http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Tichaona Sibanda
15 May
2009
The eagerly awaited statement about the talks to resolve the
remaining
issues in the Global Political Agreement, has been postponed to a
later
date. The principals had been scheduled to issue a statement on
Friday.
SW Radio Africa is reliably informed that the principals are
still sharply
divided over the appointments of Reserve Bank Governor Gideon
Gono and
Attorney General Johannes Tomana.
Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai's spokesman, James Maridadi,
confirmed to us that 'nothing was
going to come out from the
principals today (Friday)'. This is despite
assurances by Tsvangirai this
week that a statement would be made on
Friday.
'I am afraid there is not going to be anything today,' Maridadi
said without
elaborating.
Reports of a stalemate in the talks will
not come as a surprise to most
Zimbabweans and to many in the MDC, who feel
their party is being completely
sidelined by Robert Mugabe. An MDC insider
told us there is a general
feeling of 'disgruntlement' in the party because
of the long time it is
taking to resolve the outstanding issues, that are so
negatively affecting
the country.
The decision making body of the
party is meeting on Sunday in Masvingo to
discuss the inclusive government.
The party insider told us 'there would be
fireworks' in Masvingo because of
a general consensus of disillusionment in
the party.
'Already there
is a combative mood among the party faithful, from top to
bottom. The
situation is dicey because there are strong sentiments that the
party is
being taken for a ride by Mugabe,' our insider said.
'The general
membership of the party is asking; are we coming or going. And
if we are
going, where to? People are saying we have given the principals
enough time
but nothing has happened. In any negotiation there is a cut off
point.
People cannot talk forever,' he added.
The MDC Secretary General Tendai
Biti last week gave an ultimatum to Mugabe,
Tsvangirai and Mutambara to
resolve all outstanding issues of the GPA by
this past Monday.
This
ultimatum signalled the growing frustration with the inclusive
government,
which is affecting the country's economic and social problems.
'Look all
of us are getting poorer by the day because of the unresolved
issues. But
that ultimatum by Biti was not a bluff. The man was not
bluffing, just wait
for Sunday and you will see what he meant,' our insider
said.
In the
past three weeks Mugabe, Tsvangirai and Mutambara have met eight
times to
try to deal with the sticking points. All the time, they have
failed to
agree, as daily it becomes clearer that Mugabe is determined to
hold on to
all the reins of power.
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=16576
May 15, 2009
By Our
Correspondent
HARARE - Human rights lawyer Alec Muchadehama has been
released from police
custody after spending a night detained at Braeside
Police Station on
charges of obstructing the course of
justice.
Muchadehama appeared before Harare magistrate Archie Wochiunga
on Friday
afternoon who granted him US$100 bail and remanded him to May 28,
2009.
He was also ordered to report once every Friday at the Harare
Central Police's
Law and Order division, to continue residing at his known
address and not to
interfere with witnesses.
Muchadehama was adamant
he would not relent from doing his work saying the
State had now resorted to
cheap intimidation tactics on human rights
defenders.
"They are
adopting a cheap way of trying to destroy the lawyers' work but it
is not
going to work," he said.
"They have clearly demonstrated that there is no
rule of law in Zimbabwe.
The charges are totally meaningless. People should
continue fighting for the
restoration of the rule of law in
Zimbabwe."
Beatrice Mtetwa, one of the lawyers representing Muchadehama,
implored the
all inclusive government, made up of Zanu-PF and the two
Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) parties, to prevail on the continued
harassment of
human rights defenders.
"We believe that this is a
continued harassment of human rights defenders
and that this is what we are
hoping that the government of national unity
will address," said
Mtetwa.
"Clearly when lawyers, clerks , magistrates, prosecutors are
being arrested
on a day to day basis for doing their work that has a
chilling effect on
other human rights defenders.
"It clearly is
intimidation; it means that we will not be able to do our
work as we are
supposed to."
The MDC on Thursday also condemned the arrest of
Muchadehama, who has
defended party activists over a long period of
time.
The MDC described his arrest as politically motivated and the work
of
hardliners in President Robert Mugabe's Zanu-PF still opposed to the
unity
government.
Muchadehama was seized by police details from
Harare's Law and Order
division on Thursday morning.
He is being
charged under Section 184 (1) (a) of the Criminal Law
Codification and
Reform Act.
Police say he connived with High Court judge Muchineripi
Bhunu's clerk,
Constance Gambara on April 17, 2009 to improperly release
three of his
clients who were seeking their release on bail.
The
three MDC activists, Gandhi Mudzingwa and Kimimusi Dhlamini together
with
journalist Andrisson Manyere, are part of a group of 16 MDC and human
rights
activists being accused of trying to overthrow Mugabe's government.
The
three were on April 9, 2009 granted bail by the High Court after
spending
four months in remand prison.
But the Attorney General opposed their
release after invoking a law which
allows it to freeze any High Court ruling
while seeking permission through
the same court to channel its appeal to the
Supreme Court.
The Attorney General is given seven days to seek leave to
appeal shot of
which the order being appealed against becomes
activated.
After the seven days had lapsed, Muchadehama approached the
High Court to
secure the release of the accused persons who were released
but rearrested
four days later.
The State argued that the intervening
Easter holidays should not have been
counted among the seven days granted to
it.
Muchadehama was assisted by Gambara to have the warrant of liberation
papers
signed.
Gambara was arrested last week and is currently
detained in remand prison on
alleged criminal abuse of public
office.
However, the three accused persons were eventually granted bail
on Wednesday
following a fresh bail application on changed
circumstances.
Muchadehama's arrest follows that of two Zimbabwe
Independent journalists
who were also being accused of publishing names of
security agents
apparently linked to the abduction of the activists last
year.
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Violet Gonda
14 May
2009
Last month National Constitutional Assembly (NCA) leaders reported
they had
been blocked in their attempts to see the Prime Minister, by
security
details at his Munhumutapa offices, despite having been invited by
Mr
Tsvangirai himself. The Prime Minister sent his private secretary to
confirm that Dr Lovemore Madhuku and his team were his guests, but they were
still turned away by the security agents. The NCA leadership drove off but
were called back by Constitutional Minister Eric Matinenga, who told them
that Deputy Prime Minister Thokozani Khupe had been called in to
intervene.
At the time NCA Director Ernest Mudzengi said when they finally
saw the
Prime Minister he acknowledged that on a daily basis his visitors
undergo
harassment and he was trying to stop this.
This week another
incident has occurred, which exposes the fact that the
Prime Minister is
still not being accorded the respect he deserves. A
delegation from North
Korea is visiting Zimbabwe and Mugabe held a state
banquet in their
honour.
Although Tsvangirai had an invitation to attend the banquet he
was forced to
make a u-turn when he arrived at the State House for the
event. His
spokesperson James Maridadi said the guards denied him entry,
because one of
his security cars had not been cleared.
Maridadi said
the Prime Minister refused to go in without part of his
motorcade and went
back home. Maridadi said: "The Prime Minister was driving
into (State House)
and one of his lead vehicles was said to be unregistered
by those who were
manning the entrance, and they said this vehicle would not
go through on
account that it was not registered. So as a matter of
principle the Prime
Minister said in that case I might as well make a u-turn
and go back
home."
No one else had problems getting into State House, including other
cabinet
ministers from the MDC-T.
One observer said it's
incomprehensible that the MDC ministers did not walk
out in solidarity with
their leader: "When the MDC crowd heard that Morgan
Tsvangirai was shut out
they should have left the dinner in midstream, but
shockingly sat through
the entire charade."
Since the issue happened at the gate it is possible
that the MDC ministers
may not have known what had happened. We tried to get
clarity on this from
James Maridadi, but he said he couldn't comment on
other MDC officials as he
is only the spokesperson for Mr Tsvangirai. We
then called MDC spokesperson
and Information Minister Nelson Chamisa, but he
said he couldn't comment as
he is not the spokesperson for the government or
for Mr. Tsvangirai.
Zimbabweans have not forgotten the Gukurahundi, that
saw the massacre of at
least 20 000 people from the Matabeleland and
Midlands regions, and the role
the North Koreans played in training Mugabe's
5th Brigade involved in the
attacks.
Many observers have criticised
the fact that the MDC even considered
attending an event for the North
Koreans. Political commentator Glen Mpani
said: "It's just mind-boggling why
the MDC decided to sanitise the visit of
such a controversial delegation,
whose record on good governance is very
poor. The MDC's constituency in
Matabeleland was victim of the product of
the Koreans. What message is it
sending to them? Sadly once again under the
guise of working together, the
party is condoning the 80s brutal acts and
impunity, and dining with the
devil."
http://www.swradioafrica.com
F
By Alex Bell
15 May
2009
The financial future of Zimbabwe, which is being carefully planned
by the
Finance Ministry headed by the MDC, is reportedly adding more fuel to
the
fire of animosity between the party and ZANU PF.
The Ministry,
which inherited empty coffers and a rotten international
reputation for
corruption from the Robert Mugabe regime, has been fighting a
losing battle
to secure direct cash investment in the government. Donor
countries have
demanded that real change be evident in Zimbabwe before
investing, and have
understandably held back funds in the face of ongoing
violations of the
Global Political Agreement. So far, only credit line
pledges to support the
private sector have been made, while international
donor governments have
only funnelled cash directly to aid groups battling
the humanitarian
crisis.
Finance Minister Tendai Biti is now set to launch a new campaign
to mobilise
donor funds through structures that are not part of the
government, which
still has Mugabe and his cronies in top positions. The
Finance Minister last
week met with donors on the path to creating a
Multi-Donor Trust Fund to
mobilise donor aid under the 'Humanitarian-Plus'
initiative; an initiative
that will see aid not being limited to
humanitarian needs but will also not
extend as far as development
assistance.
The Fund will be driven and controlled by the MDC led Finance
Ministry,
along with the World Bank, African Development Bank and the United
Nations
Development Programme, and will completely exclude the involvement
of ZANU
PF. Biti has also proposed a 'focal unit' within his Ministry, which
will
receive and coordinate donor funding while the Trust Fund is being
established. The plan is now reportedly causing anger among ministers in
Mugabe's party, who believe the MDC is trying to 'hijack' the unity
government by creating a financial centre of power, separate from the
government.
South African based economist Luke Zunga explained on
Friday that ZANU PF
"does not want this unity deal to succeed and they will
do all they can to
see it fail." He argued that the party will continue to
'frustrate' any
process that will see the MDC become successful, saying ZANU
PF would rather
"lay the blame of the failure of the unity government at the
MDC's feet."
Ironically, when forming the unity government, MDC control
of the Finance
Ministry was one of the first concessions made by Mugabe,
because of the
party's probability in securing cash injections in the
government.
But Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai himself has admitted
that ZANU PF
hardliners within the government are intent on seeing the unity
deal fail.
http://www.radiovop.com
HARARE,May 15,2009- Reserve Bank chief
Gideon Gono met and threatened
senior central bank employees whom he accuses
of working with externals to
oust him as the governor, a senior RBZ official
told Radio VOP.
The threats by Gono comes at the time when
an International Monetary
Fund (IMF) technical team is expected in the
country on Monday.
"The central bank governor met divisional heads
today (Friday) and
threatened them with unspecified action accusing them of
working to oust
him,"said a senior RBZ official.
According to the
official,Gono said: "Some of you are working with
some individuals outside
the bank to remove me.I am not going anywhere I am
still the governor.If the
IMF team comes no-one will meet them without my
approval."
Gono
according to the sources declared that 'the war has just begun'
and vowed
no-one will ever remove him from his post.
The central bank chief
stands accused of printing money unchecked
causing hyper-inflation when the
country was still using the Zimbabwean
dollar as the main currency.
The IMF says the central bank books must be audited and have already
recommended the removal of Gono for poorly running the central bank causing
the hyper-inflation and economic woes the country has been facing in the
past six years.
However, Gono has defended himself saying he was
printing money to
invest in the farm mechanisation programme to assist
resettled farmers.
Zimbabwe political leaders in the inclusive
government President
Robert Mugabe and Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai are
expected to announce
the resolutions of the outstanding issues in the Global
Political Agreement.
Mugabe has already said that Gono will not leave
his post at the
central bank while the Movement for Democratic Change has
been calling for
his removal.
According to the GPA the country's
principals are to consult each
other on the appointment of senior government
officials that include the
permanent secretaries,ambassadors, the attorney
general and the governor of
the central bank.
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Lance Guma
15 May
2009
After suspending 3 MP's and another 3 officials last week, the
Mutambara MDC
have moved to suspend a further 2 MP's this week, on
allegations of
undermining the reputation of the party and its leadership.
Bulilima East MP
Norman Mpofu, Nkayi West MP Abednico Bhebhe and Lupane
North legislator
Njabuliso Mguni, along with national youth chairman Gift
Nyandoro, white
commercial farmer Alex Goosen and former St Mary's MP Job
Sikhala, were the
first to get suspension letters. Hardly before the dust
settled on that
issue Gwanda North MP Zinti Mnkandla and Tsholotsho South
lawmaker Maxwell
Dube were summoned to answer similar charges of plotting to
oust the
leadership.
For a party with only 10 legislators in
parliament many analysts are
surprised the party can risk attempting to sack
5 of its MP's. Although
under a power sharing deal the Mutambara MDC can
have by-elections to
replace its MP's, those removed are allowed to run as
independent candidates
since none of the other parties, ZANU PF and the
Tsvangirai MDC, can field
candidates for the by-elections. There is also a
risk the other major
parties can support an independent candidate of their
choice who will vote
with them in parliament. All these considerations are
probably weighing
heavily on party president Arthur Mutambara and his deputy
Gibson Sibanda,
who reportedly clashed with Secretary General Welshman Ncube
over the
matter.
Acrimony in the camp is said to be high, with the
Zimbabwe Independent
newspaper reporting that Ncube threatened to quit the
party if the officials
were not suspended. Although Mutambara and Sibanda
wanted the charges
dropped, Ncube's position was pushed through with support
from his deputy,
Priscillah Misihairabwi-Mushonga and treasurer-general
Fletcher Dulini
Ncube. Suspended national youth chairman Gift Nyandoro told
Newsreel there
was confusion in the party since they never held meetings. He
claimed his
suspension came as a surprise, since he quit the party 14 months
ago and
could not be suspended from an organization he was no longer a
member of. 'I
thought the letter was an April fool's joke' he told us.
MISA-Zimbabwe
Communiqué
15 May 2009
Concern over ACHPR delays in considering
cases
The Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR) on 14 May 2009
expressed
serious concern over the African Commission on Human and Peoples
Rights's
(ACHPR) delays in considering cases brought before the
Commission.
In a joint statement with the International Centre on Legal
Protection
(Interights) and Institute for Human Rights and Development in
Africa
(IHRDA), during the ongoing 45th Ordinary Session of the ACHPR in
Banjul,
The Gambia, ZLHR regional manager Kucaca Phulu, noted that in some
instances
it took between four to seven years for the Commission to consider
pending
cases.
"We appreciate the constraints faced by the Commission
covering a vast
continent of 53 diverse countries. However, the current
delays are of
serious concern. Victims of human rights violations wait too
long for a
decision from the Commission to validate their
rights.
"Receiving a decision in his or her favour is an important aspect
of redress
for all who have suffered human rights violations. However, where
the victim
of human rights violations has to wait an extra six years for the
Commission's decision, this aspect of the remedy is negated," he
said.
Among the cases that have been pending without being finalised by
the
Commission for years is the joint communication filed by MISA-Zimbabwe,
ZLHR
and the Independent Journalists Association of Zimbabwe (IJAZ)
challenging a
number of sections of the repressive Access to Information and
Protection of
Privacy Act (AIPPA).
MISA-Zimbabwe, ZLHR and IJAZ
allege that provisions requiring registration
and accreditation of the media
sector by the state appointed Media and
Information Commission are
inconsistent with Article 9 of the African
Charter on Human and Peoples'
Rights which guarantees the right to freedom
of expression.
Other
cases before the Commission include that of the Associated Newspapers
of
Zimbabwe (ANZ) publishers of the banned Daily News and Daily News on
Sunday;
Capital Radio; and that of journalist Andrew Meldrum.
Phulu said the
Commission should maintain firm adherence to its demand for
prompt responses
in terms of the rules of procedure by both complainants and
states parties
and take appropriate action where this is not done.
He cited the case of
communication 251/02 Lawyers for Human Rights vs
Swaziland where the
Commission exercised its power to make a decision when
the Swazi government
failed to file its submission on the merits. "This must
be commended and we
urge that a similar approach be taken in similar cases,"
he said.
He
said the final draft of the revised rules of procedure should provide for
speedy hearing of communications and this could be expedited by allowing for
the composition of a panel of three Commissioners to deal with admissibility
decisions. He said there was also need for the appointment of a Commissioner
to deal with urgent requests for provisional measures in the inter-session
period of the ACHPR.
The process that cases taken to the ACHPR
undergo is three-pronged and
begins at the Seizure stage, which entails
presenting the matter before the
Commission. At the seizure process, there
is need to prove that the
respondent state is signatory to the African
Charter on Human and Peoples'
Rights, and that the state has violated
provisions of the Charter.
The second stage is the Admissibility stage.
At this stage the ACHPR
declares a case admissible where the applicant has
proved that domestic
remedies do not exist, have been exhausted or are not
working. In Zimbabwe's
three cases, all the matters went to the Zimbabwe's
highest court, the
Supreme Court, signifying exhaustion of domestic
remedies.
The final stage is when all the involved parties argue the
Merits of the
matters in question.
For more information please
contact:
The Assistant Programmes Officer
Koliwe
Nyoni
Media Institute of Southern Africa- Zimbabwe Chapter
http://www.ipsnews.net
By Ntandoyenkosi
Ncube
JOHANNESBURG, May 15 (IPS) - Women's rights groups have urged the
establishment of a Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission in Zimbabwe
as part of bringing to justice people who committed human rights
violations - including sexual abuse against women - during the run-up to a
second-round presidential vote in June 2008.
Zimbabwe witnessed some
of its worst-ever political violence after
then-opposition leader Morgan
Tsvangirai failed to achieve the margin
required to take power in a first
round of balloting. Tsvangirai eventually
pulled out of the June ballot,
citing state-sponsored attacks against his
supporters, leaving incumbent
president Robert Mugabe as sole candidate.
The election was widely
condemned, and a political stalemate was eventually
resolved when rival
parties signed a Global Political Agreement (GPA)
establishing a government
of national unity.
"Any transitional process will not be effective unless
it addresses the
issues raised by those affected. Attempts of national
healing and
reconciliation without (justice) provide a short-lived remedy to
conflict,"
said Women's Coalition of Zimbabwe (WCoZ) chair Emilia
Muchawa.
WCoZ also called on Southern African Development Community
(SADC) leaders to
pressure the unity government of Mugabe and Prime Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai
to uphold a regional protocol on gender.
SADC heads
of state and government signed the protocol on gender and
development in
Johannesburg in 2008. The protocol represents a significant
commitment to
the empowerment of women, the elimination of discrimination
and the
achievement of gender equality and equity.
Muchawa was speaking at the
launch in Johannesburg of a documentary on
violence against women in
Zimbabwe on May 13. The documentary, titled "Hear
Us - Zimbabwean Women
Affected by Political Violence Speak Out" was launched
with an accompanying
report titled, "Putting it Right: Addressing Human
Rights Violations Against
Zimbabwean Women".
The film gives detailed accounts and footage of how
women were beaten,
tortured and raped during the violence that engulfed
Zimbabwe before the
June vote.
Widespread sexual
violence
Women's groups estimate that more than 2000 women may have been
raped
between May and June last year.
In one of the most painful
moments captured in the documentary a woman
identified only as Memory
recounts how she was gang-raped by militia from
Mugabe's ZANU-PF party at
torture camp in rural Zimbabwe.
"When I arrived at the base, they removed
all my clothes and I was raped by
three men, one after the other," Memory
says in the documentary. She added
that after the rape she attempted to file
a report with the police who
however declined to accept her
statement.
"We are not dealing with political violence cases. The time
will come when
we will deal with them," Memory recollects one police officer
telling her.
The documentary was produced by the WCoZ working in
collaboration with the
Research and Advocacy Unit (RAU), a non-governmental
organisation based in
Harare working on providing specialist assistance in
research and advocacy
in the field of human rights, democracy and
governance.
Women have been calling on parties to the inclusive
government to institute
a truth and reconciliation commission, TRC, similar
to that set up in South
Africa to expose apartheid-era crimes, to examine
the violence before and
after the president run-off.
"We urge the
Zimbabwean government to incorporate all signed human rights
instruments
relating to women into domestic law; particularly the SADC
Protocol on
Gender and Development. Also we urge the Southern African
Development
Community (SADC) to ensure the Zimbabwe government implements
the GPA and
the SADC Protocol on Gender and Development'," said Kudakwashe
Chitsike, a
women rights activist with RAU.
Will the call be heeded?
Reached
by phone in Harare for his response to the call for a truth and
reconciliation commission, Zimbabwe Justice Minister and Zanu-PF chief
negotiator Patrick Chinamasa told IPS, "In that regards we (unity
government) have set-up an Organ of National Healing headed by three
ministers from all parties, Minister John Nkomo (ZANU-PF), Minister Sekai
Holland (MDC-T) and Minister Gibson Sibanda (MDC-M).
"These ministers
are working on all issues related to Justice,
Reconciliation and national
healing. And it will be up them to see if such a
commission is necessary or
not. We will hear from them."
Holland, the Minister of State in the Prime
Minister's office responsible
for National Healing and Reconciliation told
IPS, "We are going to do what
the people of Zimbabwe want. They will tell us
what they want us to do and
we will do it. If they are demanding
reconciliation commission that brings
to trial individuals who committed
human rights offenses we are going to set
it up."
WCoZ called on
SADC, which brokered the GPA, to pressure the Harare
government to implement
the power-sharing agreement in full including
clauses underpinning women's
rights.
"We urge the Zimbabwean government to adhere to the GPA
particularly by;
returning to the rule of law, bringing all the perpetrators
of violence to
book, ensure that there is no discrimination based on
gender.", Muchawa
said.
The women's coalition emphasises that
regional governments should also lean
on Harare to incorporate the SADC
Protocol on Gender and Development into
Zimbabwean law.
HARARE, 15 May 2009 (PlusNews) - For the past
year, Olive Mutabeni's home in Chitungwiza, a low-income suburb 20km outside
Harare, Zimbabwe’s capital, has been the makeshift centre of operations for the
Life Empowerment Support Organisation (LESO).
Photo:
Obinna Anyadike/IRIN
LESO's
volunteers provide home-based care to chronically ill
patients
After 23 years as a nurse
in the public health sector, most recently as the coordinator of prevention of
mother-to-child HIV transmission (PMTCT) services at Chitungwiza Central
Hospital, Mutabeni quit her job and started LESO to provide the sick and elderly
in her community with emotional, medical and practical support. Four other
nurses soon joined her.
"I feel I can achieve more here than at the
hospital because I can spend more time with the people," she told IRIN/PlusNews.
Her daughter's bedroom was turned into a counselling room; an
outbuilding next to the house became an office; the front yard became a meeting
place for support groups and a training venue for income-generating projects.
"We've got 300 people with HIV who come here for support groups,"
Mutabeni said. "We're also teaching people how to grow mushrooms and how to make
vaseline and shoe polish."
Zimbabwe's public health facilities were
starved of resources, drugs and equipment for years, but a health worker strike
that began in November 2008 shut them down completely for several months.
Although Chitungwiza Central Hospital has reopened, HIV-positive
patients needing to start antiretroviral (ARV) treatment join a six-month
waiting list, and various drugs for treating opportunistic infections are still
out of stock.
ARVs are donor-funded, but many of LESO's clients, like
Beatrice Shaba*, cannot afford the hospital fees for blood tests and other
drugs. "I'm on ARVs, but I'm in trouble now because I need another CD4
count and I don't have the cash," she told IRIN/PlusNews.
Shaba used
to support her entire family through her job as a sales representative, but her
husband died from an AIDS-related illness in 1998 and a few years later she lost
her sight to meningitis. "I can't do anything anymore," she said. "People don't
understand how I can have nothing when I've been working all along, but I
exhausted my savings when caring for my husband."
LESO is not funded;
its volunteers are unpaid and can give clients little more than over-the-counter
pain killers, but people have been flocking to Mutabeni's house since the
organisation opened its doors in March 2008. They get a sympathetic ear and
advice from trained nurses and counsellors, two of whom are living with HIV
themselves.
Mutabeni discovered her HIV positive status after testing to
set an example for her patients, and Rosa Mufunde, LESO's HIV/AIDS officer and
clinical manager, started routinely testing for HIV after her husband was
diagnosed with the virus. A test she took in 2007 came back positive. "I want
people to know that nurses are HIV positive and helping people," she told
IRIN/PlusNews.
Among the people they have helped are HIV-positive Erica
Sakuhwehwe and her brother, Almighty, who was paralyzed by a neurological
syndrome. Erica's partner left when she became sick last year, and she now feeds
and cares for her four children, as well as Almighty, on her own.
"At
times I cannot lift him or push his wheelchair; my health is not 100 percent,"
she said. But she regularly pushes Almighty's wheelchair over potholed roads to
get to LESO, because "the counselling is so helpful for both of us."
Read more:
The long road to recovery
What price a CD4 count?
Neglected health crisis on
farms
Mutabeni would like to do more for
her clients. "Many people want to test [for HIV] here, but we can't; we're
professional counsellors but we don't have test kits; we're limited by funding
and the space is getting too small. Here in Zimbabwe, [donors] don't recognise
small organisations like us."
*Not her real name
After a boycott of the
government sponsored media conference in Kariba last week by the Media Alliance
of Zimbabwe, Lance Guma speaks to Jameson Timba, the Deputy Minister of
Information Media and Publicity. The programme finds out if the conference
produced any results? Timba is also questioned on why the
Interview broadcast
Lance
Guma: Hello
Jameson
Timba: Thanks
Lance.
Lance: Recently the government hosted the media
conference in Kariba. There was of course a lot of controversy surrounding it,
we’ll get to that but how did the conference go?
Timba: I think the
conference went very well in that the stakeholders, who did manage to attend,
participated fully in the deliberations and came up with specific
recommendations as to how they want to see the media landscape in
Lance: Do you
think the boycott of the Media Alliance of Zimbabwe took a significant chunk of
relevance from the conference? What is your assessment?
Timba: Let me say
that we are involved in a process of removing the polarisation that has
bedevilled both the country at national level in various industries including
the media itself. It is the intention of the ministry to ensure that every
stakeholder in the media is involved in the process of reviewing the policies
and the laws governing media. The Media Alliance did not attend the conference.
I understand and respect their decision not to do so but we have since engaged
with the Media Alliance and asked them to make written submissions in terms of
their own recommendations which they have since done and we appreciate
that.
Lance: Mr Timba, I
saw a report of something that took place, or one incident that took place
during the conference where a state media journalist had a slanging match with
the former chairperson of the Media and Information Commission, Dr Tafataona
Mahoso. It does look from the reports that Mahoso was actually speaking out
against any form of media reforms, going by the reports. Are these attitudes
still prevalent where you still have people who are rather worried about opening
up the media?
Timba: Peoples’
perception of the media, either in
Lance: Now in the
last interview that I had with you I did point out that there was general
criticism of the new coalition government for being too slow in terms of
enacting its legislative agenda. One point that has been pointed out by several
journalists is the
Timba: There are
two ways Lance, in which laws can be amended and or made in this country. The
most prevalent one is proposals for amending laws and or repealing them coming
from the executive and being submitted to parliament through the leader of the
house of parliament. The other method is the one of the private member’s bill.
In our history, the history of our country, the only other time that there was
an attempted private member’s bill was when Honourable Jonathan Moyo came up
with a Gukurahundi Bill. I believe that there is so much commitment within the
inclusive government for repealing and or amending any legislation that has
affected peoples’ basic freedoms. With respect to AIPPA there was a specific
unanimous recommendation at Kariba that AIPPA be repealed and be replaced by
Freedom of Information Act and the Media Practitioners
Act.
Lance: So in this
particular case, what are you saying in terms of the reforms – they are coming
via which route?
Timba: Reforms are coming via the
executive which means that the media reforms will be spearheaded by the minister
of information with full consultation with the stakeholders in the media itself.
Legislation or a law Lance, is a translation of public policy into law, that’s
all it is and we believe that before we go to the end game which is the laws
themselves we need to be able to understand and come up with a new media policy.
It is that new media policy which must then inform the law that governs the
industry.
Lance: I suppose
the frustration that a lot of people face is when the new unity government came
into power, people thought things would happen immediately, journalists would be
allowed to come back into the country, set up newspapers. What they are seeing
is just a dragging of feet. Would you understand those
frustrations?
Timba: Yes it is expected Lance, its
always a crisis of expectation after the change of a government, but this
government that is there Lance, is less than a 100 days old in office and it is
a government which is has been established by two former protagonists who are
going through processes of trying to establish that government. In my view to
expect that the government that is formed today and in two weeks time that
government is appealing or amending laws without a clearly defined process of
doing so I think it’s dangerous. I think that the process that is taking place
now where everyone who is affected and concerned with specific laws not
withstanding what has been said before is actually involved in a process dealing
with those policies and laws is a much more organised way of doing it in my
view.
Lance: Recently we
just had the two journalists from the Zimbabwe Independent arrested by police
over a story which authorities are saying contained false information. That
obviously generated a lot of headlines internationally, does is not harm the
attempts that you as a government are trying to push
through?
Timba: Lance, my
position on the issue of the arrest of journalists is public knowledge. I
condemn unreservedly the arrest of journalists when they are conducting their
work. That incident was unfortunate and is something that should not have
happened. Most particularly when these journalists were arrested for having
published what was already in the public domain.
Lance: What is
happening here Mr Timba from your assessment, just today (Thursday 14 May 2009)
we are covering the arrest of human rights lawyer Alec Muchadehama, he is
currently as I’m interviewing you, at Harare Central police station. A lot of
people don’t get what is happening because it looks like one part of government
is pulling in one direction and another part is pulling in another. Can you make
sense on our behalf, what is happening?
Timba: My
assessment Lance is that generally there is commitment by the various parties in
this government to make this project work, but you must also appreciate that
there are and will still remain, individuals OK who will have their own agendas
and their own objective vis-à-vis this inclusive government. And such teething
problems are expected in the formative stages of a coalition government but
should not be condoned.
Lance: Let me
slightly shift to another separate issue in terms of media plurality opening up
for new players. A lot of the talk has centred mainly on the print media,
there’s a general feeling broadcasting isn’t really being talked about a lot and
that there does seem to be a reluctance, particularly from Zanu-PF to a opening
up of the airwaves. They will be comfortable having several daily newspapers but
it looks like there is this holding on to the broadcasting spectrum, is this
true?
Timba: No. The Global Political
Agreement is very specific. The principals have agreed and committed themselves
but new media houses or the re-registration of existing ones must take place
under the existing legislation. That is the registration of other newspapers
etc. They’ve also made a specific commitment on the opening up of the airwaves.
That decision is irreversible Lance. Broadcasting Authority of Zimbabwe (BAZ)
once their new board is put in place hopefully within the next 30 days or so,
they are obliged to invite applications for various licences – television,
national radio, local commercial radios and community radios as per available,
as per the frequency allocation plan and newspapers whoever is intending to run
a newspaper in Zimbabwe will be able to do so without a
problem.
Lance: The thing
is Mr. Timba, speaking to you as the deputy minister in that particular
ministry, obviously with your background you will obviously be in a sense
progressive and pull in the right direction. What people would want to
understand is your working relationship with the minister who is from Zanu-PF,
Mr Webster Shamu. Is that not what is failing to inspire confidence in a lot of
people in the sense that the deputy minister who is yourself will say the right
thing but not much is coming from Mr Shamu in terms of progressive
talk?
Timba: Mr Shamu is
a journalist and currently I am working with him very well and he understands
the issues and concerns within the media industry and at this juncture, I can
safely say to you Lance, we are pulling in the same direction to implement the
media reform agenda.
Lance: In general
of course Mr Timba, just a general question obviously to close the programme
since we are running out of time, this new government has gone through the first
100 days, on Wednesday prime minister Tsvangirai launched a new hundred day
plan. In general what is your assessment of the first 100 days of your
government in power? How would you characterise how it has
gone?
Timba: In December
last year, December, even up to as early as January Lance, OK, this country was
unable to produce one loaf of bread, inflation was skyrocketing, no products in
supermarkets, absolutely nothing, there was no life, schools had shut down, all
hospitals had shut down. In less than 100 days, this government has brought hope
back into the country. Civil servants coming to work, being paid an allowance
above any other previous salaries that they’ve earned before. Teachers going
back and recommitting themselves to education in this country, hospitals opening
up and beginning to provide services to patients, an economy starting now to
function when in actual fact it had effectively collapsed by the end of the
year. So my view is that in less than a 100 days, this government more than
anything else has brought hope and signs of clear economic
stabilisation.
Lance: That’s the
deputy minister of Information, Media and Publicity, Mr. Jameson Timba joining
us on Behind the Headlines. Mr. Timba, thank you for joining
us.
Timba: Thank you Lance.
To listen to the interview click
here
For comments and feedback please e-mail lance@swradioafrica.com
Lance Guma
Producer/Presenter
SW Radio
Full
broadcast on Shortwave: 4880 kHz. Also
available 24 hours on the internet.
You
can also access archives at http://www.swradioafrica.com/pages/archives.php
Jubilant ... Zimbabweans celebrate the swearing in of new
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai at a rally in Harare. Photo: AP
As Mugabe and his venal cronies bleed this failed state dry, hope for change
rests with the MDC's main man, reports Russell Skelton in
Harare. Driving through the streets of Harare it is hard to imagine the terror
surrounding the last year's March election, an election that, despite the
systematic intimidation of opponents - mass beatings, murder and disappearances
- the 85-year-old Robert Mugabe and his ZANU-PF party lost. The stand-off that followed eventually ended in the creation of an "inclusive
Government" in which Morgan Tsvangirai is Prime Minister but Mugabe remains
President and keeps control over the army. Today, roadside stalls offer fresh
tomatoes and green vegetables and there seem to be an extraordinary number of
imported luxury cars racing over the potholed roads. But if there was any doubt about Zimbabwe's institutionalised system of fear,
it is dispelled after just a few days in the capital. On the outskirts of Harare at a secret location, I meet a "venerable" member
of Mugabe's Zimbabwe African National Union (Patriotic Front). "If I am caught
talking to you, I am a dead man," are his opening words. The international media
are banned and foreign reporters face imprisonment if caught. Our meeting takes
place in a deserted warehouse. "It is a most dangerous time, the party is
divided and there are many who believe Mugabe should not be in the inclusive
Government at all." He describes a bleak political landscape. The party of liberation long ago
morphed, in Orwellian style, into the party of greed and self-interest. "These are the people who have acquired a lot of wealth and don't want to
lose it; they think they can hold on. They worry that if the MDC [Movement For
Democratic Change] succeeds they will be brought to justice, they will be held
accountable. Nobody should rule out a coup." The politician describes himself as moderate. He knows Mugabe, knew his first
wife ("who would never have let it come to this") and is well acquainted with
the rival powerbrokers and faction leaders - Emerson Mnangagwa and Solomon "Rex"
Mujuru (and his wife, Vice-President "Avarice" Joyce Mujuru) - who, he says, are
manoeuvring to replace Mugabe should he resign or stumble. Mnangagwa, often
mentioned as Mugabe's heir apparent, was head of security when the first
massacres of political opponents took place in the 1980s. Zimbabwe may not yet meet the technical criteria of a failed state, but to
most observers that is surely academic, with 90 per cent unemployment, a
compromised justice system and a bankrupt economy staggering along on US dollars
and South African rand. The UN estimates 75 per cent of the population remains dependent on food aid.
State-sanctioned violence including the seizure of "white" farms continues. Most of the nation's factories are in mothballs and in the capital constant
blackouts interrupt what business there is. Silos that once held grain for
exports are empty. Harare's public hospital wards are filled by empty beds
stripped of pillows and blankets. Zimbabwe's cholera and AIDS-HIV patients are
forced to attend clinics operated by NGOs or, if they have $A10, a consultation
in a private hospital. On the other side of Harare in a modest building on a street Tsvangirai plays
a deadly game of poker with the nation's founding president. Tsvangirai and the MDC were dealt an impossible set of cards under the Global
Political Agreement (GPA) brokered by the aloof and unsympathetic former South
African president, Thabo Mbeki, after last year's election stalemate. Although Tsvangirai won more votes, he has been forced to play a subservient
role to the discredited Mugabe. Recently Mugabe stripped Nelson Chamisa, an MDC
minister, of half his communication portfolio - the half that contained
telephone and internet snooping powers. Chamisa tells me, in a hurried encounter at a union conference, that he is
confident of getting his full ministry back. But from all accounts he is the
only minister in the 61-member cabinet who really believes that. "Political
bacteria and corruption still threaten the Government, but we are shining a
torch on it." Brave words. MDC insiders say Tsvangirai, still grieving for his wife who recently died in
a road accident, and a grandchild who drowned soon after in a pool, is asserting
himself with fresh determination. He told a rally this month he was committed to
making the inclusive Government work and would not walk away. David Coltart is the MDC Minister for Education. I find him on a top floor of
the education building, a drab 18-storey edifice in Harare's CBD. The building's
toilets were unblocked and the water, he says, was reconnected with funds
donated by Australia. When we meet the polite and genial Coltart is in the middle of an industrial
crisis, rushing from one meeting to the next. Teachers have threatened to
strike, claiming the $US100 ($132) a month they receive is not enough - even
though under Mugabe's former regime they were paid worthless Zimbabwe
dollars. Coltart, a senator and a white minister is surprisingly if cautiously
optimistic, believing the inclusive Government was always going to be tough.
"The majority of people in all the parties want to make the agreement work, even
though there are hawks out to derail it. We are trying to stop the country from
falling into complete chaos. "I have hundreds of thousands of kids that had no education last year," he
adds. Coltart has no idea how many teachers are employed even though 90,000 people
receive salaries. The bureaucracy has many "ghost workers", ZANU-PF activists
who collect wages as teachers but who never set foot in a school. They are the
thugs and foot soldiers deployed to intimidate voters, carry out abductions and
enforce Mugabe's political will. "We need 140,000 teachers. That is the establishment figure, but we are not
sure how many teachers we have … Trade unions tell me the real number of actual teachers is only 60,000." Like other MDC ministers, Coltart has set up audit to identify the ghosts:
but what he needs most is money. With just $US40,000 a month to operate 7000
schools, he cannot employ more teachers even if he wanted to. The prospect of an
injection of UNICEF funds - and there are plenty available - is unlikely.
Britain is opposed to releasing UNICEF money while the farm invasions
continue. Coltart acknowledges that there is good reason to believe that the MDC has
been set up to fail, but clings to his optimism. "We are going in the right direction since that truly awful time in May last
year [when Tsvangirai was put in hospital by a beating] … There is a critical
mass of people inside the Government, including ZANU-PF ministers, who want this
to work," he says. "If we can improve the lives of people and we get a free and
fair constitution, the MDC will be able to take absolute
power."
We asked Kathy, the Sokwanele reader who has taken the prisons issue to heart and doing all she can to help, to write us a blog update on her mission so far. This is what she sent us. Thank you Kathy and thank you too to all the people you work with! Please can everyone read and do what they can to support.
“Despite terrible desperation, their position as ‘prisoners’ means they are denied the most basic human instinct and that is to fight for survival: inmates can’t beg for food from passers-by, they can’t forage for wild berries in the bush, and they can’t rummage through dustbins for waste food. Because of this, Zimbabwe’s prisons constitute a unique and especially cruel form of torture that has both physical and psychological impacts on the people affected.”
This exerpt from the Sokwanele article, “Zimbabwe Prisons are death-traps” is the paragraph that forever shocked me out of my complacent, couch potato lifestyle, and spurred me into action. This horror realisation that even the most basic means of survival has been removed, and that even the most lenient prison sentence is a potential death sentence.
Now, almost two months later, my initial response, that rather blasé , sweeping exhortation to Sok’s blog readers to “Make the call…do something…if you know someone…” blah, blah, blah, seems quite hilarious!
My subsequent efforts have brought me face to face with the realities of just how daunting the task of bringing relief to suffering humanity can be. The initial plan seemed good at the time… “just transfer $10 and we can all make a difference”. But, when we put it into action, many countrys’ banks rejected the transactions, and created a logistical nightmare for us.
But, undaunted, and still very determined to make a difference, we are still plugging away. Andrew from AOG World Wide Missions is working on a solution to solve that transaction problem. He’s in contact with another charity organisation in Britain who could possibly handle the transactions for us. It seems that certain banks in some countries have South Africa flagged as “risky”, so we’re hoping that credit card transfers into a UK account will go a lot more smoothly.
Having said that, we would like to say a very big Thank You to those who have donated so far. There’s been a steady trickle despite the fact that in the past weeks there’s been very little attention focussed on the prisons.
Please continue to donate.
The logistical, or let’s say “intricacies” - let’s not call them problems - became very evident to me a couple of weeks ago when I started assisting some mornings at the Waymakers Ministry offices; there’s loads of work to be done, finding transport companies to transport bulk supplies, arranging “duty free” permits for donated goods, making sure there are warehouses ready to receive donated goods, locating donors, sourcing supplies, getting prices, etc. etc. etc.
The list is endless, but also very exciting. Every day new people are coming forward to help.
Just today I bumped into a lady whose husband has an Export business with a warehouse in Musina, and many international contacts. I promptly dispatched a list of requirements to her. He might not have anything to offer, but he will know somebody, that knows somebody, that knows somebody, that has something to donate.
Waymakers Ministries recently took delivery of a Unimog truck (pictured above) that was bought with funds donated by some kind-hearted Americans. This will greatly increase their capacity to carry supplies into the prisons. I heard a ‘little birdie whisper’ the other day that a farmer could possibly donate a huge load of maize; there is another promise of a load of dried beans and dried fruit. This isn’t cast in stone yet, but we’re working on it!
I’m sure there are many of you out there thinking, what can one person do? What can I do? There is a lot you can do.
If you are outside SA or Zim, your most practical contribution to the project is money.
If you’re inside SA or Zim, you might also know somebody, who knows somebody, and your contribution could come in the form of telling someone with a Transport business, for example, that we’re looking to transport donated goods to Zim. Or, you might know someone who works for a soap company, who knows someone who could arrange a donation of detergent. You might want to become part of a Missions Team that goes into one of the prisons to help with some cleaning. Use your imagination, the possibilities are endless. Teamwork is the key here.
The really clever thing to do, of course, is to pass the Sokwanele Prison Donations link on to as many people as you can. Put the link on Facebook. Email it to everyone you know, even the local Newspapers and Radio Stations. Print some pictures from the Prisons article and do a presentation at your local church, then pass the hat around for a donation. Do the same at your next staff meeting. Network with people that belong to organisations like Rotary, Round Table, Ladies Groups, Mens Groups, etc. Many people are willing to contribute, they just don’t know where to start.
Here is a tentative list of items we’re expecting to take to the prisons:
Maize meal, Soya, Dried Beans, Peas, Lentils, Oil, Salt, Sugar, Samp, Tinned Food, Rice, Tea, Coffee, Powdered Milk, Fresh Fruit and Veg (where possible), Detergent, Dishwashing Liquid, Soap, Cloths, Brushes, Toilet Paper, Basic Medical Supplies.
We’ve been told that prisoners at one of the prisons don’t even have plates or cups, so we’re even sourcing that.
Hopefully we can give you a really positive update soon, with some photographs plotting the movement as we manage to get supplies moving into Zim.
Please come on board with us and help us make this project a roaring success. Let’s do it for the people who aren’t able to help themselves… the prisoners.
Kathy
If anyone would like to suggest names and contact details of people who can help, but would rather not leave them publically in the comments, please contact us and we will pass them onto Kathy. Leave your email address so we can get Kathy to contact you if she needs to.
Here are a few burning issues being shared with Kubatana by members of the Zimbabwean public . . .
Water
Hi, I would like to bring to your attention the health time bomb that most Zimbabweans have been exposed to and I am appealing that your organization could make Zimbabweas aware of the danger of consuming poorly treated water a problem caused by Zanu PF misrule. I hope that your organization can help by informing the general public that they should try and take responsibility for their health by ensuring that their water is first purified before consuming it. I would also like to appeal to you to mobilise Zimbabweans to bombard their MPs and senators and parliament by means of email, phone calls, sms’s, personal meetings and letters demanding that they starting implementing the Zambezi pipeline project and the Kunzwi dam project these are the only projects that will long term solutions to the critical clean water crisis,they should be focusing on solving this health crisis instead of fighting over cars. The cholera epidemic was just the tip of the iceberg worse things are still to come. The provision of clean water by a government is a basic human right. - Maryanne
Power
What is the true situation with Zimbabwe Electricity Supply Authority (ZESA) bills? Here in Mutare we received household bills of up to US$300.00. I don’t always have access to the press but I hear ZESA was directed to slash these astronomical figures by a certain percentage. Is this the true position right now? Efforts to contact ZESA have proved fruitless as one is put on continuous “hold”. - Iris
Police
My experience occurred on 3 May 2009 at 3pm at Christmas Pass roadblock in Mutare in the hands of a police officer with a name I saw on a ticket reading like Sada. I was driving my recently imported Toyota car with temporary card board number plates being issued these days. I had tried by all means to buy ordinary plates but failed since ZIMRA in Harare is said to have no plates. At the road block when the police officer saw my car with this temporary number plate he immediately took it and ordered my car to be parked out of road saying it had been impounded by police and it is only them who will drive it to police camp. I asked the reason for that and they said the number plate was supposed to be written the route which I was supposed to use and hence was not allowed to move from Masvingo to Mutare. I explained that I was informed that these numbers allowed me to travel in all parts of Zimbabwe but not outside the country but the police officer refused and said it is only him who can explain the law. I asked one police officer who was not manning the roadblock and he said there was nothing like that since temporal number plates are allowed in all parts of the country of Zimbabwe. He ordered me to reason with him maybe he wanted me to pay money to him. I said I was not prepared to pay the money as a UN staff and if I had the case I would pay a legal ticket. I even phoned CID Masvingo who had cleared the car and they told me that there was no case but were supposed to give me back my car. I went back to the police officer and tried to reason with him asking him if he could write a ticket of whichever amount so that I can pay but refused. I requested to take him to Police camp to verify if the car was stolen but he refused saying he will do it at his own time since he was knocking off at 10pm. I informed him that I had little children in the car and was going to Masvingo and would end up driving at night which is unsafe but he refused. During the negotiations he was giving me gestures that he wanted me to pay bribe money but I refused. I waited for an hour and was later given back my number plates warning me not to argue with police. I left the road block at 4pm and had to travel during the night to Masvingo risking cattle and all problems of night driving. I was emotionally disturbed and had to drive to Masvingo in this state together with whole family risking my family’s life. I am still disappointed about this event and should there be a way of making this police person be put to book I will pursue it. His name I am sure is Sada and purports to be coming from Mt Darwin at Dotito.
- Ephraim
http://www.radiovop.com
Bulawayo -May 15 2009-An
organization geared at fighting all forms of
political violence in Zimbabwe
known as the Zimbabwe Smart Politics Campaign
(ZSPC) has been launched in
the country.
In an interview ZSPC chairperson, Retired
Liet. Col. Moses Dendere,
who is based in the United Kingdom said the
organization was formed by
Zimbabweans in the diaspora who escaped political
violence before and during
the build up to the June 27, 2008 presidential
run-off elections.
"After receiving a lot of inquiries from victims of
political violence
in and out of Zimbabwe we decided to launch an
organization that will help
in the process of national healing as well as
trying to stop political
violence in future elections in Zimbabwe," said
Dendere who was Director of
elections for the Mavambo Project under Dr Simba
Makoni.
Dendere left Zimbabwe on June 27 last year after releasing a 10
page
document analyzing the 2008 elections with special focus on violence
durinng
the build up to the presidential run-off elections. Dendere
accompanied a
team of retired South African generals to several parts of
Zimbabwe who were
sent to by President Thambo Mbeki to investigate reports
of political
violence during the build up to the presidential run-off
elections. Dendere
had subsequently been placed on the wanted list by the
Central Intelligence
Organization (CIO).
The organization which
has trustees based in Zimbabwe aims among other
things to educate citizens
of their political rights and how to avoid being
manipulated and abused by
political parties. Dendere said ZSPC would also
raise funds to assist
victims of political violence and would work closely
with the three
ministers of national healing in the inclusive government.
"ZSPC is
an apolitical organization that will work with citizens of
Zimbabwe from all
political formations. Our aim is promote permanent peace
and assist victims
of politically motivated violence whenever it resurfaces
in Zimbabwe. We are
disturbed by the reports of fresh farm invasions which
in some cases have
resulted in politically motivated violence and we are
appealing to the three
principals to speedily resolve the matter."
Scores of victims of
politically motivated violence mostly in the
rural areas of Zimbabwe who
lost their family members, and property and some
who were injured have not
received any assistance as the national healing
process is yet to get off
the ground. Cases of people being victimized for
their political allegiance
are still being reported in some rural areas of
Zimbabwe with no meaningful
intervention from the authorities.
Source: Government of Zimbabwe; World Health Organization (WHO) Date: 13 May 2009 ** Daily information on new deaths should not imply that these deaths
occurred in cases reported that day. Therefore daily CFRs >100% may
occasionally result A. Highlights of the day: - 94 Cases and 1 deaths added today (in comparison with 41 cases and 0 deaths
yesterday) - Cumulative cases 98 114 - Cumulative deaths 4 274 of which 2 624 are community deaths - 48.3 % of the reporting centres affected have reported today 29 out of 60
affected reporting centres) - Cumulative Institutional Case Fatality Rate = 1.7% - Daily Institutional CFR = 0.0 %. - No report received from Chitungwiza, Mashonaland Central, Matebeleland
North, Matebeleland South, Masvingo and Midlands province
* Please note that
daily information collection is a challenge due to communication and staff
constraints. On-going data cleaning may result in an increase or decrease in the
numbers. Any change will then be explained.
http://www.cathybuckle.com/
Friday 15th May 2009
Dear Friends.
The
inauguration of South Africa's new president, Jacob Zuma, was an
opportunity
to marvel once again at what must surely be one of the political
miracles of
the twentieth century: the end of apartheid. Speaking in 1993
when Mandela
and De Klerk were presented jointly with the Nobel Peace Prize,
Archbishop
Desmond Tutu remarked that South Africa was a microcosm of the
world with
its mixture of black and white, rich and poor, developed and
undeveloped.
"Once we have got it right," the Archbishop said, "South Africa
will be the
paradigm for the rest of the world." (as quoted in Tomorrow Is
Another
Country: The inside story of South Africa's negotiated revolution by
Allister Sparks)
The 'negotiated revolution' of Sparks' sub-title was
movingly dramatised on
Channel Four recently. 'Endgame' portrayed the
tensions and very real fears
on both sides at this early meeting of members
of the ANC in exile and
prominent members of the Afrikaans community. There,
on one side of the
table were the so-called 'terrorists', Thabo Mbeki,
leading the ANC
delegation and later Jacob Zuma himself joined the ANC side.
Opposite them
sat the Afrikaans hardliners: academics, bankers and
financiers, all of them
passionate believers in the doctrine of 'Separate
Development'. What had
brought the Afrikaaners to the negotiating table was
not a conversion to
democracy but the painful realisation that in strictly
economic and business
terms, apartheid just would not work. It was harsh
economic reality that
finally brought an end to a system of racial
segregation that had shocked
the world.
It was impossible to watch
'Endgame' and not make the connections with the
present arrangement in
Zimbabwe. The ANC's first priority was the release of
all political
prisoners. That struck a deep chord when I thought about how
little the MDC
had publicly addressed the problem of political detainees.
Everything we
have heard since the formation of the GNU has been about money
and 'changing
Zimbabwe's image'. There has been very little said about human
rights and
justice. It was the total collapse of the Zimbabwean economy that
brought
about this marriage of convenience. Speaking in Senegal, Zimbabwe's
Minister
of Finance said, "Zimbabweans don't have any other option but this
experimental government. Otherwise we'll sink into the realms of failure
like Somalia, Sierra Leone and Liberia." And certainly, the figures are
shocking: Tax revenue 20 million, Public Servants' Wages 30 million. For the
period 2000-2007, when the farm invasions were at their height, the economy
contracted by 40%.
Alongside the economic collapse, the continuing
abuse of human rights and
harassment of political opponents goes on unabated
and almost unmentioned.
This last week alone we have seen the arrest of
independent newspaper
editors; foreign journalists arrested for being on an
invaded farm and 150
white farmers facing prosecution for being illegally
present on their own
farms. The activists charged with various 'crimes'
against the state are now
be out on bail but the schedule of their upcoming
trials runs solidly right
through from May to July 20th when Jestina Mukoko
and five others will stand
trial for recruiting personnel for military
training in Botswana. MDC MP's
are imprisoned and as for Roy Bennet, the
designate Deputy Minister of
Agriculture, his trial for possessing weapons
of war is due to recommence on
July 1st. Mugabe has never made any secret of
the fact that he regards white
farmers as enemies because, he says, they
oppose his so-called Land Reform
that led directly to the country's economic
collapse. It's ironic that the
MDC should be working so hard to reverse the
economic ruin caused by the man
who once claimed that 'No one could have run
the economy better.'
Mugabe is 'Part of the solution, whether you like it
or not', Morgan
Tsvangirai told an audience of Zimbabwean exiles when he was
in South Africa
for the inauguration of President Zuma. Back home, he went
further and spoke
of 'hardliners' intent on wrecking the GNU. Is it not time
to name and shame
these hardliners who continue to violate the rule of law?
With respect, I
ask what makes the Prime Minister so sure that Mugabe
himself in not one of
those very hardliners -or has Morgan Tsangirai been
mesmerised by the famous
Mugabe charm?
Only this week Mugabe
demonstrated yet again where his true political
sympathies lie when he
received the North Korean Kim Vong Nam on an official
visit. With
breath-taking insensitivity to the pain and offence it would
cause the
families of the victims of the Gukurahundi massacre, Mugabe
thanked the
North Korean de facto leader for all the help his country had
given Zimbabwe
in the past - including, no doubt, the training of the 5th
Brigade that
carried out the virtual genocide against the Ndebele people.
Rumour has it
that the North Koreans are after the uranium in the Zambezi
valley. If
Zimbabwe is indeed about to sell uranium mining rights to North
Korea, then
it's easy to see how such an act would further alienate western
donors.
North Korea's recent launch of a nuclear missile in defiance of a
Security
Council ban has been widely condemned, yet Mugabe is said to have
congratulated Kim Vong Nam on the launch. Was Mugabe speaking with the
agreement of his 'partners' in the GNU, I wonder?
Watching the SATV
coverage of President Zuma's inauguration and seeing the
warm embrace given
to the dictator, Robert Mugabe, by the democratically
elected Jacob Zuma, we
were reminded again how hard it is to get rid of
dictators. Eradicating the
system of apartheid only happened after years of
negotiations, when all the
parties agreed on the necessity for change. 'It's
a process' says Nelson
Chamisa of the GNU 'and not without pain' but no
amount of 'spin' by MDC
officials can persuade an increasingly sceptical
Zimbabwean public that the
GNU is bringing about real change.
FW.DE Klerk, the reluctant reformer
who finally dismantled the apartheid
state, took over from a certain PW
Botha as Prime minister of South Africa.
Botha was known as the 'Old
Crocodile'. Zimbabwe too has its Old Crocodile.
The question is, has he
already swallowed up the MDC? Perhaps the arrest
yesterday of the respected
human rights lawyer, Alex Muchadehama, by
Mugabe's own secret police, will
provoke the MDC into some kind of strong
public reaction - just to prove to
the people that the 'New Beginning' they
were promised is more than just a
fast-fading illusion.
Yours in the (continuing) struggle PH.
From The Daily Telegraph (UK), 14 May
By Sebastien Berger Southern
Africa Correspondent
Robert Mugabe has sent his tourism minister to
Brazil to persuade the
five-times World Cup winners to base themselves in
Zimbabwe during the 2010
finals in neighbouring South Africa. Walter Mzembi
has left for Brasilia,
where he will hold talks with the Brazilian president
Luiz Inacio Lula da
Silva on the subject, the state-owned Herald newspaper
said today. "I have
been mandated to take president Mugabe's special message
to the president of
Brazil," the minister was quoted as saying. "The
Brazilians surely want to
see new things. Should we lose the bid to host
them, they should at least
visit Zimbabwe as part of their acclimatisation
programme. We should cash in
on that." Mozambique is also bidding to host
the Brazilians, but it has the
advantage of a shared common language,
Portuguese. Given the vast distances
even within the host country, and the
high standard of its facilities, it is
unlikely that any of the teams will
want to base themselves outside its
borders. But Zimbabwe would present an
even harder challenge. Its
infrastructure has crumbled under Mr Mugabe's
rule, with power and water
cuts still frequent despite the formation of the
unity government with
Morgan Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change. It
also suffered a
cholera epidemic only a few months ago, and the Brazilian
coach Dunga will
not want any possibility of sickness affecting his team,
after its star
striker Ronaldo fell ill just before the 1998 final against
France, which
they went on to lose 3-0.