. Much to my chagrin and dismay, the police officers
displayed ignorance about what they had been called
for.
When they inquired how much petrol
had been delivered, the manager, who seemed quite shaken by the action taken
by the motorists who seemed to know their rights, welcomed the police and
took them into the toilet where they discussed in
whispers.
Later, angry motorists demanded
that readings of the remaining fuel should be made. When this was done,
readings of 11, 12 and 12 were recorded, but no one was able to convert these
to actual litres of fuel in the tanks.
We,
the motorists, suspect that the announcement that fuel had run out was false.
This was done in order to reserve fuel intended for resale on the black
market at exorbitant prices.
The police
were not helpful in solving the problem, partly due to ignorance and partly
due to the fact that they are probably part of the racket. One of them was
later seen counting money that he got
from management.
What happened at
Belgravia cannot go on unchallenged as it is part of a well-orchestrated plan
to deny motorists who are sacrificing their time and work schedules by
spending sleepless nights in queues.
A
similar incident occurred on 6 May 2003 at a Strathaven service station,
where management loaded 20 drums of petrol and a police truck did the same
before they started selling petrol to the public. Again, this matter was
reported to the police, who turned a blind
eye.
In each instance, the National Oil
Company of Zimbabwe was called on a cellphone number, but did nothing about
it. This raises the suspicion that they too, like the corrupt law enforcement
agents, must be part of this scandal.
Join the petrol queue and
after anything up to 10 days, the defining moment arrives: a tanker appears -
followed by a convoy of up to 50 of the driver's friends. The news sweeps the
neighbourhood and crowds of owners rush to the scene, jumping into cars left
in the queue with an employee or unemployed relative. More vehicles draw up
alongside, three and four deep, hooting and vociferously demanding admission
to the queue. The tanker driver's friends, trailing bumper-to-bumper behind
him like ramoras on a shark, are the first to shatter the order established
over the past days. He refuses to enter and unload until they are slotted in
behind him. Then come dark limousines driven by well-known politicians and
forbidding figures in service uniforms, for whom the crowd nervously hold
back. "Why didn't you tell us this petrol is not for ordinary
people?" a middle aged black woman cries out. By now a line of commuter
minibuses has found a gap and forced its way in, the crews grimly determined
to get some of the lifeblood of their business. Huge bundles of notes change
hands as bribes are paid. The police arrive, collect deposit fines of
thousands of dollars for overcharging from the pump attendants, get
containers filled and put in the back of their truck, and depart. Then
everything goes on exactly as it was. The motorists have to pay extra to make
up the money the attendants lost in fines.
In Robert Mugabe's
Zimbabwe, everyone has their own queue story, whether it is for fuel, bread,
maize meal, sugar, cooking oil, passport application forms and even banknotes
crisp from the Reserve Bank, which has run out of the imported ink and paper
needed to print them. Only the largest denomination, Z$500, is now sufficient
to buy a roll of sweets that cost sixpence in colonial times. Queues
for public telephones lengthened when all coin-in-the-slot phones were shut
down last month. A year after Mugabe opened a new US$10 million coin mint in
Bulawayo (with a diatribe against the Jewish community there), all coins are
valueless due to runaway inflation, and only phone cards are now usable, even
for local calls. At clinics in the poorer suburbs, the chronically sick queue
for medicines often limited to a single aspirin, regardless of their
symptoms, while acute cases wait at hospital casualty departments for
attention from harassed junior doctors, on duty 18 hours a day. Friends
rushed a 66-year-old pensioner with an agonising bladder seizure and
breathing problems to Harare's Parirenyatwa teaching hospital but gave up
when they saw road accident victims who had not received attention after six
hours. A nearby private hospital demanded Z$300 000 before they would look at
him. He later died. In rural areas, people queue for safe drinking water as
unserviced borehole pumps collapse.
The joke that Mugabe "is the
man who put Zimbabwe back on its feet" has ceased to be funny as urban
transport ground to a near halt over the past month. Tripling of petrol
prices did nothing to alleviate the shortages despite regular rumours of new
deals with South African, Libyan, Iranian and Nigerian suppliers. Exporters
have begun sourcing their own fuel imports with illegally retained foreign
funds. The Zimbabwean petrol queue, stretching for up to 4 kilometres, has
become a new sociological phenomenon. Rusting, barely roadworthy vehicles are
left in the approaches to filling stations day and night. Interspersed among
them are mysterious items of junk such as old filing cabinet drawers, stones,
branches, pre-1972 number plates, as well as ancient 44-gallon drums, meant
to denote a place "saved" for one or more thirsty fuel tanks. Alongside are
growing piles of rubbish and the smell of unburied sewage. The queue develops
something of a fairground atmosphere as vendors move wearily up and down,
desperate to make a living from their pitiful little displays of wares. In
many queues ordinary drivers without connections to the tanker driver, the
pump attendant or Mugabe's Zanu PF are rationed to 30 litres. Some drivers
have special "long range" tanks fitted in the hope of getting extra to siphon
out and sell for 2-3 times the Z$450/litre controlled price. When the
garage owner appears and walks down the queue with his security guards,
announcing that the supply has run out and all must try again next week,
there are groans of despair, but no violence. No point in fighting for what
is, by now, just not there. Many of the vehicles are left exactly where they
were. With empty tanks, they are not easy to steal, although the owners
risk pilfering of wheels, batteries and other spares. And the queue lives on,
to be convulsed again with fleeting, frenzied life another
day.
The base of an
ancient, symbolic stone sculpture taken from Zimbabwe a century ago and sent to
Europe was finally returned home on Wednesday. At a ceremony in Harare, German
Ambassador Peter Schmidt returned the soapstone plinth of the Zimbabwe bird, a
symbol of power from an ancient tribal dynasty that is used on Zimbabwe's flag
and currency.
The head of the bird had remained in Zimbabwe and was
officially rejoined with the base at Wednesday's ceremony. The base was taken by
colonial settlers from the Great Zimbabwe ruins of the ancient Munhumatapa
civilization in southern Zimbabwe in 1906, Schmidt said. It was handed over to a
German collector and ended up in the German Ethnological Museum in Berlin, where
it remained until the Russian occupation of Berlin at the end of World War
II.
The plinth was taken to Leningrad by Russian troops. After the
collapse of the Soviet Union, it was returned to Germany, where officials
offered to send it back to Zimbabwe. Four other Zimbabwe birds in soapstone, a
soft steatite rock of talcum, were returned from museums in neighbouring South
Africa in recent years. One Zimbabwe bird remains in South Africa. Zimbabwe
officials say negotiations for its return are in progress.
The birds, a
stylised fish eagle, adorned the fortified walls of Great Zimbabwe, the walled
stone city of the Munhumatapa civilisation, between the 12th and 14th
centuries.
Zimbabwe, the former British colony of Rhodesia, which gained
independence in 1980, derives its name from the walled stone city known in the
local Shona language as Zimbabwe, or "house of stone". - Sapa-AP