http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
May 17, 2013 in Politics
THE MDC-T would
cut down the number of defence forces and establish a
defence service
commission (DSC) in a bid to ensure security sector reforms
if it comes to
power.
Brian Chitemba/Elias Mambo
In its policy document seen by
the Zimbabwe Independent, which will be
launched today in Harare by party
leader and Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai, security sector reforms will
top the agenda if the party wrests
power in elections later this
year.
The MDC-T, however, has for long been clamouring for security
sector
reforms, but faced stiff resistance from Zanu PF which enjoys the
support of
the army, police and intelligence services.
Tsvangirai and
army generals have also been engaged in a bitter war of words
with the
securocrats vowing they will never allow the former trade unionist
to rule,
while the premier equated such sentiments to a military coup.
But the
MDC-T policy document says it will ensure army commanders will be
made
professional by an Act of parliament which will provide for the
establishment of a permanent force, that will bar security personnel from
engaging in partisan politics.
“The MDC government will plan an
overall reduction in staff to levels more
appropriate for a country with no
significant threats.
Rationalisation will be handled with great
sensitivity. The experience from
the demobilisation exercise undertaken in
the early 1980s is that if former
fighters are not assisted in adapting to
civilian life, they may be a burden
on society, may engage in crime and
banditry and may also be used by
dictators for personal political comebacks
after losing a popular vote,”
reads part of the policy blueprint.
The
party says rationalisation and right-sizing will be implemented to
ensure
the defence forces show a true representation of the Zimbabwean
population
and fair labour practices.
The MDC-T noted that under the Zanu PF regime,
the security services have
been used to perpetuate Mugabe’s 33-year rule
through violence and
intimidation.
A number of army commanders,
including Zimbabwe Defence Forces commander
Constantine Chiwenga,
Major-General Douglas Nyikayaramba, Major-General
Trust Mugoba and
Major-General Martin Chedondo, have made political
statements which the
MDC-T said sought to undermine free and fair elections.
The country is
highly militarised as the defence forces has been drawn into
all spheres of
life, the MDC-T said, hence the DSC will depoliticise the
army and state
institutions so that they serve the interests of the nation.
“The MDC
recognises that civil-military relations will only be stable if the
requisite is accompanied by the fulfilment of certain responsibilities
towards the defence forces and its members. The government will not misuse
the Zimbabwe Defence Forces for partisan or repressive purposes,” it reads.
“The government will take account of the professional views of senior
officers in the process of policy formulation and decision-making on
defence.”
The party also says its new government will come up with
legislation which
emphasises the themes of an ethical code of conduct for
intelligence
services.
Security sector re-alignment urgent:
Mutsekwa
THE MDC-T defence and security secretary Giles Mutsekwa, who
recently told
the Zimbabwe Independent his party was holding sensitive
high-level talks
with the military, says the security services have been
manipulated for
partisan political ends, hence an urgent need for security
sector
re-alignment.
Although he refused to divulge information his
talks with the military
commanders during an interview this week with SW
Radio Africa, Mutsekwa,
instead referring questions to his party’s
spokesperson Douglas Mwonzora,
said security sector reforms were imperative
for Zimbabwe’s political
transition to democracy.
“What we are saying
is that for 33 years since Zimbabwe became independent,
the security sector
in Zimbabwe has been very unfortunate in that it has had
a civilian
government that has chosen to abuse our security services,” he
said.
“Therefore, it is only paramount that because there is now a
new political
dispensation and that there is now democracy emerging in
Zimbabwe, our
security sector, which has been misemployed, and being
misemployed, is
completely different from them being
unprofessional.
They might have received professional training, but 33
years of
misemployment obviously takes away some of that professional
training that
you had. So yes, there is an urgent necessity for re-alignment
—
straightening their actions and thinking so that it dovetails with the new
political dispensation that pertains the country.”
Although some
service chiefs, among them the commander of the Zimbabwe
Defence Forces
Constantine Chiwenga, Police Commissioner-General Augustine
Chihuri and top
army commanders including Major-Generals Douglas
Nyikayaramba, Trust Mugoba
and Martin Chedondo have declared their
allegiances to Zanu PF and publicly
shown contempt for MDC-T leader, Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, Mutsekwa
said the generals had no power to stop
the security sector
re-alignment.
He said the security sector re-alignment was agreed to in
the Global
Political Agreement. He also noted his party would continue to
engage Sadc
and the African Union, who are the GPA guarantors, until the
security sector
is reformed.
Mutsekwa, however, said his party was
willing to inherit the security sector
“lock, stock and barrel”, but with
the condition that there must be a
re-alignment.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
May 17, 2013 in Politics
SADC leaders are
standing firm and insisting on the Global Political
Agreement (GPA) and its
attendant poll roadmap as President Robert Mugabe
and Zanu PF get
increasingly desperate to railroad the country to general
elections when the
tenure of the coalition government expires next month.
Report by Wongai
Zhangazha
While Mugabe and his party have instructed their negotiator in
GPA talks,
Patrick Chinamasa, to come up with a “roadmap” to elections ahead
of the
June 29 end of the inclusive government, Sadc leaders want
negotiators to
revisit the original roadmap to complete it before free and
fair elections.
Sadc facilitator to Zimbabwe, South African President
Jacob Zuma, backed by
most of his regional colleagues, has remained
steadfast in his demands that
the GPA roadmap and reforms, including
restraining security service chiefs
from dabbling in politics, must be
implemented in full.
Zuma’s international relations advisor, Lindiwe
Zulu, who is part of the
facilitation team that also includes Mac Maharaj
and Charles Nqakula,
yesterday said the regional bloc is expecting a revised
document of the
elections roadmap from the negotiators.
“The next
step that Sadc has said over and over is the development of a
roadmap that
contains issues in the GPA. There is the need to take the old
roadmap
created two years ago, develop it and see what it is they have
implemented
since it was adopted and then develop the final one with
important
benchmarks that will ensure free and fair elections,” Zulu told
the Zimbabwe
Independent yesterday.
This came as Mugabe last week said Chinamasa
alone, excluding Constitutional
Affairs minister Eric Matinenga, was now
working on the roadmap. Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai had recently
announced Chinamasa and Matinenga
were tasked by principals to develop a
roadmap to elections.
This was, however, rejected by Industry and
Commerce minister Welshman
Ncube, who is MDC leader, as his party did not
have a representative on the
team.
A Sadc Troika on politics, defence
and security meeting held in Cape Town,
South Africa, last week urged GPA
parties to “finalise the outstanding
issues in the implementation of the GPA
and prepare for holding free and
fair elections”.
Although the new
draft constitution was passed by parliament this week, Sadc
is demanding
that before elections are held, not only the new constitution
has to be in
place, but there must also be full implementation of the rest
of the
GPA.
The Sadc facilitation team wants a progress report on the elections
roadmap
agreed on some time ago by all three parties to the GPA and endorsed
by
regional leaders at their summits.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
May 17, 2013 in Politics
PRESIDENT Robert
Mugabe has tacitly agreed to summon service chiefs over
their recent
inflammatory political statements in which they threw afresh
their weight
behind Zanu PF, as pressure mounts on him to rein in military
commanders
ahead of watershed elections later this year.
Faith Zaba/Brian
Chitemba
Mugabe is under pressure from Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai,
a victim of
vicious military verbal attacks, and Sadc leaders to restrain
security
service chiefs from interfering in politics and
elections.
Tsvangirai, who recently raised the issue with Sadc and other
African
leaders during a diplomatic trip across the continent, escalated the
matter
with Mugabe during their Monday meetings.
The MDC-T also wrote
to the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (Zec) chairperson
Rita Makarau and the
Joint Monitoring and Implementation Committee (Jomic),
complaining about the
abrasive and meddlesome conduct of military
commanders. They copied the
letter to Sadc facilitator in Zimbabwe, South
African President Jacob
Zuma.
Zimbabwe Defence Forces commander General Constantine Chiwenga,
Police
Commissioner-General Augustine Chihuri, and prison services boss
Paradzai
Zimondi, as well as other high-ranking army officers including
Major-Generals Douglas Nyikayaramba, Martin Chedondo and Trust Mugoba, have
vowed Tsvangirai would never rule even if he wins next
elections.
Chiwenga shocked the nation recently when he described
Tsvangirai as a
“sell-out” and “psychiatric patient” suffering from
“hallucinations”. He was
reacting to reports that MDC-T defence and security
secretary Giles Mutsekwa
had met him and other commanders to discuss
elections and transitional
issues.
Sources said after balking on the
issue, Tsvangirai on Monday confronted
Mugabe, demanding he must rein in
service chiefs whose statements are in
violation of the constitution and
laws, while they also undermined peace and
stability.
A top
government official told Zimbabwe Independent this week Mugabe agreed
with
Tsvangirai that service chiefs had overstepped the line and were
destabilising the political and electoral environment ahead of make-or-break
elections.
“The prime minister raised the issue at the Monday meeting
with Mugabe. The
president conceded the utterances by some of the commanders
undermine the
prospects of free and fair elections,” said the official.
“Mugabe also
expressed concern over the service chiefs’ conduct and said he
would soon
summon them to discuss the issue.”
Presidential
spokesperson George Charamba said he had no details of the
principals’
meeting as he does not attend their gatherings. “I don’t attend
Monday
meetings because they are principals’ meetings and I am not one. I
wasn’t
there,” he said.
After the Monday meeting, the MDC-T intensified pressure
on Mugabe and the
military commanders by writing to Zec and Jomic demanding
they should craft
a code of conduct for security forces before the elections
to ensure they
behaved in accordance with the constitution and laws
governing their
activities.
“By way of suggestion, we would propose
that Zec seriously considers
crafting a code of conduct for members of the
security services in
elections, which would regulate the conduct of the
security services in a
manner that is consistent with the new constitution,”
reads the letter
copied to Zuma.
The MDC-T said the threats by the
generals since 2002 undermined the
credibility and legitimacy of election
outcomes.
“We note that the new constitution makes provisions to ensure
that members
of the security services conduct themselves in a professional
and
politically non-partisan manner,” the letter reads.
“Section 208
prohibits both the institutions and individuals in the security
services
from acting in a partisan manner; furthering the interests of any
political
party or cause; violating the fundamental rights or freedoms of
any
person.”
The MDC-T further complained utterances by the army chiefs
poisoned the
electoral environment, while undermining its own interests and
furthering
Zanu PF’s political agenda.
Sadc and the African Union,
the MDC-T added, would be concerned about the
behaviour of partisan army
commanders. “As candidates and participants in
the electoral process, we are
appalled by this conduct.
“We do not wish to participate in a sham
electoral process whose outcome is
already predetermined,” the party said in
the letter.
“Finally, it is our expectation that Zec will pursuant to its
constitutional
obligations, carefully consider our concerns, as expressed in
this
communication and take appropriate action to protect the electoral
environment and consequently, the credibility and legitimacy of the
electoral process.
“Inaction or silence in the face of conduct which
plainly does serious harm
to the credibility of the elections might
otherwise be interpreted as
condoning such conduct.”
Tsvangirai this
week described the security chiefs’ remarks as tantamount to
a “coup” since
the uniformed forces were threatening to subvert the will of
the
people.
Since 1980, the military has increasingly played a key role in
politics and
electoral processes. The military was influential in Mugabe’s
disputed
victories in 2002 and 2008, something they want to repeat in the
next
elections.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
May 17, 2013 in Politics
ZANU PF
factionalism is now increasingly becoming a vicious cycle — those
recently
appointed to investigate renewed infighting have become entangled
in the
problem as they now also stand accused of fanning the internal
strife.
Report by Elias Mambo
Following the eruption of fresh
clashes in Bulawayo and Manicaland, the Zanu
PF politburo appointed a team
comprising party national chairperson Simon
Khaya Moyo, national commissar
Webster Shamu, national secretary for
security Sydney Sekeramayi and
secretary for administration Didymus Mutasa
to investigate the latest
incidents of infighting and compile a report.
The team will also visit
Masvingo and Harare to further probe the
factionalism in the party. From
there it will go around the country to other
provinces as part of the
party’s restructuring process before elections.
Last year, Zanu PF
plunged into nationwide infighting following its divisive
and controversial
District Co-ordinating Committee (DCC) polls which were
characterised by
intimidation, voting irregularities and ballot stuffing.
The DCC
elections became a theatre for internal political power struggles as
the
main factions battled to seize control of the party and position
themselves
to produce a successor to President Robert Mugabe (89) who is now
reeling
from old age and reported ill-health.
Zanu PF sources say Mugabe feared
succession-fuelled infighting would
disrupt his elections campaign, hence
the dissolution of the DCC which had
resulted in defeat across provinces for
Vice-President Joice Mujuru at the
hands of her fierce rival, Defence
minister Emmerson Mnangagwa and his
faction.
The sources also say the
current outbreak of squabbling in the party still
pose a serious threat to
Mugabe’s campaign.
“One of the biggest problems which Mugabe fears in the
run-up to general
elections is the flare-up of factionalism and succession
battles. Yes, there
are external threats to his bid for re-election, but
internal pressures are
the biggest problem for him,” a senior Zanu PF
politburo member said this
week.
“Last year we dealt with renewed
factionalism by dissolving the DCCs, but
now we have appointed a
high-powered team to deal with the problem. However,
the composition of the
team is partisan and not going to help anything. It
will only fuel the
problem.”
Mnangagwa’s allies in the party fear that the probe team is not
going to fix
the problems because it is composed of Mujuru’s associates who
would be
trying to purge her rival’s supporters from provincial structures,
while
laying the ground for her to take over from Mugabe.
“The whole
team belongs to Mujuru’s faction and it is surprising how such a
team can be
said to be providing solutions to internal fighting when its
leader is
heading a faction,” another Zanu PF official said.
Zanu PF is divided
into two major factions, one led by Mujuru and the other
by Mnangagwa.
However, there are factions within factions which overlap as
officials shift
from one group to the other depending on political
circumstances and
events.
A clause in the new draft constitution passed by parliament this
week, which
says if the president retires after his re-election, is
incapacitated or
dies, he would be replaced by a candidate from the same
party, is fuelling
the divisions as the two factions fight to strategically
position themselves
to take over.
However, in a bid to restructure
its grassroots which have become a
battlefield for factional fights, Zanu PF
has dispatched the probe team
which the Mnangagwa faction views as
partisan.
The team has already visited Bulawayo and Manicaland, which
have been torn
apart by serious infighting as provincial officials battle
for positions of
influence.
However, the restructuring done in
Bulawayo and Manicaland has already left
a trail of further divisions as the
probe team is seemingly removing those
aligned to Mnangagwa and replacing
them with Mujuru supporters.
Party sources told the Zimbabwe Independent
the whole probe team is a Mujuru
project meant to consolidate her position
as she increasingly gains ground
ahead of Mnangagwa.
In Bulawayo, the
probe team demoted Killian Sibanda, seen as close to
politburo member Obert
Mpofu, now linked to Mnangagwa, from the position of
chair to vice-chair,
replacing him with veteran nationalist Callistus Ndlovu
who is a Moyo ally.
Moyo is seen as a Mujuru associate.
Moyo and Mpofu are fierce rivals
eyeing the position of vice-president left
vacant by the death of John
Nkomo. Although Moyo is the front-runner, Mpofu,
who has denied interest in
the job, and others, pose a challenge to him.
Sources say the real fight
in Zanu PF now is over the position of
chairperson of the party. If Moyo
becomes vice-president, the position of
chairperson will remain vacant and
this might trigger a stampede as Mutasa
and Mnangagwa, as well as politburo
member Kembo Mohadi, among others, are
said to be interested.
In
Manicaland, the Zanu PF faction loyal to Mujuru appears to have gained
ground following the appointment of a new provincial executive. Zimbabwe
ambassador to Cuba John Mvundura is the new provincial chairperson, with
retired Lieutenant-General Mike Nyambuya his deputy. The two are believed to
be aligned to the Mujuru camp.
Mvundura replaced suspended
chairperson Mike Madiro, while Nyambuya took
over from Dorothy Mabika.
Madiro and Mabika are said to be Mnangagwa
supporters.
Mabika last
week claimed Mutasa, who is linked to the Mujuru faction, was
pushing for
charges of stealing cattle donated to Mugabe for his birthday
against her
because she rejected his sexual advances, although sources say
the real
issue is factionalism.
After Manicaland, the politburo team would be
heading to Masvingo province,
one of Mnangagwa’s strongholds, and if
Mujuru’s supporters are installed as
the new regional leaders, the
infighting might further escalate.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
May 17, 2013 in Politics
ZANU PF has been accused
by its coalition partners of frustrating the
activities of the Joint
Monitoring and Implementation Committee (Jomic) set
up under Article XXII of
the Global Political Agreement (GPA) in 2009 to
monitor the implementation
of the power-sharing deal between Zanu PF and the
MDC
formations.
Hazel Ndebele/Herbert Moyo
This follows claims that
the former ruling party has repeatedly refused to
allow Sadc representatives
and delayed seconding party members to boost the
body’s monitoring capacity,
among other things.
The parties have an agreement that each should second
10 party members, one
from each province, to Jomic to boost its monitoring
capacity but Zanu PF
only sent theirs two weeks ago.
“While we
seconded our representatives more than three months ago, Zanu PF
only sent
its representatives two weeks ago and they only joined and were
officially
oriented into Jomic on Tuesday,” said Priscilla Misihairambwi who
is a chief
negotiator for the Welshman Ncube-led MDC formation.
Misihairambwi’s
observations were backed by her party colleague Frank
Chamunorwa and
Thabitha Khumalo from the MDC-T.
Zanu PF is also said to be steadfastly
resisting the inclusion of Sadc
representatives in Jomic claiming their
presence amounted to interference in
the country’s sovereignty.
Sadc
views Jomic as a vital cog in the functioning of the GPA hence its
decision
to appoint David Katye of Tanzania and Colly Muunyu of Zambia to
fully
represent Sadc in Jomic meetings.
Khumalo and Chamunorwa confirmed Zanu
PF members were reluctant to allow the
participation of the Sadc members
with Chamunorwa stating “we (the MDC
formations) have always been open to
their presence in Jomic and it is only
Zanu PF who are
refusing.”
Misihairambwi said progress continued to be bogged down by
details
pertaining to the Sadc members’ terms of reference in
Jomic.
“Namibia has not even bothered to second anybody because they feel
it is
pointless to do so when the terms of reference are not clear and for
us it
is an issue we are taking back to Sadc for clarity,” said
Misihairambwi.
Sources also said Zanu PF members have a tendency of
absenting themselves
from Jomic meetings and the latest example is last
Thursday’s meeting with
the Registrar General Tobaiwa Mudede at KGVI in
Harare. Chamunorwa and
Khumalo reportedly attended and sought clarification
on various issues
pertaining to voter registration.
According to
minutes seen by this paper, Jomic wanted to know how the voter
registration
exercise is being carried out, where the registration centres
are as well as
the requirements for one to register as a voter in the wake
of challenges
reportedly being faced by members of the public.
“In Bulawayo, the armed
forces have been registering to vote using
affidavits which confirm proof of
residence. Members of the public are
however not accorded the same
privilege,” read part of the minutes.
Chamunorwa confirmed the meeting
and said Mudede blamed lack of funds for
the problems bedevilling the
registration exercise.
“He said they had only received less than half of
the US$8 million they had
requested to ensure smooth operations and
consequently they were
short-staffed and could not operate as many
registration centres as they
would have wanted,” Chamunorwa said.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
May 17, 2013 in
Politics
THE MDC-T’s plan to form alliances with other political parties,
especially
the MDC, are stalling over power-sharing mechanisms in the event
of an
electoral victory, with senior members from both sides fearing they
may lose
out on influential posts in the new government, close sources have
said.
Paidamoyo Muzulu
The two parties have enjoyed a love-hate
relationship since their
acrimonious split in October 2005 over
participation in senate elections.
Their failure to form an alliance in the
2008 general elections saved
President Robert Mugabe and Zanu PF from
humiliating defeat.
Some 28 political parties have registered with
Zimbabwe Electoral Commission
to contest the forthcoming general elections.
This comes as civil society
organisations like the Zimbabwe Democracy
Institute and Crisis Coalition in
Zimbabwe have been calling for all
progressive democratic parties to work
together during the coming general
elections.
The MDC-T’s alliance proposal, among other things, is said to
have suggested
the party would not field candidates against senior MDC
leaders during the
polls. It was also suggested that others would benefit
from seats under
proportional representation in the National Assembly,
senate and provincial
councils proposed in the new constitution.
The
sources say informal negotiations between the MDC formations have been
ongoing behind the scenes but big egos and deep-seated personal differences
were stalling progress.
“The MDC-T has made overtures but the
response so far has been lukewarm as
the proposal was not detailed on
power-sharing like in the pre-2008 election
deal that fell through,” a
source said.
“The MDC-T sent a vague proposal that did not attend to
issues around
power-sharing which some feel is another walk down the garden
path.”
Reached for comment, MDC leader Welshman Ncube was non-committal on
whether
there are any talks between the parties.
“I have heard of the
same but we are yet to see any formal proposal and I
don’t like commenting
on hypothetical questions,” Ncube said.
Some politicians from the
Matabeleland regions are said to be uneasy with
the alliance talk since it
is assumed that the MDC is strong in that region.
MDC-T spokesman Douglas
Mwonzora could not confirm the talks but said “we
are ready to work with all
progress forces for change in Zimbabwe”.
Zimbabwe is expected to hold general
elections later this year after expiry
of parliament’s life on June 29.
However, parliament is yet to pass
amendments to harmonise the laws to the
new constitution to pave way for
elections.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
May 17, 2013 in
News
OFFICER Commanding Harare Suburban District, Chief Superintendent
Reggies
Chitekwe, this week summoned the main political parties to Harare
Central
police station to announce the ban of door-to-door campaigns to curb
political violence which might increase as the country heads for general
elections this year.
By Wongai Zhangazha
The announcement by
Chitekwe comes after the MDC-T launched a door-to-door
campaign two months
ago, which led to a series of arrests with the latest
being that of 19 party
activists and later five more for allegedly
conducting an illegal voter
education exercise.
Addressing about 50 people from the main political
parties Zanu PF, MDC-T,
MDC and Mavambo/Dawn/Kusile, Chitekwe said this was
an official directive to
curb political violence and protect
citizens.
National police spokesperson Chief Superintendent Paul Nyathi
confirmed the
meeting on Wednesday, saying it was Chitekwe’s responsibility
to ensure
safety of residents who fall under his district.
Nyathi
said: “The regulating authority is given powers to assess situations
in
their areas as far as security is concerned. It’s his duty to consider
safety of citizens. There have been incidences when some of these
door-to-door activities are held in the evening, on private properties and
this might end up in violent incidences. We encourage the move taken by the
regulating authority.”
Areas that fall under Chitekwe’s district
include Avondale, Mabvuku,
Borrowdale and Marlborough.
However, MDC
parties’ activists said the move was unfair as Zanu PF has been
embarking on
door-to-door campaigns since early this year without any
arrests taking
place.
They described the move as part of a police campaign to block
mainly the
MDC-T from freely mobilising its members ahead of this year’s
make-or-break
elections.
Lately Zanu PF supporters have been accused
of carrying out door-to-door
voter registration exercises in a number of
high density residential areas
checking whether names of citizens above 18
years of age appear on the
voters’ roll.
Those not found not on the
voters’ roll were asked to go and register while
the registered were given
membership forms. This has been alleged in areas
like Mbare, Dzivarasekwa
and Glen View, among others.
A Dzivarasekwa resident who preferred
anonymity said: “Known Zanu PF senior
members in the area have been
conducting their own door-to-door checks of
the voters roll. This started
way before the launch of mobile voter
registration. When they came to our
house they had this thick book which we
thought to be the voters
roll.
“Some residents complained of being forcibly given Zanu PF forms to
fill. We
ended up filling in the forms because who are we to say no. We stay
with
these people in our neighbourhood and we don’t want trouble when
elections
come.”
The voters’ registration exercise has descended into
chaos as thousands of
citizens fail to register to vote to long queues and
restrictive
requirements, particularly proof of residence. Cabinet has made
a resolution
to relax the requirements but registration officials are
refusing to
implement the directive, saying they have not yet been
officially informed.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
May 17, 2013 in News
VOTER registration
again dominated cabinet discussions this week as it
became more apparent
that bureaucratic bungling and systematic
disenfranchisement of potential
voters by the Registrar-General’s office is
continuing unabated, resulting
in ministers resolving that teachers
countrywide be involved in the
exercise.
Owen Gagare/Faith Zaba
Government sources told the
Zimbabwe Independent after noting that
Registrar-General Tobaiwa Mudede and
registry officials countrywide had
failed to implement various cabinet
directives, aimed at removing
bottlenecks militating against the smooth
running of the registration
exercise, cabinet this week resolved that voter
registration becomes a
standing cabinet agenda item.
A source said
Justice minister Patrick Chinamasa, whose ministry oversees
the operations
of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (Zec), and co-Home
Affairs minister
Theresa Makone, who supervises the RG’s office, were tasked
with coming up
with modalities to ensure the upcoming 30-day voter
registration exercise,
which will be done after the president has assented
to the new draft
constitution and gazetted the constitutional Bill, is done
smoothly.
Makone confirmed the latest developments, saying the
measures government
wants to introduce would ensure the programme flows
smoothly.
“We agreed that all teachers must be registry officials and
that all schools
must be registering centres. I will discuss with Minister
Chinamasa to come
up with the necessary modalities for the exercise to be
done smoothly,” she
said.
“Cabinet resolved voter registration
becomes a standing agenda item and
every week there will be feedback on how
the exercise is going.”
Makone presented a report to cabinet three weeks ago
after a massive outcry
from ordinary Zimbabweans who were failing to
register, culminating in the
RG’s office being directed to replace lost
identity documents for all
Zimbabweans free of charge until the last day of
voter registration.
Aliens — people living in Zimbabwe — were cleared to
get identity cards with
immediate effect so that they can register as
voters.
Despite the cabinet directive, ordinary people are still finding it
difficult to register and acquire documents with registry officials being
strict on issues such as proof of residence, among other things.
This
led to Chinamasa presenting proposals to cabinet which resulted in the
Zec
announcing people could swear in an affidavit on their residential
addresses
before registering.
Registry officials were however not availing
affidavits to people, hence the
latest cabinet intervention.
The
voter registration exercise issue was also discussed during the
principals
meeting on Monday, where Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai
reportedly
highlighted the problems ordinary Zimbabweans where facing while
trying to
register as voters.
MDC-T this week wrote Zec and copied the letter to
Sadc facilitator in
Zimbabwe, South African President Jacob Zuma, outlining
the anomalies his
party had come across.
“Our expectation is that as
the ultimate responsible authority on the voters’
roll, Zec would take a
greater and more active role in the voter
registration exercise to ensure
that its integrity is not compromised,” read
the letter. “Ultimately, it is
Zec’s and its commissioners’ reputations and
integrity that are at stake.
More significantly, it is the future of the
country and the millions of
Zimbabweans that is on the line.”
A local non-governmental organisation,
Election Resource Centre, which has
been observing the voter registration
processes, this week said a large
number of people are still disenfranchised
despite the on-going voter
registration exercise.
“In places which
the mobile registration teams have visited a number of
potential voters
remain disenfranchised due to a myriad of challenges
ranging from lack of
publicity, inadequate time allocation, the cost of
registration, limited
civil registration services and difficulties in
acquiring necessary
documents like proof of residence,” it said. “The
foregoing challenges have
the inevitable effect of excluding a significant
number of eligible voters
from the imminent general elections.”
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
May 17, 2013 in News
FOR the past
four years, President Robert Mugabe has been threatening to
unilaterally
call for general elections to end the coalition government he
claims is a
dysfunctional creature.
Report by Brian Chitemba
Publicly, Mugabe
has since 2010 been telling Zimbabweans to get ready for
imminent elections,
claiming the unity government formed in 2009 only had a
two-year mandate
despite not providing any evidence to back up the
assertion.
Last
week Mugabe made fresh demands in Mutare, insisting nothing would stop
him
from ensuring elections are held by June 29, while further indicating he
would set poll dates this week.
Zanu PF officials and their state
media hacks have also been parroting
Mugabe’s declarations which have been
repeatedly proven unfounded by time
over the past four years.
Even
though events on the ground show their claims are unrealistic and
groundless, they remain undeterred in their choreographed repetition of what
amounts to misleading pronouncements.
Even clear constitutional and
legal positions on the elections issue have
been deliberately misinterpreted
in pursuit of early polls, creating
confusion on matters that should be
fairly clear.
While Mugabe and his supporters have been labouring through
election dates
claims which have been proven false since 2010, Prime
Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai consistently pointed out Mugabe cannot make such
as key decisions
without consulting him as required under the Global
Political Agreement
(GPA).
The tenure of the current parliament
lapses at midnight on June 28 and
elections would be constitutionally due
within 120 days, but the various
processes that need to be completed before
polls are held indicate it is not
possible for Zimbabweans to be railroaded
into voting by the end of next
month.
Analysts dismiss Mugabe’s call
for early elections as mere political
rhetoric because it was unlikely he
would proclaim election dates before the
full implementation of critical
political and electoral processes, some of
which are outlined in the GPA, to
pave way for credible, free and fair
polls.
Mugabe, who is becoming
increasingly frail due to old age and reported
illness, is said to be eager
for early elections while he could still
withstand the rigours of a
gruelling campaign.
But with May halfway through, lack of consensus and
clarity on issues are
conspiring against Mugabe’s wishes for a June election
as all necessary
processes to hold credible polls, like harmonising existing
laws such as the
Electoral Act, Urban Councils Act and Rural District
Councils Act with the
new constitution, will have to be complete within just
six weeks.
According to sources at the Registrar-General’s Office, voter
registration
will close on May 28 although it was likely to be extended by
another month
to June 28, after which two months is required for data
capture which would
take until around August 28.
After data capture,
another month is required for voters’ roll inspection
after which a further
month is needed to capture the data, suggesting the
process could be
completed around October.
MDC leader Welshman Ncube – by far the most
consistent political leader on
this subject — has insisted for the past four
years that elections would be
held late 2013, although his current
calculations show they could come
anytime between August and
October.
However, some political analysts, particularly Ibbo Mandaza, say
it would be
impossible to have elections in October since it will be the
beginning of
the summer farming season as many would-be voters are most
likely to be
pre-occupied with agricultural activities.
Ncube says
for the country to hold credible elections, close to 60 days are
required to
implement critical processes that include the conclusion of the
constitution-making process and harmonisation of the laws with the new
constitution.
Even if Mugabe fast-tracks the gazetting of the new
constitution, he can
only do it around the end of this month after which the
new constitution
stipulates that a mandatory voter registration outreach be
conducted for a
minimum of 30 days.
The new constitution also
requires nomination of candidates to take at least
14 days after
proclamation of election dates, and at least 30 days before
polling
day.
This proves timelines to be incorporated into the Electoral Act make
polls
on June 29 impossible.
Further, Ncube believes elections are
only feasible by October 27, since the
constitution says an election must be
held not later than 120 days from the
dissolution of parliament.
But
constitutional lawyer Lovemore Madhuku says it was legally possible to
have
elections by June 29 because the voter registration timelines could be
altered to pave way for polls.
“There is nothing that can stop
elections as long as there is a new
constitution. The 30 days voter
registration doesn’t stop elections because
we are still more than 30 days
away from June 29 of which the voters’ roll
can close two weeks before poll
date,” said Madhuku.
However, he conceded elections could be delayed
because some political
parties were demanding reforms which could take
“forever to be implemented”.
South African International Relations deputy
minister Ebrahim Ebrahim this
week dismissed prospects of June 29 elections,
saying Zimbabwe has to
implement reforms first. This sparked anger from Zanu
PF officials like
Jonathan Moyo.
“There have to be certain reforms
that need to be speeded up. If Zanu PF
says they (polls) should be held in
June or July that is probably playing
politics. All parties should agree
that the time is ripe for an election,”
Ebrahim told the South African Press
Agency.
Apart from the legal processes that need implementation,
political parties
appear not yet ready for elections despite rising
rhetoric. Mugabe and Zanu
PF, which has been passing resolutions to hold
early elections at its annual
conferences since 2010, have been exposed as
powerless on the issue.
Besides, Zanu PF is still to hold its primary
elections after their
guidelines were postponed several times since November
2012. There is also
the on-going restructuring exercise of provincial
structures led by party
chairperson Simon Khaya Moyo which is still in its
infancy with only three
out of 10 provinces having been covered.
Moyo
has reshuffled the faction-riddled Manicaland and Bulawayo provincial
executives and is yet to visit Masvingo and after that Harare, in a frantic
bid to strengthen the party before elections.
After the provincial
restructuring programme, Zanu PF would then invite
aspiring MPs to submit
their CVs. The candidates will then have to campaign
for the primaries
before preparing for general elections.
Top Zanu PF officials say they
require at least two months to campaign
before elections, meaning elections
can only be possible between August and
September at the
earliest.
They also say the deepening internal fighting in Zanu PF could
also delay
elections as Mugabe is struggling to quell the widespread
infighting
threatening to split his party before elections.
Officials
say Mugabe could only call for elections after he has managed to
stabilise
his fragile party, which was defeated in the 2008 elections mainly
due to
the economic meltdown and internal power struggles.
The MDC-T has also
postponed its primaries due to growing internal strife
over the candidate
selection process, something which shows elections are
still a long way
off.
Earlier this month, Tsvangirai embarked on a regional offensive to
lobby
Sadc and other African leaders to ensure Mugabe adopts reforms before
elections.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
May 17, 2013 in News
ALPHA Media
Holdings chairman Trevor Ncube has deplored the continuing state
of media
repression and restrictions in Zimbabwe, saying this is inimical to
the free
flow of information and sharing of vibrant ideas necessary to drive
forward
development in the country.
Staff Writer
Speaking at a Sapes Trust
policy dialogue forum on Media Freedom in Harare
last night, Ncube said it
was deplorable that the coalition government
partners continue to view the
media as an enemy of the state instead of a
development
partner.
Consequently the government has imposed repressive measures to
curtail the
flow of information through laws such as the Access to
Information and
Protection of Privacy Act and the Official Secrets Act,
Public Order and
Security Act, Criminal Law Act, all of which are out of
place in a
democratic society.
“As a result, there is a dearth of
ideas in Zimbabwe,” said Ncube, “this
unlike in America where freedom has
allowed them to continue to produce the
likes of Google and Twitter because
the free flow of ideas in their society
allows it”.
Ncube also said
that media regulation should be left to media practitioners
and civil
society and government should not be allowed to have a role
because they
have vested interests to protect.
“They cannot be the referee and player
at the same time,” said Ncube who
concluded by urging the public to join in
fighting for media freedom as they
are ultimately the biggest losers when
information is censored.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
May 17, 2013 in News
THE RESERVE Bank
of Zimbabwe (RBZ) governor Gideon Gono this week met
Spiritage Group CEO
Zachary Wazara and Kingdom bank founder Nigel Chanakira
and key officials
from the companies in a bid to resolve an escalating fight
between the
parties to avoid the collapse of AfrAsia Kingdom Bank.
Report by Chris
Muronzi
Sources privy to the Monday meeting held at the central bank’s
Samora Machel
office said Gono called for a meeting to narrow a widening
rift between
Wazara, Chanakira and Kingdom Bank over a non-performing US$21
million loan
advanced to the telecommunications guru’s Valley Technologies,
a mobile
phone operator.
According to the sources, Gono is keen on
assisting the feuding parties to
iron out contentious issues that saw Wazara
writing a damning letter to the
central bank early this month claiming
Kingdom Bank attempted to conceal a
non-performing loan that had eaten into
the bank’s equity in the December
reporting period from the
bank.
This comes after Gono over the weekend said he was confident the
situation
was under “control for normal business to continue.”
He added
he was committed to approving and facilitating all legal and
administrative
requirements needed to ensure AfrAsia Bank Ltd and any other
shareholder
could inject funds or shore up shareholding in the troubled
bank.
In
an announcement last week after our publication of the story highlighting
a
feud between Chanakira and Wazara and the threat it poses to the bank,
AfrAsia Bank Limited said: “AfrAsia Bank Limited wishes to re-iterate its
commitments to its investment in AfrAsia Kingdom Zimbabwe Ltd – AKZL, the
Holding company of Kingdom Bank.”
AfrAsia said it had since January
offered support to Kingdom in various
forms including assisting the bank
secure lines of credit and lines
guarantee.
Mauritius-based AfrAsia
Bank Ltd invested US$9,5 million in Kingdom
Financial Holdings Ltd for a 35%
equity stake in the group which owns the
local bank. Gono yesterday said
getting warring parties to negotiate was
common in the banking sector but
said such misunderstandings were more
prevalent in indigenous-owned
banks.
He said: “I’m unable to say much at this stage without undermining
the
discussions under way. Those familiar with dispute resolution
proceedings
know that it is never done until its done. For the record, the
dispute is
between corporate entities and the parties taking part in those
discussions
are doing so in their company representatives capacities. Our
role as a
central bank is to help these parties to avoid destabilising one
another in
the financial sector.”
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
May 17, 2013 in News
ZANU PF is
stepping up its election campaign with the army, police and
prison services
embarking on a massive recruitment drive to aid the party to
win the
do-or-die polls later this year.
Report by Elias Mambo
Government
sources told the Zimbabwe Independent this week secret
recruitments by
Zimbabwe National Army (ZNA), Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP)
and Zimbabwe
Prison Services (ZPS) were underway in defiance of the Public
Service
Commission freeze on employments.
Finance minister Tendani Biti last year
raised alarm over the issue. Before
the June 2008 presidential election
run-off similar recruitments were done
to rescue President Robert Mugabe
from the jaws of defeat after he had lost
the first round of polling to
MDC-T leader, now Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai.
“Since Mugabe
started calling for elections in 2010, the police, army and
prison services
were given the target of recruiting as many people as
possible before
elections although this contradicts the government policy on
recruitment,” a
source said.
“The strategy being used to ensure police officers, army,
prison services,
their wives, children and dependents vote Zanu PF to make a
difference in
the next elections,” said the source.
The security
services have a combined workforce of close to 130 000 people
and the recent
recruitments would hopefully push the figure close to 200 000
before
elections.
“If each officer has, say, five people of voting age under his
or her
household and they vote for Zanu PF, then the party would get up to
its one
million votes target,” said the source.
Another source in
government said new recruits started their training
countrywide on May 2,
while the prison services recruited in February and
March.
“In
Mbalabala training commenced on May 2, while prison services recruited
in
February and March. Another group of recruits in the army is expected to
start training soon,” the source said.
The source also said Zanu PF
officials, MPs, war veterans and their
employees have been approached to
submit names of relatives interested in
joining the uniformed
forces.
“Each official is given a certain number of people from his
immediate family
who can be recruited while the MPs are asked to recommend
people close to
Zanu PF from their constituencies,” said the
source.
Police spokesperson Charity Charamba said yesterday there was nothing
abnormal about the recruitments.
“We have a clearly laid-down
recruitment policy and we recruit whenever is
necessary to maintain a
suitable ratio with the public,” she said.
“We are not contradicting any
government policy. Whoever told you that there
is a government policy to
freeze recruitment will be better placed to tell
us that we are against
government policy.”
ZPS public relations officer Elizabeth Banda said her
organisation recruits
when need arises as they are not bound by the
government policy on civil
service employment freeze.
“We recruit
when need arises within the organisation and the government
policy does not
apply to us,” she said.
The ZNA had not responded to questions sent to
its public relations
department by the time of going to print.
MDC-T
secretary for defence and security Giles Mutsekwa said the recruitment
drive
was “suspicious” as it came just before elections.
“Suspicious recruitments
are currently going on. I can confirm in Mutare 3
Brigade (army base) has
been recruiting. This is against government position
that until we are able
to reward our civil servants we are not supposed to
have new intakes,”
Mutsekwa said.
“This is a deliberate attempt by Zanu PF to recruit as
many people as
possible to boost their chances of winning the next
elections. What Zanu PF
is not aware of is that those people do not support
them. Those are
desperate people seeking employment and won’t help the dying
party’s chances
to win the elections.”
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
May 17, 2013 in News
ZANU PF is now targeting
teachers in rural areas which it is intimidating
and coercing to support the
party and help it mobilise voters ahead of
watershed polls expected later
this year.
Elias Mambo
Sources told the Zimbabwe Independent this
week teachers in Zanu PF
strongholds in Mashonaland provinces, Midlands,
Masvingo and Manicaland are
under increasing pressure to pledge their
support to the party.
Last week teachers in these regions were given
forms titled Special Vote
Requirement to fill in all their identity details
and current stations
without being told the purpose of the forms. It is
feared this is part of
Zanu PFs voter intimidation and mobilisation
strategy.
We were just asked to complete these forms and return them to
the
headmasters who will surrender them to Zanu PF offices, said one teacher
in
Mashonaland Central.
The forms shown to this paper ask the
teachers for their details including
full names, employment numbers, ward
and constituencies of origin.
The forms have unnerved teachers who fear a
recurrence of the 2008 election
violence in which they became targets of
brutality after being accused of
supporting the MDC-T.
Zimbabwe
teachers’ unions said their members have, as in 2008, become
targets of
political violence intended to silence them ahead of
elections.
Progressive Teachers Union of Zimbabwe (PTUZ)
secretary-general Raymond
Majongwe said Zanu PF was out to intimidate
vulnerable teachers in rural
areas to secure votes.
We have reports
of such intimidation in all the provinces in the country and
this is a clear
case of intimidation ahead of elections, said Majongwe.
Those forms do not
serve any purpose except to intimidate our members who
now feel they are
under serious scrutiny.
Majongwe also said headmasters from Manicaland and
Mashonaland provinces
were taken for political orientation lessons during
the school holidays and
are expected to mobilise support for Zanu
PF.
We have reports Zanu PF was working with the Zimbabwe Teachers
Association
during the holidays and they conducted political orientation
lectures. Some
headmasters were taken to Chimoio in Mozambique, and all this
is meant to
influence the teachers votes,he said.
Recently the PTUZ
alleged a new wave of violence is rising against teachers
under an operation
code-named Operation Vharamuromo, (operation close your
mouth) intended to
suppress anti-Zanu PF dissent and critics.
A 2010 survey by the PTUZ
suggested between 65 000 -75 000 teachers were
displaced due to violence by
war veterans and youth militia prior to the
June 2008 blood-soaked
presidential election run-off.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
May 17, 2013 in
Business
GOVERNMENT will this year disburse US$5 million under the
Distressed
Industries and Marginalised Fund (Dimaf) as part of efforts to
recapitalise
ailing companies in Bulawayo, Ministry of Industry and Commerce
acting
permanent secretary Staneslous Mangoma said.
Report by Gamma
Mudarikiri
Mangoma told businessdigest this week that following the
assessment of the
state of industry by the ministerial task force late last
year, government
will soon be disbursing US$5 million to rejuvenate the
ailing industry in
Bulawayo although other areas like Masvingo are likely to
benefit.
“We have received communication from the Ministry of Finance
that US$5
million will soon be availed targeted mostly at industries in
Bulawayo
although at the moment I am not in a position to give the exact
timelines of
the disbursement,” said Mangoma.
Industry in Bulawayo
however requires US$73 million to fully recapitalise. A
report released by
the Ministry of Industry and Commerce early this year
showed that 60
companies in the city, once the industrial hub of Zimbabwe,
are on the verge
of collapse.
This could add to the 85 companies which closed in Bulawayo
last year,
predominantly from the clothing and textile sector representing
74%, motor
and construction sectors constituting 22% and 4%
respectively.
Mangoma said the budgetary constraints continue to thwart
government efforts
to fund the full recapitalisation of industry in
general.
Since the launch of the US$40 million, Dimaf has managed to disburse
only
US$13 million to revive industry countrywide.
Last year,
Treasury availed only US$5 million from the allocated US$10
million. The
funds benefitted 30 companies from the initial target of 45
companies.
Bulawayo continues to be de-industrialised as some
companies are closing and
with others downsizing
operations.
Dairibord Holdings this year announced plans that it would be
closing its
factories in Bulawayo due to low raw milk supply.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
May 17, 2013 in Business
ZIMBABWE is
expected to have more than 100 megawatts (MW) additional power
on its supply
grid by November this year after Zesa Holdings (Zesa) has
expunged a US$40
million debt owed to Namibian state-owned electricity
company NamPower,
Energy minister Elton Mangoma said.
Report by Taurai Mangudhla
The
US$40 million is in respect of a February 2007 deal in which NamPower
gave
Zesa a loan to refurbish its Hwange Thermal Power Station.
Zesa was to
repay the debt by exporting 100MW during peak periods and 150MW
off peak to
Namibia daily for five years given Zimbabwe’s then
hyperinflationary
environment and lack of foreign currency.
“The power purchase agreement
is for 150MW so you can see it’s a lot of
power which when that contract
terminates we will be able to have another
100 to 150MW supplied to the
country,” Mangoma said.
The 150MW is expected to reduce the country’s power
deficit which currently
stands around 800MW.
Mangoma said Zesa was
currently supplying NamPower with electricity worth
between US$4 to US$5
million each month.
“What they have done is to ask us to sign a power
purchase agreement which
is a lot more than the amount that they have given
us, for instance, we have
got a contract that says we should be able to
export power which sometimes
is in the region of US$4 to US$5 million a
month to them,” he said.
“As you can see if we were just repaying with
electricity we could have just
taken ten months or one year and finished it,
but they instead actually pay
us for that electricity or a portion of it
until the end of the power
purchase agreement which is in
October.”
Zimbabwe’s power purchase agreement with Namibia was expected
to be fully
met last year, but it was extended for another year after the
country failed
to honour the agreement on account of persistent power
generation
challenges.
In September last year, Mangoma announced
Zimbabwe would continue supplying
Namibia with electricity until it clears
the debt.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
May 17, 2013 in News
IT has almost
become part of tradition for visiting heads of state or
high-profile
delegates to visit the highly mechanised First Family’s
Gushungo Dairy
Estate and Amai Grace Mugabe elite Junior school in Mazowe
which are hardly
typical of Zimbabwean farms after the land reform programme
or average local
schools.
Report by Wongai Zhangazha
This has raised questions as
to why the focus should only be on the Mugabes
family’s flourishing
businesses and projects when thousands of other people
benefitted from the
country’s controversial land reform programme, blamed in
some cases for
ruining the country’s one thriving agricultural industry and
food
shortages.
If the land reform programme is anywhere near as successful as
Zanu PF and
its apologists increasingly claim, why are the foreign
dignitaries not being
taken to other farms, or is the government too ashamed
to show them the long
grass, vandalised equipment and dilapidated farmhouses
which have been
turned into kraals, critics of the land invasions
ask.
This, critics say, justifies the need for a land audit, although
government
this week said it has abandoned plans to carry out an audit as
set out by
the Global Political Agreement (GPA) to weed out multiple-farm
owners due to
lack of funds.
Instead government would carry out a
“land use audit” to determine the
extent of current land usage.
Last
week, spouses of director-generals of intelligence organisations from
Zimbabwe, Mali, Zambia, Senegal, Indonesia, Gabon and Nigeria toured the
Gushungo Dairy Estate, Amai Grace Mugabe Junior School and the Grace Mugabe
Children’s Home.
During the visit, Willia Bonyongwe, wife of
Zimbabwe’s Central Intelligence
Organisation (CIO) boss Happyton Bonyongwe,
showered praises on Mugabe’s
dairy project which she said was a shining
example of the much-needed
value-addition project that everyone must
emulate.
She described the First Family, one of the biggest beneficiaries
of the land
reform programme, as an “elaborate exposē of what Zimbabwe is
all about”,
different from what she said was reported by the Western
media.
When Malawian President Joyce Banda was in Zimbabwe to officially
open the
Zimbabwe International Trade Fair last month she was feted like
royalty, and
was taken to the First Family’s dairy project. From such a
limited
appreciation of the results of the country’s agrarian reform Banda
gave the
programme a ringing endorsement, saying she was highly impressed by
what she
had seen at the Mugabes’ farm and would send a delegation to study
the
projects.
Ruler of Ras Al Khaimah, Sheikh Saud Bin Saqr Al Qasimi
also visited the
dairy farm recently and described it as world
class.
While focus is now mostly on the First Family’s businesses,
previously
Reserve Bank Governor Gideon Gono’s Donnington Farm just outside
Norton was
another success story sold to foreign dignitaries although he
bought it and
was not given under the land reform
programme.
Disgraced Former African National Congress Youth League
president Julius
Malema and his delegation toured Gono’s farm in
2010.
In 2007 Equatorial Guinea strongman President Teodoro Obiang Nguema
Mbasogo,
who was in Zimbabwe to open the country’s once vibrant Harare
Agricultural
Show, also toured Gushungo Dairy Farm.
Obiang was later
taken to Grace’s late brother Reward Marufu’s farm in the
same
district.
These guided tours have shielded foreign leaders and
dignitaries from
finding out for themselves the true picture of the
country’s land reform
programme. Critics say the tours are a political
gimmick which has mostly
benefitted Mugabe and the well-connected elite,
while the less privileged
face a host of insurmountable challenges each
farming season.
The endorsement of the land reform by foreigners is
politically expedient
for Zanu PF which is pitching its election campaign
for crucial polls this
year on indigenisation and
empowerment.
Independent socio-economic rights activist Hopewell Gumbo
said Zanu PF
bigwigs are not fully supportive of an all-inclusive agrarian
reform but
sought to use it for political gain.
“There has been very
little significant investment support to the poor
majority and the new farm
ownership structure remains stratified with the
poor at the bottom and the
rich at the top,” Gumbo said.
“However, it should be noted that large
sections of people have access to
land without the resources to till the
land more efficiently. There is
nothing spectacular to see on most of the
farms of ordinary people besides
the size of the new acquisition; cases of
success are rare. One wishes most
of the other farms were the same (as the
First Family’s).”
Namibian-based journalist Wonder Guchu however said the
whole issue was
historical and emphasised the need for an urgent land audit
to establish the
real situation on the ground.
“When people moved
onto the farms it was haphazard. Farming is not an easy
vocation. This is
why a few farmers are doing well while most are
struggling,” he said. “Even
when Gono gave implements, fertilisers and seeds
under the mechanisation
programme, most sold those things for quick cash, as
a result there are few
farms worth showing off,” he said. “There is need,
therefore, for a land
audit to establish the real situation on the ground.
There must be farms for
resettlement and others for production; only an
audit can guide that
process.”
Guchu said politics has kept the situation unchanged.
“A
land audit would unearth unproductive farmers; these are known even
without
an audit. So what are we waiting for? Why are we massaging
unproductivity?”
he asked.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
May 17, 2013 in News
AFRICAN countries have
often been accused of turning conferences into talk
shops which fail to come
up with meaningful policy proposals and resolutions
to tackle the myriad of
problems bedevilling the continent, including
poverty, disease and human
rights abuses.
By Herbert Moyo
Throughout the year, different
countries on the continent play host to
various international gatherings —
from the African Union meetings to
regional gatherings such as the Sadc
summits — and quite often African
leaders choose to divert attention from
their own shortcomings, while
blaming outsiders for their own problems, in
the process doing nothing and
leaving critical issues
unresolved.
Despite having an abundance of resources, solid skills base
and a huge
market, Africa remains poor due to conflicts, bad governance and
mismanagement.
While historical exploitation, exogenous factors like
skewed global trade
practices and exploitation by big economies are a major
factor, internal
problems also play a major role in keeping the continent
underdeveloped.
Although a number of countries are increasingly becoming
democratic on the
continent, wars and coups continue in countries like Mali,
Central African
Republic and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), while
governance issues
are still unresolved in states like Zimbabwe, one of the
African countries
failing to derive meaningful benefits from its abundance
of mineral
resources.
Only the powerful and rich are benefitting at
the expense of the country and
the poor.
Last week, Zimbabwe hosted
the 10th Conference of the Committee of
Intelligence and Security Services
of Africa in Harare, during which State
Security minister Sydney Sekeramayi
urged African countries to work closely
in tightening security across the
continent to curb the unbridled plunder of
natural resources by Western
countries.
“This imperial competition for our resources has, of late,
been interfaced
with the threat of illegal regime change,” Sekeramayi said.
“Africa is at
crossroads; either we allow our erstwhile oppressors
unfettered access to
our natural resources and, thus, face the wrath of this
great continent’s
future generations, or we grasp the nettle and take full
charge of the
exploitation of our natural resources.”
Like many other
Zanu PF officials, Sekeramayi grabbed the opportunity to
ratchet up the
party’s stale mantras on sanctions and regime change while
appealing for
“African solidarity”.
Analysts say while there are external problems
retarding development on the
continent, some of the issues confronting
African countries, including
Zimbabwe, are self-inflicted. They say
resources are being plundered in
countries like Zimbabwe by the ruling
elites, including security forces
which are supposed to be safeguarding the
country’s riches.
Finance minister Tendai Biti last year lamented that
Treasury’s revenue
targets were not met partly because diamond proceeds fell
far short of
projections.
Political analyst Godwin Phiri says: “One
needs to look no further than the
security forces and Zanu PF chefs working
in cahoots with corrupt foreign
interests, particularly from China, to see
who is plundering Zimbabwe’s
resources while the economy receives little or
no benefits”.
Phiri’s claims are supported by Global Witness whose 2012
report, titled
Financing a Parallel Government: The Involvement of the
Secret Police and
Military in Zimbabwe’s Diamond, Cotton and Property
Sectors, fingered the
security forces, including the army, police and
Central Intelligence
Organisation (CIO), in shady dealings in the diamond,
cotton and property
sectors.
Global Witness alleged the CIO received
millions from Hong Kong businessman
Sam Pa as well as 200 Nissan pick-up
vehicles in exchange for resource
exploitation opportunities.
“In
return, Sam Pa received diamonds and accessed business opportunities in
the
cotton and property development sectors,” reads the report.
A Canadian
campaign group, Partnership Africa Canada, also recently said at
least US$2
billion worth of diamonds have been stolen from the Marange
diamond fields
with most of the money allegedly enriching Zanu PF leaders
and their
cronies.
Marange fields have seen “the biggest plunder of diamonds since
Cecil
Rhodes”, the colonial magnate who exploited South Africa’s Kimberley
diamonds a century ago, charged Partnership Africa Canada, a member of the
Kimberley Process, the world regulatory body on diamond
trade.
Marange fields — one of the world’s biggest diamond deposits — has
been
mined since 2006 and its vast earnings could have turned around
Zimbabwe’s
economy, battered by years of meltdown and political turmoil, the
group
said.
Zimbabwe also continues to lose out on real benefits from
its resources due
to badly negotiated and secretive mining agreements
entered into by the
cash-strapped government with foreigners, analysts
say.
Zimbabwe Environmental Lawyers Association (Zela), which has been
monitoring
developments in the mining sector, says lack of transparency in
the Zimplats
and Zisco-Essar deals, for instance, illustrates the problem of
shady
dealings.
“It is surprising that contract negotiation has
remained the preserve of a
few individuals at times without the competency
to craft good mining deals
for the country,” Zela said.
Zela’s
assertions were supported by Kambuzuma MP Willias Madzimure who
demanded
legislators to be involved in negotiations with potential investors
to
prevent corruption by ministers who give away Zimbabwe’s precious natural
resources for kick-backs.
Analysts say Sekeramayi and fellow
government ministers would also do well
to examine malpractices by companies
from other African states involved in
resource extraction in
Zimbabwe.
Findings by Southern Africa Resource Watch (SARC) investigating
corporate
governance and social responsibility of South African mining
companies in
five African countries, including Zimbabwe, shows the plunder
of resources
and failure to uplift ordinary people’s lives is rampant on the
continent.
Reads the SARC 2010 report: “It is clear that South African
companies are
not behaving any differently from Western and Asian companies,
making a
mockery of the African Renaissance (touted by former South African
president
Thabo Mbeki.)
“South African mining companies are taking
advantage of regional governments’
weak legislation framework and lack of
capacity to monitor the development
agreements to disregard some of the most
basic human rights.”
While South African companies have not been good
corporate citizens,
Zimbabwe’s security forces, apart from pillaging
Marange, were accused of
looting DRC resources during their involvement in
the country’s war from
1998 to 2002.
In Sierra Leone and Liberia,
former Liberian president Charles Taylor abused
the two countries’ diamond
resources to fund civil wars in both countries.
Taylor was subsequently
found guilty of crimes against humanity using
proceeds from “blood
diamonds”.
Nigeria is Africa’s biggest crude oil exporter yet the country
is forced to
import 85% of its fuel because of failure to develop its own
refining
capacity, partly as a result of corrupt government officials who
allegedly
receive kick-backs from multinational oil companies for stakes in
the
lucrative industry.
Over the years, different ethnic groups have
been locked in violent clashes
to control the huge oil reserves. Thousands
of lives have been lost,
including those of famous author Ken Saro Wiwa and
nine others who were
executed on the orders of former military ruler, the
late Sani Abacha, in
1996.
Analysts also say that while the West has
a well-documented history of human
rights violations and plunder of African
resources, Zimbabwe and other
African countries should accept their own
shortcomings and stop playing the
blame game.
Zimbabwe Democracy
Institute director Pedzisai Ruhanya said: “There is need
for introspection
to come up with policies that ensure that Zimbabwe adopts
policy frameworks
that benefit the generality of the population, not just a
few
elites.”
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
May 17, 2013 in News
As the Global
Political Agreement (GPA) staggers to an end, continued
violations of the
agreement, reform deficits, limited institutional
credibility and the
rejection of a UN election needs assessment mission
underscore the continued
absence of conditions for peaceful and credible
elections despite the new
constitution adopted in March 2013.
President Robert Mugabe has been
forced to step back from a June vote, but
his party still pushes for an
expedited process with little time to
implement outstanding reforms and new
constitutional provisions.
The pervasive fear of violence and actual
intimidation contradicts
rhetorical utterances of commitment to peace. A
reasonably free and fair
election is still possible, but so too are deferred
or disputed polls, or
even a military intervention.
The international
community seems ready to back Sadc, which must work with
GPA partners to
define and enforce “red lines” for a credible vote.
Zanu-PF is likely to
resist further reforms. Sadc places particular emphasis
on democracy-
supporting institutions, but the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission
(Zec) faces
significant challenges. Limited government funding threatens its
capacity
building, public outreach and ability to ensure the integrity of
the voters’
roll.
The chairperson of the Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission
(ZHRC)(Reggie
Austin) resigned, citing the body’s lack of independence and
government
support, and was replaced by (Jacob Mudenda)with close ties to
Zanu-PF.
The GPA’s Joint Monitoring and Implementation Committee (Jomic)
plays an
important role in responding to political conflict, but has
insufficient
support and addresses symptoms, not causes, of violence and
intimidation.
Certain pro-Zanu-PF security officials may seek to
influence the polls. Some
have demanded greater political representation;
they played a pivotal role
in the 2008 violence that secured Mugabe’s
victory, for which none were held
accountable.
The Zimbabwe Republic
Police has demonstrated some professionalism, but its
leaders openly support
Zanu-PF and frequently harass Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC)
formations and civil society, which the MDC-has been powerless
to
prevent.
The GPA provides no basis for credible investigations of the
police (or
other security elements), who refuse to answer to the
co-ministers of Home
Affairs or Jomic and expose parliament as largely
toothless. Political
parties face internal challenges. Within Zanu-PF,
“hardliner” and
“reformist” camps are fighting over who will succeed
89-year-old Mugabe.
MDC-T is struggling with a reported drop in
popularity, infighting and
limited capacity to mobilise its
supporters.
The international community assesses Zimbabwe’s progress
positively,
demonstrating its support for Sadc’s facilitation.
The
constitutional referendum enabled the European Union to lift restrictive
measures against most of the individuals and entities (excluding Mugabe, his
wife Grace, a small group of security officials and the Zimbabwe Mining
Development Corporation).
Zimbabwe and the UK subsequently held their
first bilateral talks in over a
decade, and a “Friends of Zimbabwe” meeting
that offered economic support
and the lifting of sanctions against two
Zimbabwean banks by the United
States shows Western commitment to supporting
Zimbabwe’s reform.
Sadc’s priority is “containment” even more than
reforms to maintain
stability. This objective remains vague, but the
organisation must
consolidate its promotion of reforms in compliance with
its election
guidelines. Reforms require monitoring, but Jomic’s capacity
for this is
limited and Zanu-PF’s resistance to extending its mandate to
focus on
elections has frustrated Sadc.
The regional bloc should
establish an office in Harare that complements
Jomic but also allows it to
independently liaise with the government.
If the impasse on sectorial
reforms persists, the vote may be rescheduled.
Political leaders recognise
that to proceed when the risk of large-scale
violence is high and when
parties and Sadc disagree over what constitutes an
acceptable threshold for
credible elections would be dangerous.
Faced with divisions that threaten
their performance in the polls, Zanu-PF
and MDC-T may back
postponement.
Deferral, if accompanied by firm Sadc pressure, presents
opportunities to
promote reforms, on condition that strict timelines are
defined, monitoring
is enhanced significantly, political parties understand
the risks of
failure, and institutional weaknesses and the potential for
interference by
the security sector are reversed.
Otherwise, the
“winner-take-all” attitude means the election is likely to be
strongly
disputed.
Some in Zanu-PF feel threatened by the erosion of economic
opportunities
that would come with losing power, while others fear
prosecution for human
rights violations. For the MDC-T, an electoral defeat
would signify a loss
of influence. For Zanu-PF, disputing the results could
mean increased
influence by bringing the country to a standstill.
A
conclusive election requires that all parties and their supporters accept
results. There are indications that Mugabe and Prime Minister Tsvangirai
have agreed to do so and accommodate whoever loses.
However, such a
deal does not automatically translate into acceptance by
their parties.
Tsvangirai has agreed to be the GPA principals’ point man on
election
preparations, which could make it more difficult for him or his
party to cry
foul or withdraw because of irregularities.
The waters are already
muddied by the MDC-T’s acquiescence in the
referendum, which proceeded
according to the interests of the GPA
signatories, disregarding the concerns
of other political groups and civil
society.
A military takeover is
unlikely, not least because of uncertainty about the
political allegiance of
the rank and file, probable regional censure and
international
isolation.
However, allegations of the army’s bias and complicity in
human rights
violations raise concerns it may seek to influence the election
outcome. It
may also present itself as a stabilising force if inter- and
intra-party
relations deteriorate further.
This year is decisive.
Elections in a context of acute divisions are
unlikely to provide stability.
There is growing sense that the best way
forward is further power sharing,
though this is only helpful if objectives
are established and widely
accepted.
To note that Zimbabwe is less violent now than in 2008 means
little before
the campaign – it is the competition for power that generates
violence.
That the elections are likely to be tense and see some violence
and
intimidation is clear; what is not yet clear is the nature of the
violence,
its extent and the response it will
generate.
Recommendations
To define and build consensus on the
election roadmap
To Sadc:
Facilitate further discussions among the GPA
parties to address the lack of
consensus and clarity on reforms following
the constitutional referendum.
To enhance oversight on the political
process toward elections
Convene a dedicated heads of state summit on
Zimbabwe that emphasises
roadmap compliance with the Sadc “Principles and
Guidelines Governing
Democratic Elections” and that:
(a) Establishes
a liaison office in Harare to monitor and evaluate electoral
preparations
and facilitate prompt response when necessary;
(b)Defines “red lines”, strict
benchmarks and clear measures for
non-compliance by the GPA parties to the
agreed roadmap; and
(c)Establishes clear monitoring and observation roles in
the election.
Utilise its security structures and processes to facilitate
high-level
engagement between senior military, police and intelligence
officials from
the region and Zimbabwe to persuade the security sector not
to interfere in
the political process.
Require an electoral code of
conduct for police, military and intelligence
services that can be endorsed
by Sadc heads of state.
Ensure the country does not rush into elections
before there is clarity and
consensus on, and practical implementation of,
necessary reforms.
To the GPA principals:
Take a more hands-on role to
expedite and ensure implementation of
agreements and GPA commitments, as
well as the resolution of outstanding
disagreements, in particular:
a)
conduct the outstanding annual review of GPA implementation as stipulated
in
Article 23 relating to the periodic review mechanism;
b) ensure Sadc
officials deployed to Jomic during the constitutional
referendum remain in
place until after the elections; and
c)resolve disagreements preventing the
deployment of additional Jomic
provincial monitors.
Direct Jomic to
independently investigate allegations regarding state
security forces’
partisanship and political interference.
Extend Jomic’s mandate to cover the
election period (including before and
after the vote) and make provision for
holding political party leadership
accountable to the GPA and the election
roadmap.
Encourage political tolerance and coexistence across party lines
through
frequent joint press conferences, calling for non-violence,
inter-party
dialogue and responding to particular concerns and
incidents.
Allow the UN needs assessment mission to return to Zimbabwe to
conduct an
assessment that can help address the lack of confidence in
electoral
processes and systems.
Resource fully and operationalise
the ZHRC so it can discharge its mandate
before, during and after
elections.
Appoint staff to Zec with a view to addressing concerns about
alleged
political bias set out in the draft election roadmap.
To address
the politicisation of the security services and state
institutions.
Hold regular National Security Council meetings as the
elections draw near
to mitigate disagreement and develop
consensus.
Ensure security officials making partisan public statements
are censured or
sanctioned.
To build a sustainable democratic
transition in Zimbabwe
To Jomic
Operationalise additional teams recruited
in 2012 to complement existing
teams working with the Operation
Committee.
Increase outreach, cooperation and collaboration with civil
society and
faith-based organisations.
To preserve and consolidate
political coexistence.
This is a summary of the International Crisis
Group’s latest report on
Zimbabwe
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
May 17, 2013 in Opinion
RECENT arbitrary
arrests of prominent human rights lawyer Beatrice Mtetwa
and senior
officials of the MDC, coupled with sporadic attacks on civilians
and civil
society by the state, have been interpreted by some, including
MDC-T leader
Morgan Tsvangirai, as the last kicks of a dying horse.
Opinion by Simukai
Tinhu
High-profile lawyer Lovemore Madhuku, who heads the National
Constitutional
Assembly, a vocal civic organisation when it comes to
constitutional and
democracy matters in Zimbabwe, also echoed the same
sentiments — explaining
such behaviour as indicative that Zanu PF was
panicking it might lose the
elections.
Lost among all this are two
unmistakable facts: first, violence and
intimidation of civilians is part of
the party’s electoral strategy; second,
Zanu PF has been the subject of such
predictions before, and to date they
have been proved wrong.
Indeed,
in the run-up to the 2002 and 2008 elections, with mounting national
debt,
food shortages, disease outbreaks, rampant unemployment, and high
levels of
inflation, many wrote off the party.
However, Zanu PF has proved to be a
survivor, and is currently calling the
shots in a shaky coalition government
with the two MDC formations.
Key considerations
There is no doubt that
Zanu PF has depended on heavily managed and scripted
elections to retain
power. Alongside manipulation of elections, intimidation
and violence have
also been at the heart of this strategy.
Indeed, a cursory look at the
post-independence elections shows that these
have been characterised by
violence. In the run-up to the 1985 parliamentary
elections, the Zanu PF
government unleashed the infamous Gukurahundi
campaign against supporters of
PF Zapu, resulting in the deaths of
thousands.
In 1990, Zimbabwe
Unity Movement, a party that provided a formidable
challenge, also faced
widespread intimidation and violence. In the 1996
elections, the two main
opposition parties, Abel Muzorewa’s United Parties
and Ndabaningi Sithole’s
Zanu-Ndonga, withdrew from the elections citing
irregularities and
intimidation of their supporters.
When the MDC emerged in 1999 and seemed
to have a genuine chance of
unseating Zanu PF, President Robert Mugabe’s
party again resorted to
physical force. Even today the use of coercion and
the threat of violence
remain critical for Zanu PF’s strategy, and it should
not come as a surprise
if this year’s elections are shrouded in violence,
intimidation and
repression.
The party has also been aided by an
unequal political playing field. For
example, the media in Zimbabwe has
always been muzzled. There are very few
privately–owned newspapers and radio
stations.
This has meant that public information remains under the firm
grip of Zanu
PF, which uses state–owned media to manipulate public opinion
in its favour,
while using hate speech and other inflammatory language
against the
opposition.
Repressive laws such as the Access to
Information and Protection of Privacy
Act, the Public Order and Security Act
and the Criminal Law (Codification
and Reform) Act have been used to
severely curtail basic rights through
vague defamation clauses, and
draconian penalties. Certainly, Zanu PF treats
an unequal political playing
field as something that cannot be changed. For
example, to date, they have
showed total disregard to calls by the
opposition, civil society, regional
bodies such as the African Union and the
international community to change
it so that other political players have
room to manoeuvre.
Zanu PF has
had an overwhelming share of Zimbabwe’s most talented
politicians, including
figures such as Patrick Chinamasa, Jonathan Moyo and
Herbert
Murerwa.
This vanguard of elite politicians, who masterminded the party’s
stranglehold on Zimbabwean politics since the 1980s, are not only street
smart and tough, intelligent and well-read, but also ruthless.
Most
crucially, they have perfected the art of staying in power. It is this
obsession with power that blinds them to any regard for competitive
politics, and which also explains the party’s aversion to
democracy.
Mugabe’s party also has an ideology which appears to resonate
with a
staunchly anti-Western and nationalistic section of Zimbabwean
society. In
fact, it could be argued that Zanu PF is a political party that
has a
“permanent” support base of mostly rural peasants who have
consistently
voted for them since Independence.
Though the MDC has
started to make some inroads, historically, it has been
difficult for the
opposition to claim significant support from this group.
Zanu PF has not
only managed to secure support from this group through
nationalist ideology,
but it has also used propaganda.
For example, it has repeatedly played
the fear card of a return to “white
rule” via the MDC, portraying the
opposition as conniving with foreigners to
steal Zimbabwe’s
resources.
One of the less remarked on reasons for Zanu PF’s long stay in
power is its
interpretation and reinterpretation of history. Mugabe’s party
understands
the power of “useful history” — the application of it as a
propaganda tool,
and as a social and political organising force that can
help shape national
identity.
Zanu PF has manufactured and
popularised many histories in order to justify
both its policies such as
land reform and indigenisation and also the party’s
repressive
rule.
History has been used to reinforce the centrality of Zanu PF in
Zimbabwean
politics and also the eternal nature of the “revolutionary party”
versus the
ephemeral nature of other parties that have come and gone. While
Mugabe’s
own interpretations of national history might be difficult for
non-Zimbabweans to appreciate, they do resonate with certain sections of
Zimbabwean society.
Elite cohesion as survival tool
Zanu PF’s
greatest strength has, however, been its elite’s cohesion. There
would be
genuine grounds for optimism for the opposition if the party was to
split or
a significant number of party stalwarts were to leave. The unity of
the
party is the best barometer for Zanu PF staying in power, and no
strategy
can seriously purport to have the ability to unseat it if it does
not
consider undermining its unity.
What explains this high party elite
cohesion? First, is what might be called
“corrupt law practice”. This
“colapractice” (a portmanteau for corrupt law
practice) system is simple; in
return for elites’ loyalty to the party, the
government tolerates corrupt
activities by its party officials.
However, the government closely
documents this corruption, building evidence
that can be used against elite
officials, particularly those that the party
cannot afford to leave or join
other parties.
If any of these party members undermine party cohesion by,
for example,
threatening to form a breakaway or join a rival party,
compromising
information is passed to the legal system led by a partisan
Attorney-General.
The disobedient party member either faces prison,
full-scale seizure of
their wealth or both. Zanu PF has turned this strategy
against a number of
party elites such as James Makamba, Chris Kuruneri, and
Phillip Chiyangwa,
among many.
The very nature of Zanu PF’s corrupt
political culture has also ensured its
survival. The party is dominated by
wealthy individuals who have mines, vast
tracts of land and who also own or
control local banks. Together, these
individuals practise a distinctive form
of patronage politics that has been
used to maintain the party’s
unity.
Public offices are often used by its elites to gain access to
state
resources, which are then shared among party elites to retain their
loyalty
to the party. The resources are also used to lure talented members
of the
intelligentsia and powerful civil society leaders to the
party.
The West, by publicly backing the opposition MDC, may have done an
injustice
to the very democratic ideals that they seek. Indeed, they have
been an
asset to Mugabe in terms of boosting his core supporters’ hostility
towards
perceived attempts to micro-manage Zimbabwean
politics.
Washington and Brussels’ missteps afforded Zanu PF the perfect
invitation to
take on the MDC as a front for neo-imperialism. In addition,
their
relentless criticism and lack of engagement with Mugabe’s party gave
endless
fodder for stoking nationalism and anti-Western
rhetoric.
Zanu PF’s internal problems
Is an attempt to unseat Zanu PF
from power a case of pushing water uphill?
No. Once Mugabe is gone, all bets
are off. The 89-year-old leader’s presence
has neutered any potential split
in the party.
The octogenarian leader will either expire or resign before
the end of the
first term (should he win the upcoming elections). The fact
that Zanu PF
fought so hard for a provision in the new constitution which
says that
should a president retire or fail to continue in office for any
reason,
there would be no fresh elections, but the governing political party
would
choose whom to thrust to the top post.
This is the clearest
indication yet that Mugabe intends to hand over power
to one of the party
members. Rumour has it that power struggles within the
party have already
started in earnest. But who are the contenders?
The choice of successor,
if left to Mugabe, will certainly be someone
capable of preserving party
unity and also determined to carry forward his
policies, land reform and
economic indigenisation. The man who appears to
fit the bill is Defence
minister Emmerson Mnangagwa, who has long been
regarded as the president’s
blue-eyed boy.
Having been minister of security, justice and defence, he
is not only an
experienced administrator, but probably more than anyone
else, has helped
build and maintain Mugabe’s post-Independence political
order.
However, not only does Mnangagwa lack the charisma of his mentor,
he also
combines the worst instincts of narrowly focused patronage with a
ruthless
authoritarian temperament. He is rumoured to be one of the
country’s richest
people, and has been accused of being the man behind the
Gukurahundi
atrocities committed against civilians in Matabeleland in the
early 1980s.
In addition, the succession of Mnangagwa will be of the same
generation.
Rightly so, having been in cabinet since 1980, Mnangagwa exudes
an
atmosphere of elderly exhaustion.
The other contender is the
current Vice-President Joice Mujuru. However,
with the death of her husband,
retired army commander Solomon Mujuru in
2011, who was known as a king-maker
in Zanu PF’s internal politics, Mujuru’s
faction has been gravely
weakened.
A surprise entry in the battle has been the emergence of
Saviour Kasukuwere,
the young and energetic Minister of Youth Development,
Indigenisation and
Empowerment who has been the point-man in Mugabe’s drive
to “indigenise”
foreign-owned companies. The burly, former intelligence
officer is by far
the underdog.
Kasukuwere’s faction is made mainly
of young apparatchiks languishing in the
political wilderness; emerging on
the national scene might prove difficult.
His camp lacks the patronage
networks of the traditional factions of
Mnangagwa and Mujuru that draw party
bigwigs and turn out the vote.
Some believe that if Mugabe were to lose
the election, security chiefs (who
have a symbiotic relationship with Zanu
PF) would take over. This is
unlikely for two reasons: first, the army is
very much aware that its
stock-in-public image is extremely
poor.
Despite explicit threats, I doubt if they have the stomach for
experimenting
with actual governance. Second, the army will also struggle to
project
legitimacy across Africa. Diplomatic assault by international
leaders,
particularly from Sadc, would be too much for them to
withstand.
What if Zanu PF loses?
Having been encouraged by the
peaceful referendum vote, many are beginning
to see a scenario where Zanu PF
voluntarily hands over power in the event of
its defeat. This is a reckless
assumption. Past elections have shown that
the party is distinctly hostile
to competitive politics, and as such, it
would be naive to think that Zanu
PF is conducting elections out of
goodwill, with the ultimate intention of
handing over power to the
opposition.
The Justice minister Patrick
Chinamasa, who is considered one of the brains
behind the party’s survival
strategies, expressed Zanu PF sentiments when he
was recently asked on BBC’s
Hard Talk programme if the party was prepared to
voluntarily surrender power
if it were to lose the elections.
Chinamasa’s response was that he would
campaign for Zanu PF to win, and did
not see his party losing. Such
Pollyanna intransigence not only reflects
Zanu PF’s resolve not to give up
power, but to retain it at all costs.
Tinhu is a University of Cambridge
graduate with an Mphil in African
Studies.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
May 17, 2013 in
Opinion
PARLIAMENT on Wednesday passed, with amendments, the Constitution
of
Zimbabwe Amendment (No. 20) Bill paving way for President Robert Mugabe
to
assent to it before it is gazetted into law.
Candid Comment with
Dingilizwe Ntuli
While a new constitution is desirable, on its own, the
document will not
change the political culture and how the country is
governed to ensure
development and progress.
A national constitution
is basically a set of fundamental principles,
written or unwritten in a
consolidated form, or established precedents
according to which a state is
run. It was interesting to see MPs and
senators in a euphoric mood amid
celebrations which appeared on the surface
to mark the birth of a new
country.
Zanu PF national chairperson Simon Khaya Moyo’s reaction was:
“This is a
historic day for our liberated and sovereign state of Zimbabwe.
We are about
to seal the authoring of a new supreme law of the land. This
Constitutional
Bill is a product from the people of this great land … it is
home-grown and
smells of no foreign ingredients.”
Even after the new
draft constitution has been gazetted, not much is likely
to change unless
our rulers begin to embrace constitutionalism, govern in
strict adherence to
the constitution and laws of the country and adopt a new
political culture
in rejection of arbitrary and repressive rule, together
with all its
excesses and abuses.
Embracing constitutionalism is important for
Zimbabwe to move ahead. Having
a new constitution without embracing
constitutionalism will not help
anything.
In its most basic form,
constitutionalism is a complex of ideas, attitudes
and patterns of behaviour
elaborating the principle that the authority of
government derives from and
is limited by a body of fundamental law — a
constitution.
So is Khaya
Moyo and his Zanu PF colleagues now prepared not just to adopt a
new
constitution, but embrace constitutionalism and inherently implied
democracy?
It must also be said the new constitution alone will not
be a lightning rod
to freedom and prosperity in Zimbabwe, as Khaya Moyo and
his comrades would
like us to believe. The problem in this country has never
been about the
constitution and laws per se, but the repressive political
culture and
leaders who violate the constitution and laws with
impunity.
Apart from their disregard for the constitution, Zimbabwean
leaders have
also been applying laws selectively ensuring authoritarianism
and attendant
problems, including violation of the rule of law.
With that
mentality, Zanu PF used its power to manipulate the constitution
and laws,
while circumventing or ignoring court orders.
If that did not help,
judges and lawyers have been targeted in a bid to
secure the party’s
political agenda and objectives.
As a result, the constitution and its
values, such as freedom of expression,
speech or assembly, have been reduced
to an abstraction.
So, will the new constitution change all this? Will Zanu
PF respect the rule
of law?
Will the harassment and arrest of
political and human rights activists,
civil society leaders and journalists
end? Will corruption and plunder of
public resources stop? Will the new
constitution set Zimbabwe on a path to
democracy and economic recovery?
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
May 17, 2013 in
Opinion
We were struck by the Herald’s claim that President Robert Mugabe
should be
commended for securing food supplies from Zambia and thus averting
starvation.
By The MuckRaker
Last week Zimbabwe and Zambia
signed a government-to-government agreement
for Zimbabwe to import 150 000
tonnes of maize from Zambia. Vice-President
Guy Scott signed for
Zambia.
Only a government with the people at heart could propose such an
arrangement, we were told. If Tendai Biti had been in charge of the deal,
the grain would have been sourced by private companies, the Herald
claimed.
“The involvement of the government will ensure the grain is
distributed to
all deserving people fairly without discrimination on party
political
lines.”
Really, is that the case? We were under the
impression that the president’s
followers were claiming that he was the
fountain of plenty!
“It is clear that the MDC-T wanted to use hunger as a
campaign tool in
harmonised elections …” the Herald said in a case of
turning reality on its
head.
But we are missing something important
here. Why was Zimbabwe importing food
in the first place? Did we not use to
be a food exporter? And where are
those farmers now? Many of them are in
Zambia producing not only for the
Zambian home market, but for exports as
well to countries that cannot feed
themselves.
Zimbabwe is paying for
its “successful” land seizures. And the President of
Malawi says she would
like to emulate Zimbabwe’s example. A case of the
blind leading the blind!
And you can bet your bottom dollar the Zambians are
enjoying a case of
schadenfreude!
What of the others?
Among the president’s funny claims
were his remarks in Mutare that he would
win a beauty contest if he competed
against Morgan Tsvangirai. His party
lost seats in Manicaland in 2008
because at 84 (then) he was showing
wrinkles consistent with his age, Mugabe
said.
He had his audience in stitches with that one, the Herald told
us.
Then there was the appeal to his subordinates to behave themselves. He
was
referring to the number of divorces in the upper ranks of the
leadership. We
felt there were others whose record was less than glowing who
he didn’t
mention. Not sure why?
Schools galore
A reader has
written to complain about unauthorised buildings going up in
Marlborough.
This follows Muckraker’s column a few weeks ago (“Just say No”)
mentioning
what looked like blanket approval to change of use in certain
areas by the
city planning department.
Creches and education institutions seem to be
mushrooming everywhere, we
said.
“We have the existing Marlborough
Junior and High School in our vicinity,”
our correspondent says. “Four
houses down from us is Angels Nursery School.
Across the road from us is
Happy Primary School which used to be a nursery
school, but has now expanded
and become a primary school.
“No notice of their intention has ever been
given to us or the fact that
they are advertising on their sign outside that
they are registered to offer
Cambridge International Education Programmes
and Qualifications which means
they are intending to bring in high school
children.
Added to this, Happy Primary School has built a double storey
classroom
block which looks straight into our yard.
No notice of
their intentions has ever been given to us, it has taken away
all our
privacy. We are going to have children hanging out of windows all
day long.
It is just not fair to ourselves as residents and has now brought
the value
of our property down because of this development.
“The road in front of
our driveway is totally potholed due to all the
traffic including a big
school bus and three smaller school buses dropping
children off at Happy
Primary School and the lorries bringing in the
materials to build all their
new extensions.
“I could go on and on and feel quite desperate at this
stage as it seems as
though there are people just doing what they want, most
probably because
they have people of influence behind them.”
Possible
deadlock
Muckraker is keen to hear from the country’s leading parties
what steps they
have taken to deal with a possible deadlock in the wake of
elections.
All the evidence suggests that no one party will secure a
majority in either
the presidential or parliamentary polls.
The MDC-T
threw away its advantage by poor leadership about a year ago. Its
leaders
didn’t understand what was required to win an election. It woke up
late in
the day to the fact that its opponents were not playing by the book
in
regard to the GPA. And to this day the MDC-T has not spelt out its
commitment to democracy and the rule of law.
Also absent are the
media reforms to which the GPA commits us. What, for
instance, is Tafataona
Mahoso doing as CEO of the Zimbabwe Media Commission
and chair of the
Broadcasting Authority of Zimbabwe? What is the Access to
Information and
Protection of Privacy Act still doing on our statute books?
The truth of
the matter of course is that Zanu PF doesn’t subscribe to the
basic freedoms
that underline a democratic society. But in that situation,
it is
fundamental for the challengers to tell the country what they stand
for.
Instead, we have been treated to a policy of complacency with
Morgan
Tsvangirai talking about accommodation and motorcades. His party has
allowed
Zanu PF to get away with sweeping the GPA requirement for a land
audit under
the carpet. So the greedy post-liberation aristocracy keep their
ill-gotten
gains.
Flawed character
However, even the mildest
criticism of President Mugabe has led to civic and
student leaders being
incarcerated, something Sadc should care about. This
is not what a
democratic society is about.
Editors at this newspaper were detained for
suggesting that MDC-T officials
had discussed post-election arrangements
with army officers, again something
that Sadc, as guarantors of the GPA,
should be concerned with.
What all this illustrates is the flawed
character of the ancien régime and
MDC-T’s response to it.
Zimbabwe
is not the reformed society political leaders promised in the GPA.
And as a
result, the election will instead reflect that democratic deficit.
Weird
parties
Meanwhile, Muckraker has enjoyed looking at the weird political
parties that
have suddenly emerged on the front page of the
Herald.
Unsurprisingly, they all seem to say they want an end to the GPA and
early
elections.
Muckraker’s favourites are the Zimbabwe Organised
Open Political Party and
the Multi-Racial Open Party Christian Democracy.
Sounds like something out
of the 70s.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
May 17, 2013 in Opinion
FOLLOWING on the
piece I wrote last week in which I tried to explain why we
should proceed
with caution to secure shareholdings in the few foreign banks
we have in the
country, this installment seeks to draw the attention of
stakeholders to the
inadvertent dangers that could befall our economy at
this critical juncture
if we choose to throw caution to the wind.
Opinion with Gideon
The
President’s advice
It has been erroneously suggested in some publications
this week that
President Robert Mugabe has not given us direction on this
important matter.
During his 89th birthday interview with ZBC’s Tarzan
Mandizvidza, the
journalist asked the president to comment on what he termed
“public spat
between officials of the same government over the issue of
indigenisation
and economic empowerment”, singling out differences over
application of this
policy to financial institutions and the response
was:
“Well, I suppose it is the application, how do we apply that
principle
(51/49%) of indigenisation and empowerment? When it comes to
natural
resources, that is very clear.
“When it comes now to areas of
technology, in fact, the technology is
borrowed, then you cannot apply the
same principle (51/49) because the
resource is not yours … Those who have
brought the resource here own that
resource. What you can say is you are
participating in that resource … and
this is a resource that is coming into
the country and for that one, you can
go 50/50 or you can agree on a ratio
which is sustainable and equitable. It
is not in every case that we must
apply the 51/49.”
Now, what more clarity and guidance do we want? My
interpretation here is
that the 51/49 policy is not cast in concrete. Where
it is necessary and
pragmatic that we vary that approach through
negotiation, we must not be
afraid to negotiate and do so in a fair and
sustainable way.
On February 23, at the national Heroes Acre during the
burial of the late
ambassador John Mayowe, Vice-President Joice Mujuru
echoed the same
position.
She called on the nation to appreciate that
the concepts of indigenisation
and economic empowerment were not mutually
exclusive and that there is need
to “be practical and flexible enough to
know when to emphasise one or the
other without compromising the broad
thrust of the revolutionary initiative”.
Again interpreted simply, this
means a one-size-fits-all approach to
different sectors of the economy needs
re-thinking.
Back to the basics
Elementary commerce tells us that
production is a function of four factors,
namely land, (including all in or
under it), entrepreneurship, (the desire
to take calculated risks in
anticipation of profits), labour (the human
resources factor) and capital
(technology and financial resources). All
other components are variations of
the same thing but in substance, nothing
has changed.
The
significance of this reality is to remind stakeholders that the
legitimate
battle for and subsequent acquisition and indigenisation of our
land is
fundamentally different in character, historical significance and
justification from our efforts to indigenise capital, technology, or
entrepreneurship, which is what the banking sector is.
Indeed, as we
are already doing, we should open up the sector to many new
players and we
are on record calling on citizens with appetite for banking
business to come
forward to get new banking licences. The idea is to grow
the cake, not to
shrink it.
Principally, for example, whatever we decide to do with our
land and other
land based resources such as our mineral heritage,
agriculture and tourism
will not result in their physical relocation to
another part of the world.
Indeed, the Great Dyke will not go anywhere
but remain where it is until us,
as Zimbabweans, decide on how we are going
to exploit what is under it. The
same applies to our land, and Victoria
Falls, in case of tourism.
These resources were God-given within the
geographical perimeters of our
motherland and sons and daughters of Zimbabwe
went to war and some perished
in their just cause and quest to have these
resources back into the hands of
their rightful owners as our forefathers
were violently and brutally
dispossessed.
The same cannot, however,
be said regarding entrepreneurship, technology,
and financial capital. These
factors can come and go where conditions are
more favourable for them to
thrive from one location to another, hence the
need to treat them with
caution and not as if we are dealing with land,
minerals and other natural
resources.
Where there is capital flight or technology withdrawal, the
impact can be
decisively negative not only at the micro levels of the
individual companies
but also at the macro levels of the economy.
It
has been observed a country’s economic environment and attractiveness to
potential investors is, among other factors, shaped by adherence to the
global laws, norms and ethos relating to resources in a country including
quality of labour, life and infrastructure. There should be respect for
property rights, including trademarks, patents and intellectual property,
international franchise and other agreements such as bilateral investment
protection agreements and proximity to markets and general ease of doing
business.
A country’s economic environment is, therefore, a delicate
circle of
cooperative factors which can only be ignored by those who
mistakenly
believe and forget that the world has become a global village
which frowns
upon certain actions beyond what is regarded as historically
justifiable.
Concept of brand equity
Financial institutions represent
a combination of capital (financial and
technological), entrepreneurship,
brand equity and goodwill developed over
years of consistent quality service
and reliability.
If we are to take, for instance, the signage of an
international bank
without saying anything to the market, and put it onto a
building of a
struggling indigenous bank today, without question, that
indigenous bank
will swell with deposits.
The opposite will be the
case if, for instance, we take down the signage of
Museyamwa or Chikonamombe
(indigenous) struggling banks and put it on the
building of an international
bank. In no time, we will witness a near-run on
that bank. Such is the power
of brands, reputation, networks and perceptions
that need to be managed
properly as we implement policy.
Alternatively, take down the Coca-Cola
signage along Seke Road in Harare and
replace it with Museyamwa or
Chikonamombe logos, you will have a different
market reaction to the product
coming out of that bottling plant even when
there has been no change in
formula, quality, price or management.
Such is the need for structured,
measured and sober approaches that must be
adopted in acquiring stakes in
capital, technology and
entrepreneurship-intensive companies and sectors. A
one-size-fits-all or a
jambanja approach to indigenisation is ill-advised
and inappropriate,
especially in the banking sector.
We have
commonalities
It is also a fact that where there is perceived attacks on or
against
capital or, entrepreneurial or perceived attacks on intellectual
property,
brands, franchises and security of investments, the world is,
because of
globalisation, getting more united against such practices as
countries
believe that an attack on one is an attack on them all because of
the common
characteristics of these factors of production.
Our own
friends, the Chinese, Russians, Malaysians, South Africans, Zambians
and
others always advise us against unstructured interventions.
Systemic
importance
Citizens and nations of the world are now invested all over
through a web of
alliances and it is sometimes difficult to clearly unravel
whose interests
one is hurting when you tamper with financial
institutions.
Due to their size, international connectedness and
complexity of the
services they provide to the local economy, international
banks in Zimbabwe
are of systemic importance to the economy and any
disruption in their
operations, intended or otherwise, could cascade into
the entire sector with
dire consequences for the economy, already reeling
under serious liquidity
constraints.
Recent events in Europe and
elsewhere are full of cases where countries have
been brought down to their
knees, riots erupted and governments changed
overnight as a result of
widespread financial dislocations and chaos arising
from the failure of just
one large bank.
This is because banking institutions sit at the nerve
centre of the economy
and as was said by the chairman of the Bank of Credit
and Commerce
International investigating team in 1992:
“The failure
of any substantial company is likely to cause loss, and often
hardship, to
creditors, employees and shareholders. But when the company is
a bank these
results are magnified because banks deal in other people’s
money and the
creditors will include the bank’s depositors and customers,
who may lose
almost everything they have.”
Lurking potential dangers
The knock-on
effects of a rusty, unstructured and one-size-fits-all approach
to the
indigenisation of foreign owned banks are real.
A significant number of the
foreign-owned banks may not accept having their
names or brands attached to
something they have no control over at
managerial and shareholder
levels.
Accordingly, they will either choose to disinvest or remove their
logos from
the risks involved with associating their brand or names without
power to
influence business methods, decisions and direction of the
bank.
I am aware some among us couldn’t care less if they go but as
governor, with
specific responsibilities to the sector, I care a
lot.
There will be a significant down-grading of the rating of the local
out-fit
with the result that lines of credit, deposits, and other facilities
currently being provided from a common pool of head-office resources will be
reduced to the detriment of the local customers and economy. It takes time
for a bank to rebuild lost confidence and trust.
There is a risk of
drying up external lines of credit which are currently
benefitting the
country, especially in the critical tobacco and cotton
sectors.
There
is also a danger of needlessly attracting hostile sanctions on our
financial
sector as reckless and forced indigenisation of the financial
sector can
lead to unintended consequences. The land reform programme taught
us how our
detractors can turn bilateral disputes into international
conflicts.
There is a further risk of financial isolation coming
through disconnection
from global payment platforms such as the Society for
Worldwide Interbank
Financial Telecoms (Swift), which is the gateway for all
of the country’s
foreign payments. Once the country is off Swift, even the
local payment
system which also runs on the Swift platform will collapse
with far-reaching
and serious consequences for the economy.
The Swift
network is the channel through which all financial communications
between
banks are transmitted and disconnection from such a platform is
equivalent
to a wholesale embargo on all economic transactions, including
critical
transactions such as those involving medical, food, fuel and other
such
critical imports .
Under an environment of isolation, local banks would
not be able to import
cash and neither would they be able to repatriate.
Local banks may actually
see their correspondent bank relationships
suspended or terminated. This is
even more dangerous given our current
situation where we do not have our own
currency to fall back
on.
Financial sanctions would affect international trade and lead to low
foreign
exchange generation, worsening the country’s balance of payments
position.
Disruption of the activities of the few international banks we
have in the
country would have a significant effect in disturbing the
conduits through
which diaspora remittances are channelled further worsening
our already
precarious market liquidity situation.
Reaction of our
friends
Protection of property and intellectual rights, symbols and other
forms of
capital, entrepreneurial and technological ownership and inventions
is
something we cannot as Zimbabweans ignore or go against without risking
international punishment, including from our “friends” who are fast becoming
more like everybody else.
A case in point is where one of our
oil-supplier friends at country level in
Africa, upon learning that Standard
Chartered Bank was being targeted for
immediate compliance with
indigenisation, instructed that all their money (a
10-figure amount) which
was in another foreign-owned bank be repatriated to
their country
immediately fearing their bank would be next. Such is what we
call the
contagion-effect.
It took a lot of effort to persuade and assure the
authorities in that
friendly country that their money was still safe. The
liquidity crisis and
inter-bank disruptions which would have followed as a
result of that single
withdrawal would have caused a deep crisis and a
negation of our efforts as
a country to raise funds for such critical
programmes as elections, food
imports and civil servants pay, among
others.
It is a chilling thought to imagine what would happen if we fail
to pay our
civil service, including law enforcement agents and security
forces.
Proper timing is also very important when it comes to policy
implementation
because where the sequencing is wrong, uncoordinated and
heavy-handed the
results are often the opposite of the expected.
We
do not have the luxury or security of our own currency to fall back on in
the event of trouble; unemployment at record levels; threatening shortages
of food, fragile balance of payments position, increasing company closures;
low foreign direct investment inflows and insufficient exports to boost the
country’s liquidity position.
These could be some of the catastrophic
consequences of an unstructured
indigenisation intervention which is not
strategic, especially in the
financial sector outside the framework
suggested by the president.
Ultimately, real indigenisation will come when
Zimbabweans form and own
their companies 100% across all sectors of the
economy.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
May 17, 2013 in Opinion
The size of
any economy, its growth or shrinkage, is generally determined by
evaluation
of the country’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP).
Column by Eric
Bloch
The Zimbabwe Statistical Agency (Zimstat) regularly measures
Zimbabwe’s GDP,
and assiduously strives to determine it as accurately as
reasonably
possible.
It commendably does the same with many other
statistics which are of
significance to aid government in coming up with
policy determinations.
The same figures are critical to the private
sector in general, and the
financial, commercial and industrial sectors in
particular.
These statistics cover a significant range of economic
indicators, including
the Consumer Price Index (CPI), from which inflation
data is determined, the
Poverty Datum Line (PDL), Food Datum Line (FDL), the
number of people
employed and unemployed, and population data, amongst
others.
Although Zimstat seeks to identify relevant facts and figures
pertaining to
GDP, certain facets of the Zimbabwean economy are difficult to
determine,
and are not included in the GDP. Among the foremost of such
unidentifiable,
non-quantifiable components is corruption; for there is no
reliable source
from which the magnitude and extent of this phenomenon can
be ascertained.
The fact is, tragically, that so many in both the public
and private sectors
are engaged in corrupt practices.
And yet it is
sadly uncontestable that corruption is exceptionally
pronounced in Zimbabwe.
While almost all Zimbabweans were inherently honest,
and corruption was
anathema to them, that has markedly changed over the many
years of
hardships, poverty and suffering that have afflicted a vast
majority of the
populace.
Even the most honest ended up resorting to dishonest practices
when their
children were not only crying from hunger, but were dying from
hunger!
It is not disputable that widespread corruption does exist in
both the
public and the private sectors. It is apparent that many (albeit
not all)
politicians have progressively enriched themselves from the time
they first
engaged in the political sphere.
That most of them had
very limited resources when their political lives
began is well-known, but
they now possess one or more upmarket houses,
numerous motor vehicles, and a
vast and diverse range of private sector
investments (often including
investment beyond Zimbabwe’s borders).
This is clearly also emulated by
numerous civil servants, be they permanent
secretaries or PAs to ministers,
or others further down the public service
line.
Similar levels of
corruption prevail throughout most of the private sector,
from senior
management down to general labourers, be they sweepers or
cleaners.
Depending on the levels of employment, the nature of the
corruption is
varied, with some accepting bribes to ensure contract awards
while others
misappropriate and falsely use invoice and receipt books, and
the like.
Many resort to unauthorised usage of employer-owned assets,
such as motor
vehicles, even to the extent of using such vehicles as pirate
taxis. And the
magnitude of employee perpetrated misappropriation and theft
of monies and
goods is extensive, ranging from minor items such as
stationery, catering
inputs, cleaning materials, and the like, to theft of
stocks and other
assets.
But, save to the extent that such corrupt
practices are only quantifiable if
criminal proceedings are brought against
the perpetrators, there is no
authoritative data that can be obtained as to
the quantum of the
corruption-based activities which, to all intents and
purposes have become a
key element of the Zimbabwean economy, and yet cannot
be included in GDP
calculations.
Another area of economic activity
which has grown over many years of
embattled economic circumstances,
primarily occasioned by negative
government policies and by gross disregard
for economic needs on the part of
the political hierarchy, is that which is
known as the informal sector.
The intensification of formal sector
unemployment over past years has been a
major source of the increasing
poverty that is characteristic of Zimbabwe.
So too was the stupendous,
record-breaking hyperinflation that prevailed in
2008.
Although
impressively and effectively halted in 2009 upon adoption of
foreign
currencies, it was not reversed. Thus the enormously high prices of
goods
and services created by that hyperinflation continue to prevail, and
have
marginally risen, albeit to a limited extent.
In desperation, thousands
have resorted to generating income for themselves
in the informal sector, no
matter how limited such income may be.
Some of the informal sector
activities are highly unlawful and include
gold-panning, diamond-smuggling,
and the like. Other informal sector
operations are very varied, ranging from
the manufacture and sale of goods
such as furniture and household
accessories, repair of footwear, and much
else. Others are engaged in simple
trading or in the rendition of services
such as plumbing, electrical work,
operation of unlicensed transport
services, currency-dealing, and much
else.
Almost all of such income-generating activities are unlawful, as
they do not
conform to licensing laws, health and other regulations. Many
are not
registered with and do not submit tax returns to, the Zimbabwe
Revenue
Authority. Further, their transactions are not formally recorded and
hence
are not included in the calculation of GDP.
Yet a further field
of quasi-economic activity that is not-documented or
reported on, and hence
not an element of the calculated GDP, is the
“transfer-pricing” engaged in
by some importers and exporters, where
invoices and other relevant documents
are falsified, with the intent of
unlawfully externalising funds and
minimising taxable income. Similarly,
there are many who deliberately
understate their cash sales revenues, again
with intent of avoiding
tax.
It can similarly be argued that the activities of touts, such as
those at
border posts, at Zesa offices (issuing pre-paid metre units),
passport
offices and the like, who facilitate “queue-jumping” by the public,
are
engaged in an economic activity, for they charge fees for their
services.
But, as with other informal sector operations, there is no
recording of
their revenues by Zimstat, nor rendition of tax returns. Hence
these
revenues also fail to be included in GDP.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
May 17, 2013 in Opinion
THE Election
Resource Centre (ERC) commends government efforts aimed at
enfranchising the
majority of Zimbabweans as the nation approaches crucial
elections in
2013.
Report by The Election Resource Center
Nine days after the
state-supported decentralisation of voter and civil
registration started,
the ERC has however observed some administrative
anomalies which have the
potential to undermine the otherwise necessary
process of registering
prospective voters.
While the process is continuing in some of the areas,
the outreach is
evidently yet to be witnessed in most electoral
districts.
In places which the mobile registration teams have visited, a
number of
potential voters remain disenfranchised due to a myriad of
challenges
ranging from lack of publicity, inadequate time allocation, the
cost of
registration, limited civil registration services and difficulties
in
acquiring necessary documents like proof of residence.
The
foregoing challenges have the inevitable effect of excluding a
significant
number of eligible voters from the imminent general elections.
The
process has also been affected by reports that there is disproportionate
distribution of the mobile voter registration teams throughout the country’s
provinces, with observations that some provinces, with a high contribution
to the national population have fewer mobile registration
centres.
Yet some with a low contribution to the national population have
a high
number of centres.
The ERC therefore calls upon the electoral
authorities to immediately attend
to the emerging challenges in order to
enable all eligible voters to either
register as such or inspect details of
their registration in the country’s
voter register.
The ERC is
monitoring the mobile voter registration process, which started
on April 29
and initially expected to finish on May 19. Through its
volunteer networks
and first-time voters mobile caravans, which are
monitoring and
complementing the process as well as providing information to
the young
people on the process throughout the country’s 10 provinces, the
ERC is able
to gather reports around the ongoing voter process.
The following are
guiding principles for voter registration:
Integrity
Voter
registration framework and processes must be fair and honest, free
from
political and other manipulation or intimidation, allow all eligible
persons
to register as voters and not allow ineligible persons to register
as
voters
Inclusiveness
Voter registration frameworks and processes
should not contain measures that
exclude persons from registration to serve
political advantage. For example,
there should be no:
criteria for
eligibility to register;
differentiation in resources provided for
registration processes;
differentiation in accessibility;
differentiation
in assurances for security or safety; or
imposition of additional checks or
administrative obstacles that may deny
one the opportunity to register to
vote, or make it more difficult to
register to vote for persons assumed to
have a certain political tendency.
Comprehensiveness
Voter
registration exercises should aim at registering 100% of qualified
persons,
including those societal groups that may be less inclined to
register to
vote, such as women, youth and those to whom standard
registration processes
may be less accessible.
Accuracy
All voter registration information
should be recorded accurately and
maintained properly so that the voter
lists used for elections are up to
date. This may require implementing
systems to check data validity and the
accuracy of data recording, as well
as proactive programmes to check that
all data is up to date and to receive
advice of and process any necessary
amendments.
Accessibility
Voter registration processes should be
physically and geographically
accessible as well as readily understandable
by all persons qualified to
register. Any locations used for voter
registration purposes and which
require the public to attend to provide or
check information should be:
physically accessible to all — including the
elderly and disabled;
open at times that can service all employed, unemployed
and rural farm
populations;
readily accessible on foot or serviced by
regular public transport, and
located within reasonable distance of all
eligible voters in its catchment
area — using mobile locations in more
sparsely populated areas may assist in
this; and
At a place that does not
intimidate potential voters. For example, locating
voter registration
centres near offices associated with the ruling party, or
law enforcement/
military agencies may in some instances deter people from
attending.
An informed public
Voter registration processes should
be clearly explained and widely
publicised to all potential eligible voters
as well as to all stakeholder
organisations in the electoral process, such
as political parties, the media
and civil society organisations
(CSOs).
Transparency
Transparency in registering voters promotes public
trust in the integrity of
voter registration processes and
products.
Civil society, particularly through professional and impartial
monitoring
and reporting by CSOs, and fair investigation and reporting by
the media can
enhance the transparency of voter
registration.
Security
Field registration staff and people registering
to vote must be assured of
their safety and security. Voters must be able to
trust that registering to
vote will not result in their being subjected to
consequent discrimination,
intimidation or violence.
Registration staff
must be supervised and protected against any action by
outside persons so
that they can conduct their work in an honest,
professional and impartial
manner.
Voter registration information stored on both paper and
electronic formats
must be sufficiently secure to prevent unauthorised
access, to protect
against unauthorised alteration or disclosure and to
ensure that any legal
requirements for information privacy are
met.
Information privacy
In some countries, information privacy is
legislated and protected by law.
If not, privacy rights should be included
in the framework for voter
registration.
Information provided by
people directly for the voter registration process
should not be available
to any government or private organisation that can
use this information for
purposes which could deter people from registering
to vote.
The
purpose of voter registration is to allow citizens to exercise their
basic
political right to vote; it is not an information gathering exercise
to be
shared with other institutions, such as law enforcement authorities or
for
commercial interests.
Accountability
The institution(s) responsible
for voter registration must be subject to
accountability mechanisms which
ensure that the objectives of voter
registration are achieved and that the
principles of voter registration have
been applied. These mechanisms could
be internal (such as internal reviews
and audits of the voter registration
system, process and data) or external.
External accountability mechanisms
for voter registration that could be
applied include:
a process for
public review of the voters’ roll;
rights of the public in general and
stakeholders in particular to lodge
administrative challenges to errors,
omissions and inclusions in the voters’
roll;
independent external audits
and evaluations;
rights of affected parties to lodge judicial appeals against
decisions made
by administrative bodies in relation to the voters’
roll;
access for political party and independent observers to observe all
voter
registration processes, their right to lodge complaints about any
irregularities and to have these resolved effectively; and
public
reporting and reporting to parliament by the EMB on the extent to
which it
has met its voter registration objectives
Credibility
Political
parties and the public need to believe that voter registration has
been
conducted with integrity, equity, accuracy and
effectiveness.
Transparency measures and the provision of regular and
accurate information
on voter registration can promote public credibility in
a well-implemented
registration process, and can also provide knowledge to
improve less
well-implemented processes.
Stakeholder
participation
Stakeholders must be informed regularly and their views
considered both at
the decision-making phase and during the conduct of a
voter registration
exercise. This will increase stakeholders’ support and
trust of the overall
process and its product — the voters’
roll.
Primary stakeholders are directly affected by the voter
registration process
or its outcome. Included in this category are citizens
who are eligible to
register, the registration authority, political parties
and candidates,
executive government, legislatures, EMB staff, contractors,
electoral
dispute resolution and supervisory bodies, the media, observers
and
monitors, CSOs, donors and assistance agencies, and suppliers and
vendors.
Secondary stakeholders have an interest, but are not directly
affected by
the exercise. Included in this category are the general public,
academia,
international or regional electoral networks and research
institutes.
Key findings
Based on the above principles, the ERC has
made a preliminary assessment of
the first seven days of the mobile voter
registration process. The findings
are as follows:
Some registration
centres opened late: The general situation is that fewer
registration teams
were deployed on April 29, with the majority of districts
reportedly
starting on days later that the official date.
Lack of publicity: The
mobile registration process is lacking in awareness
and publicity around
when and where the registration process is to take
place. While there are
reported cases of prior notification through selected
traditional leaders,
such voter awareness was often devoid of the intricate
details relating to
what type of services are being rendered by the mobile
teams.
This
has resulted in a number of potential voters being turned away because
they
would have visited the centres seeking to recover their lost birth
certificates as well, a service which is not being offered by the mobile
registration teams.
The lack of sufficient information and publicity
around the process means
the process has the potential of being shadowy to
potential voters intending
to register as voters. The potential registrants
will not be able to
register because of a lack of information on the whole
process.
Inadequate time: Most centres were only opened for a shorter
period thereby
failing to meet demand of citizens visiting the
centres.
Due to mentioned lack of publicity, people take time to know of the
presence
of the mobile teams, by the time they get to know of their
presence, the
mobile teams would have moved to another designated centre, a
distance away.
Some registration centres are serving more than three wards,
which is
leaving the teams overwhelmed as they will not be able to service
all
interested people intending to register as
voters.
Non-compliance: Some key government institutions, that are
supposed to be
complementing and aiding the mobile voter registration teams,
seem to be
unaware of their responsibilities and roles.
We have
received reports that, for instance, the police in some areas are
not
issuing out police reports to potential first-time voters to facilitates
one
to get an ID for free. It seems the police are not aware of this
government
directive as reports of police in some areas refusing/ not
issuing out
police reports to those who need them are being received.
Lack of full
services: It has been observed that the mobile voter
registration teams are
not providing some services which are important for
one to register. For
instance, the teams are not issuing out birth
certificates which are a
pre-requisite for one to obtain an ID, itself a
requirement for one to
register as a voter.
Population statistics
This section makes chart
presentations of the population statistics in the
country as of August 2012,
taken from the 2012 population census. We show
the variables of provincial
population and the provincial voter population
as of 2008, which variables
can be indicative and important in analysing the
implementation of the
mobile voter registration exercise.
On May 4, the Zimbabwe Electoral
Commission (Zec) published a list of
places, dates and areas to which the
mobile registration teams would visit.
Such publication was finally done
about six days after the mobile
registration exercise had started, which
meant that the citizens were
blacked out on such crucial information and
could have prevented many people
who wanted to register from doing the
same.
Registration centres findings
Disproportionate distribution of
mobile registration teams: Some provinces
which, according to the census
figures, have a high contribution to the
national population, have been
allocated fewer mobile voter registration
centres. In comparison, some
provinces which have a low contribution to the
national population have high
allocation of centres.
Urban skirting: Most urban areas like Mutare,
Chipinge, Gwanda and Masvingo
have no designated registration
centres.
Leave voting, go to school: No registration centres in areas
with a high
concentration of youths like colleges and universities. This has
greatly
affected areas like Mt Pleasant and Senga in
Gweru.
Deception: Some centres were not opened as per published
schedule.
Recommendations
Decentralisation must reach at least the
polling station level in order to
lessen the travelling distance as well as
enable the elderly and disabled to
have easier access to voter registration
services.
Mobile teams must provide full services to potential voters as
opposed to
limiting the decentralised services to IDs and voter registration
only,
without providing birth certificates.
Voter education and
publicity must precede the mobile registration teams.
Requirements such as
proof of residence need to be reviewed, especially for
urban voters and
young voters who find it difficult to produce proof of
residence, for
example, in Harare South, there is a concentration of
informal settlements
and peole are not able to get proof of residence.
Zec should consider
increasing mobile voter registration teams in areas with
a higher population
density to avoid disenfranchisement of citizens
intending to register as
voters, but are not able due to constraints and
lack of access.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
May 17, 2013 in Opinion
WHILE Zimbabwe is supposedly
busy laying the groundwork for credible, free
and fair elections to usher in
a post-coalition government, the country’s
muddled mobile voter registration
exercise heralds chaotic polls with yet
another disputed
outcome.
Zimbabwe Independent Editorial
The ultimate deliverable
of the Global Political Agreement is a peaceful
polls whose result can stand
the litmus test of domestic and international
scrutiny, paving the way for a
government of the majority’s choice.
Such elections can only be delivered
through transparent voter registration
exercise that allows as many eligible
citizens as possible, with minimal
hassles, to exercise their inalienable
right to universal suffrage.
But if the current voter registration
shambles are anything to go by,
another disputed polls seem to be in the
offing as the exercise has been a
veritable dog’s breakfast thus
far.
As pointed out by the Election Resource Centre, the guiding
principles for a
sound voter registration exercise include integrity,
comprehensiveness,
accuracy, accessibility, an informed public,
transparency, security and
accountability.
The current Zimbabwe
Electoral Commission (Zec)-driven exercise does not
meet these
principles.
Instead, we have brickbats flying between the major poll
stakeholders
including the Finance ministry, Zec, the Registrar-General
(RG)’s Office and
major political parties.
Hurdles strewn in the path
to a successful registration exercise include
alleged disproportionate
distribution of mobile voter registration teams.
The voter registration
challenges have been tackled in several cabinet
meetings where they are now
a standing agenda item.
Disconcertingly, there appears to be a yawning
disconnect between
re-assuring cabinet resolutions over voter registration,
and the
implementation of such resolutions by the RG’s Office.
As
rightly observed by ERC, the process is lacking in awareness and
publicity
pertaining to when and where the registration process is underway,
and what
services are being rendered by the mobile teams.
The exercise lacks a
holistic approach, as registration teams are, for
instance, not issuing
birth certificates which are a pre-requisite for one
to obtain an ID, itself
a requirement for one to register as a voter.
Rigging conspiracy
theorists have already noted that most urban areas —
strongholds of the MDC
— initially had no designated registration centres.
Government must hastily
capacitate Zec to make voter registration more
user-friendly.
If
thousands of would-be voters mainly from the country’s uniformed forces —
whose commanders are openly campaigning for Zanu PF in brazen violation of
the constitution and laws — can easily be registered to vote countrywide,
ordinary citizens must enjoy the same rights.
The bureaucratic
bungling and systematic disenfranchisement of potential
voters by the RG’s
Office is a recipe for another stolen election, and a
stalled Zimbabwean
transition to democracy.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
May 17, 2013 in Opinion
DR Ibbo
Mandaza, a local academic, author and publisher, always has
interesting
“theories” on politics, current events and how things are likely
to pan
out.
Editor’s Memo with Dumisani Mleya
Besides being an intriguing
political operator in his own right, his views
can be enlightening, yet
sometimes sound theoretical and far-fetched, if
eccentric, before events
prove him right — not all the time, but sometimes.
Among some of his
thought-provoking views has been his contention that
perhaps Zimbabwe needs
a second government of national unity because it
doesn’t look ready for
elections now and transition beyond the current
political
stalemate.
In the process, Mandaza also argues the media in particular,
and academics
in general, have failed so far to probe behind the political
rhetoric so as
to identify and explore the dynamics and realities
influencing current
politics.
But the strange thing though is that he
believes there would be no elections
this year. His main reasons included
processes antecedent to the polls and
the Zimbabwe’s leadership succession
crisis which cannot be resolved through
elections, but via a “transitional
mechanism” until the country is ready for
a meaningful
contest.
Mandaza says, first, the time-line for 2013 elections is fading.
He also
says aligning some laws to the new constitution will take
long.
His other reason is Sadc will remain steadfast in its demands for
reforms in
accordance with the agreed roadmap even though the debate on what
constitutes “minimum conditions” for free and fair elections has become
chaotic and even open-ended.
The other issue is Mandaza thinks
President Robert Mugabe cannot possibly
reconcile an election agenda in
2013, with all its potential for a bruising
campaign and violence on the one
hand, and, on the other, the need to leave
behind a legacy at least
acceptable enough to redeem some excesses of his
misrule, while
simultaneously bequeathing Zimbabwe a new constitution, a
peaceful
transition, economic recovery and a return to the international
community of
nations.
Three years ago, Mandaza argued the principals’ forum would have
a life of
its own such that Mugabe and Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai
would end up
comfy with each other. It initially sounded ridiculous, but it
later
transpired Tsvangirai apparently forgot “he who sups with the devil
needs a
long spoon”!
Now the big question is: Is Zimbabwe ready for
elections and when will the
polls be held? Mandaza thinks there would no
elections in 2013. Of course,
many think they will be there even if the
country may not be ready.
Frankly speaking, Zimbabwe is not ready for
elections. As the Global
Political Agreement lurches towards the end, there
are continued violations
of the agreement, rejection of the attendant
roadmap and reforms.
Besides, there is chaos on critical processes like
voter registration and
voters’ roll compilation, showing electoral
institutions such as the
Registrar-General’s Office and Zimbabwe Electoral
Commission still lack
capacity and credibility. The public media is still
viciously partisan.
Further, Zanu PF is also rejecting agreed reforms and
is anxious to prevent
scrutiny as shown by the blocking of a UN election
needs assessment mission,
a move underscoring continued lack of conditions
for peaceful and credible
elections, despite the adoption by parliament of a
flawed constitution this
week.
Mugabe and his loyalists are refusing
to co-operate with Sadc; they recently
snubbed President Jacob Zuma’s
facilitation team and are unwilling to accept
Sadc troika representatives
appointed to work with Jomic.
Political leaders are not even agreed on
election dates. Their parties haven’t
even held primaries.
The
military is still interfering in politics; repression remains rife and
violence lingers. In fact, despite relative calm nothing much has changed
since 2008. So at what point will Zimbabwe be ready for elections?