We've made significant progress: Mugabe

http://www.zimonline.co.za/

by Own Correspondent Friday 22 May 2009



HARARE - President Robert Mugabe on Thursday said Zimbabwe's four-month old
inclusive government has recorded "significant progress" since its formation
in February and appealed to Western countries to remove sanctions against
the inner circle of his ZANU PF party.

"It is instructive that this pass out parade comes at a time when the
inclusive government, comprising ZANU PF and the two MDC formations has
entered its fourth month with significant progress having been made," Mugabe
told a police pass out parade at Morris Depot in Harare.

Mugabe, in power since winning independence from Britain in 1980, formed a
power-sharing government last February with the two leaders of the former
opposition MDC formations under a deal brokered by the Southern African
Development Community (SADC) to try to rescue Zimbabwe's economy from total
collapse.

"Indeed the inclusive government has undertaken several bold steps aimed at
addressing various challenges affecting the country, among them the Short
Term Emergency Recovery Programme (STERP), which is designed to mobilise
resources aimed at resuscitating and rehabilitating the economy," Mugabe
said.

"I wish to reiterate our collective national call for immediate removal of
the vindictive sanctions as their continued existence hurts the common man,
and woman as indeed all our children in our country.  "

Zimbabwe's coalition government, formed last February, is seen as offering
the country the best opportunity in a decade to restore stability and end a
devastating economic and humanitarian crisis.

But failure by the government to win support from Western donor countries
could hamper the administration's ability to deliver.

While a wrangle between Mugabe and his coalition partners Prime Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai and Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara over
appointment of key public officials had appeared to bog down the
administration, intensifying doubts about durability and effectiveness.

However Tsvangirai told reporters in Harare on Thursday that the three
former rivals had reached agreement on all key appointments except those of
central bank governor and attorney general.

Tsvangirai said the thorny question of whether central bank governor Gideon
Gono and Attorney General Johannes Tomana appointed by Mugabe last January
should retain their jobs would be referred to the Southern African
Development Community (SADC) and the African Union (AU) for mediation.

The SADC and the AU are guarantors of the shaky power-sharing deal.  -
ZimOnline

Robert Mugabe offers MDC surprise concessions over key Zimbabwe posts

http://www.timesonline.co.uk/

May 22, 2009

Jan Raath in Harare
President Mugabe sprang a number of surprise concessions on his opponents
yesterday, agreeing to several key appointments demanded by Morgan
Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change (MDC).

In a move that will make Zimbabwe's coalition Government look more like an
equal partnership, Mr Mugabe reversed his previous decision to name all ten
provincial governors from his Zanu (PF) party. The MDC will now fill five of
the posts.

The MDC and its smaller coalition partner have also won five vacant
ambassadorial posts and its members may become permanent secretaries in the
powersharing Government. Mr Mugabe even agreed finally to swear in Roy
Bennett, the MDC's white treasurer, nominated in February as Deputy
Agriculture Minister.

It has taken Mr Tsvangirai three months since the inauguration of the
power-sharing Government to get this far in shifting the balance away from
Mr Mugabe's domination.

"This has been a slow and frustrating process," Mr Tsvangirai, the Prime
Minister, said.

On the issues of establishing the rule of law, ending violence on
white-owned farms and the appointment of Zanu (PF) cronies to head the
Central Bank and the Attorney-General's office, the President remains
immovable.

Mr Tsvangirai said, however, he and Mr Mugabe had agreed that the posts
would be referred for arbitration to the Southern African Development
Community, the 15-nation regional alliance that supervised the power-sharing
negotiations.

This affects Gideon Gono, the central bank governor, who is widely blamed
for miring Zimbabwe in inflation measured in the millions. Mr Mugabe and his
henchmen have depended on him for ready cash to maintain their lavish
lifestyles and to retain the loyalty of their security forces.

Another controversial figure is Johannes Tomana, the Attorney-General and a
key political weapon for the President to harass MDC figures with spurious
charges and to hold them in custody for months before they appear in court.

He is understood to be behind a plan to whittle away the MDC's majority in
Parliament. This week Blessing Chebundo became the fifth MDC MP to be
arrested since April and faces charges of rape allegedly committed four
months ago.

The issue of open violation of the rule of law - the constant arrests of Mr
Mugabe's opponents, lawyers, journalists, human rights activists - and the
continuing invasions of white-owned farms received only brief mention in Mr
Tsvangirai's address. He said that he and his colleagues "remain concerned".
He added that a human rights training programme for police and civil
servants was being introduced "to change the mindset".

Mr Tsvangirai also notched up a significant triumph for the country's media
by announcing that the state commission responsible for closing newspapers,
arresting journalists and imposing extortionate fees for media registration
was no longer in existence because of reform laws that came into effect last
year.

Mugabe seizes control of 'Zimbabwean spying bill'

http://www.inthenews.co.uk

Friday, 22 May 2009 00:02
A controversial piece of legislation that allows the government to spy on
civilians has been taken from the control of the opposition to Robert
Mugabe's Zanu-PF party.

Zimbabwe's political leaders have endorsed the move by Mugabe to transfer a
widely condemned piece of legislation to spy on Zimbabweans' to his party
from the opposition, deputy prime minister, Arthur Mutambara said.

President Mugabe courted condemnation from his coalition partners after
unilaterally transferring some functions of the information communication
technology ministry (ICT) under the opposition Movement for Democratic
change (MDC) to his Zanu-PF party; the two parties which formed a coalition
government earlier this year.

The interception of communications act allows the government to monitor the
internet, mobile and fixed phones of Zimbabweans to sift for information it
deems subversive or used for organised crime.

The telecommunications sector, regulation of phones companies and postal
authorities were also taken away from the opposition by Mugabe.

Mugabe's move had been condemned as a nullity by the opposition and fell
under some of the outstanding issues that have since been resolved.

The interception of communications act allows certain communications to be
intercepted or monitored in the course of their transmission through
telecommunications or the postal service.

It proposes for the establishment of a monitoring of interception of
communications centre that shall be the sole facility through which
authorised interceptions shall be effected.

The minister of transport and communication will be mandated with issuing a
warrant to authorised persons where there is reasonable suspicion that a
serious offence has been or is being committed or that there is a threat to
national security.

Persons authorised to make applications for the interception of
communications include the chief of defence intelligence, director general
of the president's department of national security, commissioner of the
Zimbabwe police and the country's revenue authority.

Tsvangirai denies receiving Gono's letter

http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=16780

May 22, 2009



By Gift Phiri

HARARE - The dramatic events surrounding the controversial letter allegedly
penned by the Reserve Bank governor to Prime Minister and bristling with
allegations of impropriety against Finance Minister Tendai Biti took a
dramatic turn Thursday.

The Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai denied he ever received any letter from
central bank chief, Gideon Gono, adding that he will, therefore, not act on
the allegations contained in the now widely publicised and damning dossier.

The lengthy letter which is packed with dramatic allegations of
externalisation of funds at Honey and Blanckenberg, a leading Harare law
firm where Biti is a senior partner, was purportedly penned by central bank
chief Gono early this month and leaked to the Press this week.

Dated May 11, Gono's sizzling letter alleges that Biti was on a crusade
against him because the central bank had instituted investigations at Honey
and Blanckenberg for externalization of funds, going back to 2005, and
probably earlier, in contravention of the Exchange Control Act.

The letter penned under the heading, "Complaint against personal
victimisation and vilification by Hon. Minister of Finance T.I. Biti" was
leaked to a Zimbabwe Times correspondent on Tuesday.

Gono alleges in his letter that Biti's law firm had externalised over a
million US dollars and was engaged in general money-laundering. He further
claims the campaign by Biti to have him fired from the position of governor
of the Reserve Bank was an attempt to mask the impropriety and sleaze at
Honey and Blanckenberg.

It now turns out the letter was leaked to the Press before the Prime
Minister received his copy.

Speaking at a press briefing at his Munhumutapa Building office Thursday,
Tsvangirai said he had not yet received the purported letter.

"If it was written, I did not receive it," he said.

Tsvangirai's chief spokesman James Maridadi and newly appointed chief of
staff Ian Makone each told The Zimbabwe Times separately that the Prime
Minister's office had not received Gono's controversial letter.

However, Advocate Eric Matinenga, now minister of Constitutional and
Parliamentary Affairs, who is listed by Gono in the letter as the legal
counsel for Honey and Blanckenberg in the case instituted by the Reserve
Bank against Biti's legal firm back in January, told The Zimbabwe Times
Thursday that he was aware of the case.

"The Honey and Blanckenberg allegations were made when I was still at
Chambers. I accepted the brief to act for them. I however did not go into
the merits of the case because of my appointment to government."

Repeated efforts to obtain comment from the central bank were futile. RBZ
spokesperson Kumbirai Nhongo was not available for comment, while Fortune
Chasi, the governor's personal assistant did not answer the phone when The
Zimbabwe Times phoned to enquire about the authenticity of the letter that
is currently circulating on the Internet.

In a dramatic twist to the case of the Prime Minister's leaked letter, The
Zimbabwe Times failed Thursday to persuade the correspondent who filed its
story from Harare to disclose in confidence the identity of his source.

"I was given the letter together with a friend, a fellow journalist by his
source," the correspondent said. "I cannot mention them. If the source was
my own source then I was going to name them."

Zimbabwe Times editor, Geoffrey Nyarota, who is based in Massachusetts in
the United States, said the correspondent's attitude had no ethical
validity.

"Reporters do not protect their sources from their editors," he said. "That
is not what protection of sources means. The editor, not the reporter, of
any publication carries final responsibility for any article published. He
relies on the reporter to furnish him with all details including, the
sources, if necessary of all the stories he causes the editor to publish.
Refusal to co-operate with the editor can have serious consequences.

"The editor and the reporter, acting in concert, can indeed cite
confidentiality of sources in refusing to reveal the identity of a source of
information, if called upon to do so in a court of law."

Nyarota's unprecedented journalistic dilemma is how to enforce compliance
with an ethical standard in Harare all the way from the United States,
especially when he must also protect the identity of the correspondent.

Zanu PF report expresses worry that Tsvangirai MDC is taking over

http://www.nehandaradio.com/zimbabwe/politics/zanupf/zanupf-report220509.html


22 May 2009

By Fortune Tazvida

A sensational report on the state of the Zanu PF party which was compiled by
its commissariat department led by Richard Ndlovu has admitted the party has
virtually collapsed and is riddled with factionalism.

The report which sources say Mugabe has fiercely suppressed also admits that
the Tsvangirai MDC is effectively taking over in terms of political
influence in the country. The revelation will no doubt vindicate Tsvangirai's
determination to remain part of the unity government despite the many Zanu
PF violations of the deal.

This week Wednesday the acrimony between Zanu PF bigwigs was there for all
to see as tempers flared during a Politburo meeting. At the centre of the
debate was the long simmering issue of Mugabe's succession.

Senior official Rugare Gumbo took the bull by the horns by declaring that
Zanu PF needed to handle the succession issue much better than they were
because the power struggles were all centered on who would replace Mugabe.

Sniping during the meeting pitted party heavyweights Mugabe himself, Joice
Mujuru, Solomon Mujuru, Emmerson Mnangagwa, Didymus Mutasa, Oppah
Muchinguri, Rugare Gumbo, Thokozile Mathuthu, and Saviour Kasukuwere who all
accused each other of various underhand political deals.

Harare diary: Costly freedom

Friday, 22 May 2009 02:47 UK

The unity government sparked celebrations, but has it delivered? Esther (not her real name), 29, is a professional living and working in Zimbabwe's capital, Harare. She describes how her life has changed during the first 100 days of the Government of National Unity (GNU). President Robert Mugabe's ZANU PF and Prime Minister Tsvangirai's MDC began their power-sharing alliance in January. Below, Esther asks her fellow Zimbabweans whether they feel the unity government has delivered on its promises. Our unity government has hit 100 days in office. Wow! I think there are people out there who did not expect it to last that long, without the cracks really beginning to show. How would I rate their performance? I'd give them four out of 10, based on the promises they made to us. The one good thing is that we feel more free... there are no longer riot police on every corner 'Esther', Harare Esther answers your questions And that is me being very kind! Our hospitals are still not functioning - they are without medication. Our schools are still not working properly. Many teachers are still not going to work because nobody wants to work for $100 a month. And there are still land invasions taking place. The one good thing, is that we feel more free. There used to be police officers in full riot gear on every street corner. It was in your face. But the coming of the unity government has meant the disappearance of those policemen. I feel excited to see people walking around in t-shirts for MDC. T-shirts which commemorate Susan Tsvangirai. You could never have done that last year. Every day I used to pass a bunch of police in full riot gear, on my way to work. It was very unpleasant. It even made me angry - those people were threatening. They were promising that if they didn't like the way you were talking about the government, they would unleash violence. Or if you made a joke they didn't understand, they were going to beat you up. It was really upsetting. Scary even. But now we feel free to be ourselves. That is a huge point, after everything we went through last year. Maximum security But as for the political prisoners, I am very disappointed. The opposition had said they would work within the system to get them free. Well, only high-profile cases have been released, such as Jestina Mukoko and Roy Bennett, who was arrested after the signing of the Memorandum of Understanding. I have a cousin whose husband was arrested for allegedly taking part in "plotting a coup" two years ago. Hospitals are still short of medication He has never been tried, and he is still in a maximum security prison. I'm disappointed. The unity government fought very hard for our freedom. But what about the guys sitting in jail? They are the guys who really really fought behind the headlines. Tighten your belt Financially, life is getting much harder. You can buy food now - everything is available. But everything is more expensive because we can only buy in US dollars. Farms are still being seized Life is a lot tighter. Before, I could survive comfortably on $50 a month, even $20. Now I need more like $200, just for food and transport. It's painful to adjust to the lower standard of life. Where do I find the extra money? Well that's the big problem - I can't. I used to be able to wheel and deal - sell a few fuel coupons and groceries. But now I can't because these commodities are freely available. I have to cut back on my lifestyle instead. For example, I can no longer afford meat every day. The meat is the most expensive thing on the grocery list. I miss those chicken steaks! And going out for pizza. I miss things like that. Ghost towns The MDC wanted to revive the economy, but I think the best they can do is stabilise it, so that we can have a free and fair election. Roy Bennett was freed but many political prisoners remain jailed I think our economy will only stabilise when we have right of ownership over property, and the rule of law. I don't think that can happen while Zanu-PF are in the government. Our heavy industry areas are still more like ghost towns. Can the companies that once operated there dare to come back, when the Zanu-PF part of government is talking of going forward with the scheme where locals should own 51% of any company operating here? Who wants to come here only to give up a huge chunk of their shareholding? Early days Maybe we need to apply the litmus test after a bit more time. After all, what administration can truly change the way things were done before in just 100 days? In six months maybe they will have more to show. So we will be patient. Lord knows patience is one thing Zimbabweans have in abundance! Esther asked some Zimbabweans for their thoughts on the unity government's first 100 days. She can't disclose their names. NGO WORKER I am full of hope! Things look like they are turning around. Credit lines are coming back - a certain clothing shop called me to say they would fast-track the opening of an account if I wanted one. I was quite amazed. Food is expensive considering people's incomes, but at least it's available. I remember a time when you had to go abroad for toilet paper, cooking oil, sugar and so on. And you know what - I can't recall the last time I saw a police officer in full riot gear. It had gotten to a point where they were at every street corner, every single day. I feel like we have started afresh. I hope people give the GNU time to work even more changes. Just this week the president's spokesman said the BBC, CNN & Sky News were welcome here! CHILD CARER I am one very bitter person. This understanding that there would be no criminal prosecutions for atrocities committed in the run-up to, and after the March 29 election, is wrong. I lost relatives, and was myself beaten for supporting the opposition. There is no way I will ever see any good in this union, no way. RURAL TEACHER While "dollarisation" has meant a wider availability of goods, it has also made life tougher. The US$ is very difficult to come by. School fees are killing - $250 per term for my sister in boarding school! In addition to that the school sends a list of groceries without which she will not be admitted - this system was adopted during the time of shortages and I do not see why it persists. The schools can as well purchase their own groceries! Maybe they are using some of the groceries as incentives for the teaching staff - who knows? You end up just accepting it, as long as my sister is getting an education. DOMESTIC WORKER After the PM in the inclusive government begged us to go back to work, I did so. After all, salaries were to be paid in foreign exchange. I have since decided to continue informal trading (I raise and sell goats), I can not sustain my family on $100 a month. The challenge is that people do not have much money, and I often have to extend credit or accept produce such as grain as payment. This means I do not give out as much homework as I should. To be honest with you, if you have kids in government schools it's a good idea to enroll them in extra lessons. Esther answers your questions Read Esther's previous diary

As Cholera Subsides, Zimbabwe Urged To Upgrade Water, Health Systems

http://www.voanews.com


By Marvellous Mhlanga-Nyahuye
Washington
21 May 2009



The incidence of new cholera cases in Zimbabwe has fallen to a very low
level with only 28 new cases and one death reported in a World Health
Organization update as of Wednesday.

On Tuesday there were just 15 new cases and no deaths reported,

At the height of the epidemic in February hundreds of new cases of cholera
were reported on a daily basis with daily death counts of many scores of
victims.

But experts are urging Harare to accelerate efforts to overhaul the state
health system and restore water and sanitation systems to ensure the
epidemic does not rebound.

Executive Director Itayi Rusike of the Community Working Group On Health
told reporter Marvellous Mhlanga-Nyahuye that the cholera epidemic which has
claimed more than 4,000 lives will return if its root causes are not fully
addressed.

As of Wednesday, according to data published by the World Health
Organization, 4,284 people had died of cholera in Zimbabwe since the
epidemic started in August 2008. The cumulative total of cases was 98,333, a
WHO online update stated.

Tempers Flare in Politburo

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/


Thursday, 21 May 2009 22:11
TEMPERS flared at a tense Zanu PF politburo meeting on Wednesday after
President Robert Mugabe's simmering succession crisis exploded into a
charged debate, with some senior party officials demanding for the first
time that the party must sort out the issue once and for all.

Well placed sources said the unprecedented debate on Mugabe's
succession - which was postponed to Thursday next week after officials
failed to agree on the way forward - left senior party leaders shocked and
sensing the beginning of the unravelling of the divisive issue threatening
to be the former ruling party's burial ground.

However, a fierce battle still looms as Mugabe remains determined to
hang onto power at all costs by retaining the party leadership for another
five years at their congress from December 8-13. This move could leave Zanu
PF facing a real danger of a split along its factional and ethnic fault
lines.

Already former Zanu PF members led by Dumiso Dabengwa are trying to
chip away at the party by reviving Zapu with the support of key leaders in
the Southern Africa region. Senior Zapu members remaining in Zanu PF said in
private this week they supported Dabengwa, although they may denounce him in
public.

Dabengwa and another politburo member Simba Makoni quit last year
after failing to ensure Mugabe's removal at the explosive 2007 Zanu PF
extraordinary conference.

Sources said this week's heated politburo succession debate pitted
party heavyweights, including Mugabe, Joice Mujuru, Solomon Mujuru, Emmerson
Mnangagwa, Didymus Mutasa, Oppah Muchinguri, Rugare Gumbo, Thokozile
Mathuthu, and Saviour Kasukuwere, against each other.

The sources said although the meeting was convened to discuss the
sensitive state of the party issue, it degenerated into a succession wrangle
after Mathuthu had said that the problem affecting the party, which is
riddled with factionalism, infighting and divisions, was that there were
some senior officials trying to grab power from Mugabe.

A revealing report on the state of the party compiled by the
commissariat department led by Richard Ndlovu was hastily withdrawn and
suppressed by Mugabe at the politburo meeting on May 6 to prevent it from
becoming public. The report said Zanu PF had virtually collapsed as a party
and the main MDC wing led by Morgan Tsvangirai was taking over.

Sources said the succession issue started in the middle of the
discussion on the Zanu PF state of affairs after Mathuthu said those trying
to seize power from Mugabe were the problem.

It is said Mutasa fuelled the situation by tracing the party's current
problems to the 2004 Tsholotsho incident where Mugabe accused senior party
officials of plotting a political coup against him.

Mutasa is said to have linked the issue to Mnangagwa who angrily
reacted by feebly distancing himself from the Tsholotsho episode, saying it
had never been raised with him in any party structures. In political
circles, it is common cause Mnangagwa was the leader of the Tsholotsho group
which viciously fought for positions with the Mujuru faction.

Sources said Mutasa further ruffled feathers when he referred to the
Zimasco issue, reminding retired army commander Mujuru that he had vowed to
fight Mnangagwa over that issue. Mujuru and Mnangagwa fought over the
take-over of the chrome-producing Zimasco some years ago.

The sources said Mujuru then indicated he had threatened to fight
Mnangagwa over the Zimasco affair from a business, not political point of
view. Matters came to a head, sources said, when Gumbo, a Mujuru faction
ally and a long time Mugabe adversary, forcefully intervened, saying party
members must stop ducking and diving and call a spade a spade.

Gumbo is understood to have said the problem in Zanu PF was that the
party had failed to put in place and manage its leadership succession.

"It was a charged debate on succession. It basically started after
Mathuthu's remarks but the situation became tense after contributions by
Mutasa, Mnangagwa, both VP Mujuru (pictured) and her husband (Solomon), and
Mugabe himself," a source said.

"Gumbo is the one who hit the nail on the head by raising the issue
directly and opening the floor for debate."

Sources said attempts by Kasukuwere, who alongside Webster Shamu and
Tendai Savanhu had earlier led the Mujuru faction attack against the
Mnangagwa camp for trying to wrest control of the party leadership, to
heckle Gumbo failed as he insisted on grabbing the bull by its horns.

"Gumbo warded off efforts by Kasukuwere to interrupt him and even
suggested he had come a long way with Mugabe before Kasukuwere was born," a
source said. "He said the Mugabe succession issue was the problem and needs
to be sorted out and managed better."

Zanu PF insiders Kasukuwere and Shamu belong to the group which is
loyal to Mugabe, not Mujuru or Mnangagwa.

It was said Joice Mujuru came out with guns blazing, insisting that
Mugabe must tell the politburo that he had elevated her to vice-president
not because of a special favour but on the basis of her own personal
liberation struggle credentials.

Sources said she noted the embittered Mnangagwa faction had been
suggesting that everything she did in her position as vice-president was
part of efforts to remove Mugabe when in fact she had been trying to help
him in his job.

Mujuru's bitter complaint reflected power struggles in the party over
the unresolved leadership succession crisis. The jockeying has of late been
taking place at various levels of the party, including the Women's
Parliamentary Caucus.

Sources said Muchinguri attacked Zanu PF for fighting its allies in
civil society and the business community.

Mugabe is said to have reacted menacingly, stopping her in her tracks
and hushing her up. The acrimony over the succession debate, sources said,
left the party facing an uncertain future.

The succession race is expected to intensify at various forthcoming
events leading to the congress in December. Zanu PF will hold its Youth
League's congress from July 17-19, Women's League August 26-29 and the main
congress from December 8-13.

BY DUMISANI MULEYA

Sleeves Rolled up for Battle Over Constitution

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/


Thursday, 21 May 2009 21:53
A FIERCE political battle is looming over the control and direction of
the current constitutional reform process after President Robert Mugabe
ordered the multiparty select parliamentary committee to use the
controversial Kariba draft as the reference document as agreed in the Global
Political Agreement (GPA) after it was discarded by MPs.

Informed sources said Mugabe told the Zanu PF politburo meeting on
Wednesday the secret Kariba draft should remain the basis for consultations.

The GPA refers to the Kariba document. A 25-member parliamentary
select committee has been put in charge of the process.

Speaker of Parliament Lovemore Moyo and members of the parliamentary
committee have said the Kariba draft would be the starting point for
consultations. Committee co-chair Paul Mangwana on Monday said "we are not
going to use the Kariba document". Constitutional  minister Eric Matinenga
and other members of the committee have also said the same thing.

However, Mugabe told the Zanu PF politburo that the Kariba draft -
which leaves his powers intact - would be  the basis of the
constitution-making process.

Sources said Mugabe told the politburo that the Kariba document should
be restored. This followed remarks by Olivia Muchena who told the politburo
the Kariba draft would not be the reference point. Mugabe reportedly
rejected this.

Mugabe wants the Kariba draft because it retains the executive
presidency intact. Section 78 of the secret Kariba draft  says executive
authority would be vested in the president and cabinet, which is similar to
the current Lancaster House constitution's section 7 before the 19th
amendment.

The president remains the head of state and government, as well as
commander in chief of the defence forces. Section 84 of the Kariba draft
which deals with the tenure of the president does not impose term limits.

Section 88 of the Kariba draft says there will be two vice-presidents.
The draft does not have the position of prime minister. It is fundamentally
different on the executive presidency from the 2000 constitutional
commission draft or the National Constitutional Assembly document.

The Kariba draft proposes a parliament with 210 elected House of
Assembly members and 93 senators. It retains in Section 247 appointed
governors, unlike the 2000 draft which had proposed that they should be
directly elected.

Further, the Kariba draft does not have elected provincial councils in
section 245 unlike the rejected 2000 draft, rejecting the principle of
devolution of power from central government to provinces and local
authorities. It also does not have proportional representation in
parliament.- Staff Writer.

Gono, Tomana Last Hurdles - Tsvangirai

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/


Thursday, 21 May 2009 21:50
PRIME Minister Morgan Tsvangirai yesterday said principals in the
inclusive government had reached an agreement on the outstanding issues of
the global political agreement (GPA) except the reappointment of Reserve
Bank governor Gideon Gono and the hiring of Attorney-General Johannes
Tomana.

The dispute over Gono and Tomana, Tsvangirai said at a press
conference in the capital, would be resolved through the intervention of
Sadc, the guarantor of the GPA.

The principals - Tsvangirai, President Robert Mugabe and deputy Prime
Minister Arthur Mutambara - reached agreement on the appointment of
provincial governors, permanent secretaries, ambassadors and the swearing in
of MDC-T treasurer-general Roy Bennett as deputy Agriculture minister.

Tsvangirai said the negotiations on the outstanding issues were a
"slow and frustrating process".

Gono and Tomana's appointments, Tsvangirai said, were in breach of the
memorandum of understanding and the GPA the three principals signed last
year.

"In light of the above, and the fact that there is a deadlock on the
status of the two individuals (Gono and Tomana) in question, the principals,
with the support of our parties, will now refer this matter to Sadc as the
guarantors of the GPA. We trust that Sadc will deal with this matter with
the urgency that it requires," Tsvangirai said.

He said he would make a "civil" move by also sending a copy of his
letter to Sadc to Mugabe.

Tsvangirai said the principals agreed that MDC-T would have five
provincial governors, Zanu PF four and MDC-M one, adding that they had also
come up with a formula to compensate the six Zanu PF governors whose terms
were terminated.

The MDC-T has since appointed its governors. James Makore was
appointed to replace Harare Metropolitan governor David Karimanzira and
Seiso Moyo to replace Bulawayo metropolitan governor Cain Mathema. Former
MDC-T Women's Assembly chairperson and national council member Lucia
Matibenga is now the governor of Masvingo, taking over from Titus Maluleke.

Hwange East legislator Tose Sansole will replace Thokozile Mathuthu as
Matabeleland North governor and losing candidate for Buhera North Julius
Magaramombe will replace Christopher Mushowe in Manicaland.
Zanu PF retains governors in the three Mashonaland provinces and the
Midlands, while the MDC will have a governor in Matabeleland South.

On the issue of permanent secretaries, Tsvangirai said a six-member
cabinet executive committee comprising Mugabe and his two deputies and the
Prime Minister and his two deputies, agreed to hold the appointment of the
current office bearers based on "experience and qualifications".

"We do not believe that civil servants should be appointed on a
partisan basis, so there will be no civil servant from the MDC or Zanu PF.
Any civil servant who participates in partisan politics will have no place
in our public service, and I urge the Minister of Public Service to ensure
that appropriate measures are put in place to that effect," Tsvangirai said.

The MDC leader also said the principals had agreed on the appointments
of diplomats adding that five nominees from the MDC formations would fill
the vacant diplomatic posts that had arisen in the inclusive government.

"At the same time, an audit will be conducted to identify potential
openings for new ambassadors. These new appointments will be filled using a
formula to be agreed upon. In the meantime, there are five ambassadorial
posts vacant which will be filled by the two MDC formations in the following
ratio: MDC-T 4, MDC-M 1", he said.

Following contention over the subtraction of the communication
department from the Information Communications ministry headed by MDC-T
spokesperson Nelson Chamisa, the principals agreed to "share the functions
of the communications portfolio" among three ministries.

"Specifically, the Ministry of Information Communication Technology
will retain its responsibility over the Posts and Telecommunications Act,
Potraz, TelOne, NetOne and ZimPost.

"The Ministry of Media Information and Publicity will oversee the
Broadcasting Act and Transmedia; and the Ministry of Transport and
Infrastructural Development will be responsible for the Interception of
Communications Act."

Mugabe, Tsvangirai and Mutambara also agreed to swear in Bennett as
deputy minister at a day yet to be announced.

BY BERNARD MPOFU

'Journalists, Media Houses not Obliged to Register'

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/


Thursday, 21 May 2009 21:13
PRIME Minister Morgan Tsvangirai yesterday said there is presently no
legal obligation for local or foreign journalists and media houses to apply
for accreditation until the Zimbabwe Media Commission is established.

Addressing a press conference in the capital, Tsvangirai fell short of
saying media organisations may start new newspapers without registration.

He said since the formation of the inclusive government in February
there have been "significant improvements in media freedoms" in the country.

"The recent media conference recommended that Aippa be repealed and
that ZBC and Zimpapers be transformed into genuine public media as opposed
to state media," Tsvangirai said. "In light of this, it should also be noted
that as of January 11 2008, as a result of amendments to Aippa, the Media
and Information Commission (MIC) ceased to exist. Therefore, there is
presently no legal obligation for foreign or local journalists, media houses
or news agencies to apply for accreditation until the (Zimbabwe) Media
Commission is established and a new framework put in place."

The prime minister said parliament's Committee on Standing Rules and
Orders was working to set up the new media commission "as soon as possible"
to facilitate the opening up of media space.

The MIC headed by Tafataona Mahoso was responsible for accrediting and
licensing journalists and media houses. The commission banned four
newspapers, the Daily News, the Daily News on Sunday, the Tribune and the
Weekly Times.

Tsvangirai's pronouncement came nine days after Zimbabwe media editors
and publishers met in Johannesburg and called for the lifting of
restrictions on journalists seeking to return to the country.

In a letter to Media, Information and Publicity minister Webster
Shamu, the editors and publishers said they had met to respond to the Joint
Monitoring and Implementation Committee's call for the return and
registration of foreign-based broadcasters and journalists in line with
Global Political Agreement policy.

"In this regard, we call for the lifting of any remaining restrictions
on journalists seeking to return. In addition, we appeal for a moratorium on
the process of licensing of newspapers and the lifting of punitive taxes on
imported newspapers," read the letter to Shamu. "We also appeal for the free
entry and movement of foreign correspondents."

The letter was signed by the Zimbabwe Independent and Standard chief
executive Raphael Khumalo and the group's projects editor Iden Wetherell;
Associated Newspapers of Zimbabwe directors Jethro Goko and Derek Smail; The
Worker editor-in-chief Ben Madzimure; Community Newspapers Association in
Zimbabwe chairman Wycliff Nyarota and secretary-general Owen Matava; The
Zimbabwean publisher and editor Wilf Mbanga, the Zimbabwean Times managing
editor Geoffrey Nyarota and ZimOnline project leader Basildon Peta.

Shamu was by yesterday yet to respond to the letter and efforts to get
a comment from him were fruitless as he was not answering his mobile phone.

BY NQOBILE BHEBHE

Biti has Personal Vendetta Againsts me: Gono

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/


Thursday, 21 May 2009 18:49
The following is a letter written by Reserve Bank Governor Gideon Gono
to Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai on May 11 in which he alleges political
victimisation and asks for the Prime Minister's protection.

Rt Hon Prime Minister, Sir,


re: complaint against personal victimisation and vilification by Hon
Minister of Finance T L Biti.

1. As you may be aware Hon Prime Minister, the strained relations
between the Hon Minister of Finance and myself are a matter of public
knowledge and, need I say, concern.

2. For more than a year now, the minister has uttered, publicly and
privately, words and statements that are not only criminally defamatory but
also seriously insulting to my person, family and indeed, to the institution
that I work for, its board, management and staff. His misleading statements
are also career limiting in my field of finance and economics.

3.    Professional disagreements in public offices are a matter of
daily life for public personalities but constant and malicious
misrepresentations, unrestrained utterances, incitement of violence against
the person of the governor, outright lies and victimisation against persons
doing their normal duties are traits normally unheard of especially coming
from "offices that are supposed to know and act better".

4. Examples may drive home the point:

(a) At a campaign rally in Masvingo last year, Hon Minister called me
names and accused me of "being at the epicentre of Zanu PF terror machine";
"an economic saboteur, terrorist and number one Al-Qaeda who deserves to be
shot by a firing squad".
These utterances were widely circulated both in the print and
electronic media and today form the basis of the hate-mail that I receive
and the hatred many MDC-T supporters display against the governor. Indeed
the international community has also been poisoned to believe that I am a
member of the terrorist group Al-Qaeda. These threats to my life and family
are very unsettling and may one day be carried out by an over-zealous MDC-T
party member or just criminals hiding behind the minister's publicly
declared wishes of getting me killed.
(b) On several occasions, the distinguished minister has accused me of
"killing this economy through printing money". This is despite the
overwhelming evidence that the country was and remains under the yoke of
debilitating sanctions and other constraints such as droughts/floods and
political differences all of which are/were militating against international
support in the area of lines of credit among other needs. The Hon Minister
only came to acknowledge on Monday 4 May, 2009 when he returned from the
IMF/World Bank Spring Meetings held in Washington DC, USA that sanctions are
"real" and that they need to be removed if we are to turn around this
economy. This admission was despite previous denials.

5. Now if indeed the Hon Minister, after only three months in office
is now realising that this economy cannot be stabilised let alone
turned-around without the repeal of ZIDERA and other pieces of "restrictive"
actions by some economic powers in the West, and that without such a repeal
of these toxic pieces of legislation and actions against Zimbabwe, the
country cannot access the much needed lines of credit, how did or does the
Hon Minister expect me to successfully turn-around this economy in the
presence of ZIDERA which some have accused him of having participated in its
"birth" and "sustenance" over the years?

6. After my three children were unceremoniously expelled out of
Australia before your visit to that country, Sir in 2006 they suffered a two
year roll-back in their university education, and when they found new
universities to go to, they found themselves being called upon to explain
how their father is allegedly associated with the Al-Qaeda terrorist
organisation with the threat of further expulsion from their new university
if the allegations were/are not refuted. Who among us parents can stomach
such misfortune if directed at their own children?

7. It is a known fact that leadership is not about expecting others to
perform miracles where the leader himself cannot perform same. What is
difficult to achieve for the Hon Minister today (raising lines of credit) is
a fraction of what my team and I were expected to achieve in an environment
of not only ZIDERA but serious political and social in-fighting between
Zimbabweans prior to the inclusive government.

8. A lot more "kiya-kiyering" was and had to be done to sustain the
economy, sustain life and everything else this inclusive government found in
place. Without such gymnastics including the so-called printing of money or
"quantitative easing" as they are now calling it in Europe and elsewhere,
this country could have easily degenerated into unprecedented chaos with no
opportunity ever for anyone in the inclusive government to be in the
comfortable positions from where they are now calling the "shots" today.

9. I have suffered and continue to suffer abuse and ridicule at a time
when you as Prime Minister have been telling the nation that bye-gones are
bye-gones and that we need to move forward but this message doesn't seem to
have found root in some quarters.

10. You know very well Rt Hon Prime Minister that people are being
highly dishonest when they allege that it is/was the Governor of the Reserve
Bank who "killed" this economy for I do have on file, letters from Ministers
of Finance and other stakeholders including labour and business dealing with
requests for funding and/or authorisations to move in a given direction.

11. I believe that it needs to be appreciated, Rt Hon Prime Minister,
that the last 10 years have been a period of both political and economic
madness in this country and that the work of sanctions-busting the
world-over is not a walk in the garden park or a straight-forward text-book
lesson and practice from an Apprenticeship Economic textbook.

12. Sanctions are a form of war-fare against the sanctioned country or
people and my job was to try and defeat them, not physically but through
"out-of-the-box" type of thinking strategies all of which had the blessings
of my Head of State and President Cde R G Mugabe whom you are free to check
and verify with, as well as the entire Cabinet of the day.

13. It is heartening to note though that Hon Minister Biti is
following the same path, going to the same African banks and friends who
stood by us during the said period of madness and only last week, the Hon
Minister happily and proudly ran with and announced to the world facilities
that my team and I had negotiated and secured namely the US$300 million
country programme from Afrieximbank which was approved in Mauritius on
December 12 2008 and the PTA Bank facility, again which we had negotiated
last year and was awaiting activation.

14. These two institutions, together with Al-Shams linked to Mr Jayesh
Shar, are the three main sources of funding who helped us during difficult
times. Today it is an open secret that Hon Minister Biti is going to all of
them for support and all three are supporting the inclusive government at a
critical time when noone else, including the so-called donor community is
giving us funds due to understandable economic difficulties in their own
backyards.

15. The point here Rt Hon Prime Minister is that nothing my team and I
did is not being followed by the new Minister of Finance and I can point out
that 99% of our recommendations for the turn-around of this economy have
been included in Sterp.

16. This is not to take away anything/credit from the Hon Minister's
well received Sterp but to draw attention to the need for "modesty in
pronouncements made and credit taken while standing at the pulpit" so to
speak when the Minister is addressing stakeholders.

17. It is against this background that charges to the effect that this
governor and his team "murdered" or committed atrocities in this economy are
hereby vehemently denied.
A lot said, done and misrepresented...

18. A lot has been said by the distinguished Hon Minister, done and
misrepresented all in an effort to destroy the governor, to remove me from
the post (as if I re-appointed myself!).
Where is all this hatred coming from?

19. In trying to examine the possible angles from where such personal
hatred, venom and attacks have been coming, it has dawned on my team and I
that all this noise about "Governor must Go song" especially as it rings
loudest from the powerful Secretary-General of MDC-T and Minister of Finance
may have its background in self-interest and protection. The background to
it is as summarised in the attached write-up involving the Hon Minister's
legal firm, Honey & Blanckenberg.

20. The background involves the bank's investigation into alleged
rampant externalisation of foreign currency resources and money laundering
activities discovered at the minister's legal firm Honey & Blanckenberg
where he is (or was) a partner.

21. After getting a tip-off on the case in which the law firm was
allegedly prejudicing the country of the much needed foreign currency and
possibly tax-revenues due to government through such exchange control
violations, my team investigated the firm's records (those which had not yet
been deleted by then) and came up with a "can of worms" suggesting that the
firm could have been involved in these forex scams from before 2003.

22. As the attached summary will show you, in the few months that the
investigating team considered, it uncovered a total of over US$1 million
which was allegedly kept outside the country in violation of Section 9,
10(1)C and 11 of the 1996 Exchange Control Regulations.
Records for other months were allegedly deleted before the
investigating team could lay their hands on them.

23. Intimidatory tactics are said to have been encountered during
these investigations leading to various forms of delays in the completion of
this assignment/case.

24. Ultimately as the attached report shows, one of the
whistle-blowers who was employed by the law firm had to leave the firm due
to alleged victimisation, the same that I am suffering from today.

25. Of course legal explanations, arguments and justifications were
proffered by the law firm, as would be expected, but these were found to
hold no substance as it was proven that Honey & Blanckenberg as a law firm
were banking their money into Barclays Bank, Barclays House, Victoria
Street, Douglas, Isle of Man via UK, account details being:
Swift Code: BARCGB22
Account No. 68949366,
Sort Code : 20-26-74.
IBAN : GB95BARC20267468949366.

26. The case and its facts were analysed by the bank's legal personnel
in the normal way that the bank does with all other cases before deciding to
go ahead with prosecution and as we speak, the matter is yet to come to
actual trial although it is at the courts.

27. With Advocate Eric Matinenga the one set to be accused firm's
defence lawyer (as of January 2009), my team members, seeing what
victimisation is being meted against the governor, is now expressing
reluctance to go and stand in court to testify against the Minister of
Finance's legal firm.

28. The issue now at stake is, how come the governor continues to be
victimised for doing his job while the Rt Hon Prime Minister, who is
supposed to be in the picture of all this "through ministerial declarations
of interest" or conflict(s) with institutions or persons that the ministers
deal with under their Ministries?

29. It is not difficult to conclude that threats of investigating the
governor "left right and centre" as well as putting the governor on the GPA
list of persons who must go has all along been motivated by the desire to
intimidate the governor and his team or at best to scandalise and remove me
from the scene so that a pliable governor is put in my place and certain
matters then get buried under the carpet in the process.

30. This also explains the "personal hatred" nature of the minister's
zeal, enthusiasm and speed with which he seeks to remove the present
governor from the chairmanship of the RBZ Board in conflict with best
practices in Sadc, IMF, World Bank, China, Russia, UK and the world over.
The pre-occupation is total and no stone has been left unturned to date to
try and achieve this.

31. Is this the policy or policies of the inclusive government to
victimise its officials or that of MDC-T to disguise personal wars and
camouflage them as national matters of incompetence?

32. There have also been various misrepresentations made to cabinet
and cabinet committees by the Hon Minister relating to false allegations of
"borrowing US$1 billion without authority" which proved embarrassing to the
minister when refuted with evidence.

33. Are the parties (MDC-T) aware that they are being enjoined in a
personal war far removed from national issues but financial at personal
levels? Are Sadc Heads of State or the facilitator, the IMF/World Bank and
others in the picture of this scandal?

34. There is more that I could say and have come up with to prove a
case of victimisation against me but it is not necessary to deal with those
issues now.

35. Rt Hon Prime Minister, herewith my proposals for the way forward:
(a). That this letter be discussed between yourself and the minister
and if you see it fit, failing which I propose that it be brought for
discussion in cabinet or parliament or Jomic and, that, I be called upon to
testify if need be.
(b). That RBZ be granted autonomy in the current legislative
amendments to report to Parliament as recommended by Sadc in its model
central bank legislation -- copies of which were sent to the Rt Hon Prime
Minister's Office and not the current Minister of Finance until the Hon
Minister renounces his vindictive mission against me.
(c). That the Hon Minister and myself
be invited for discussion with the Rt Hon Prime Minister to iron out
the issues I
have raised and to normalise our relationship.
(d). That the governor and team be given/granted immunity/protection
at law against victimisation by the ministers, some of whom may have been
involved in nefarious/regrettable activities before. Otherwise all RBZ
governors will continue to face the same fate that I am facing and
experiencing, disguised as national desire to do good yet the reality is
that deep down there are personal interests at stake in need of protection.
(e). That a public apology be made to the governor by the Minister of
Finance and both MDC-T and MDC parties and their followers be informed that
the governor did not "kill" this economy and that he is not a member of
Al-Qaeda nor does he deserve to be shot by the "firing squad". In addition a
smart way has to be found to advise the international community of the true
facts so that it gives a correct and informed judgement on the governor.

Yours Sincerely,
G Gono
Governor.

50% of ZSE Money going to six Companies

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/


Thursday, 21 May 2009 19:04
THE bulk of the money being traded on the Zimbabwe Stock Exchange
(ZSE) is invested in only six companies, a move analysts said suggests that
shareholders in these companies were consolidating their positions before
the demerger of KMAL and new developments.

Some of the companies are Kingdom Miekles Africa (KMAL), Econet, Old
Mutual and Delta whose board decisions have of late been affecting each
other's performance and strategies following the companies' relations since
the beginning of the year.

The other two companies are Innscor Africa and Art Corporation who
market sources said were on an expansion drive. In the week under review,
investors put in almost US$8,850 million. The bulk of the money was invested
in Econet, which received 20%, followed by Art Corporation (17%), Old Mutual
(10%), Delta (5,45%), Innscor (4,39%) and Kingdom Meikles 4,23%.

The previous week US$9,4 million was pumped into the market, with the
same six companies receiving 49,5% of the money. As of May 15, KMAL's market
capitalisation stood at US$159 million.

There are 95 408 686 shares in issue at Econet. On Tuesday alone 1,1
million of Econet shares were traded.

"If it is one buyer, then I suspect that the buyer could be on either
side of the shareholder divide, wanting to consolidate his position before
the EGM and AGM for the March reporting season," an analyst told
businessdigest.

Delta this week alone traded nearly six million shares, after
releasing a "pleasing" set of results last week.

Even when the market slowed down two weeks ago due to profit taking,
volumes remained high as a lot of shares changed hands. Econet, with a
market capitalisation of US$147 million, is the largest institutional
investor in KMAL, while Old Mutual and the mobile telecommunication company
have not been the best of friends since the EGM in March. Since 2007 Old
Mutual has tried in vain to reverse the merger of Kingdom and Meikles.

The long-running battle between these two corporate giants also
follows Econet's decision to acquire, together with Renaissance, a
controlling stake in FML, Old Mutual's largest competitor in the life
business.

Old Mutual also raised conflict of interest issues relating to
chairman Tawanda Nyambirai's role in the transaction. Nyambirai will step
down at the next AGM.

With EWG and TSMI, who between them have more than 50%, unable to vote
because of conflict of interest provisions, Old Mutual had hoped that its
own shareholding of about 12%, and that of the other allied shareholders,
would be enough to vote down the deal.

Delta, the most capitalised counter on the local bourse at US$485
million, is currently talking to Econet to swap its Ariston Holdings shares
for the mobile operator's shares in Mutare Bottling (Pvt) Company.

This comes after an Ariston management-led consortium reportedly
failed to secure funding from local banks to acquire a 40% stake in the
premier horticultural company.

Delta management is keen on getting rid of Ariston, a business it now
considers a departure from its core beverage business, but cannot find a
buyer for its cast away asset. Econet bought 63% of Mutare Bottling Company
in 2007, through wholly owned Pentamed Investments.

Econet Wireless founder Strive Masiyiwa is said to have struck a
voting pool agreement with KMAL chairman John Moxon which is likely to
result in the termination of a two-year marriage between the Nigel
Chanakira-founded Kingdom Financial Holdings Ltd (KFHL) and Meikles Africa
Ltd that culminated in the formation of Kingdom Meikles Africa Ltd (KMAL) in
November 2007.

The alliance between Masiyiwa and Moxon, although sources close to the
two deny it, is widely seen as marking a turn in relations between the
Econet boss and his long-time friend, Chanakira, who is not happy with plans
to demerge Kingdom from the assets predominantly owned by the Meikles
family. Econet last week requested for an extraordinary general meeting
(EGM) at which shareholders will be asked to vote for a de-merger of the
group.

At the EGM, Econet is expected to vote for the demerger along with a
cluster of companies linked to the specified former KMAL chairman.

Under the proposed de-merger, KFHL will be spun out of KMAL, which
will then revert back to being called Meikles. The shareholders of Meikles
will own the same shareholding in KFHL as before. KFHL will then be
re-listed on the Zimbabwe Stock Exchange.

Econet Wireless Zimbabwe chairman, Tawanda Nyambirai, has formally
sent a requisition to the KMAL board to call the meeting within 21 days (two
weeks now left).

If the resolutions are approved by the shareholders, Chanakira will go
back to running KFHL, but Meikles is expected to appoint a new CEO. All the
directors appointed by Kingdom to the KMAL board will be required to resign,
and those appointed to Kingdom by Meikles will also have to resign.

The two companies will have exactly the same shareholders holding the
same percentage shareholding in each company.

There will therefore be no prejudice to any shareholder currently
holding KMAL shares.

KMAL  -- a 2007 merger between KFHL, Meikles Africa Limited, Tanganda
Tea Company and the Cotton Printers  -- has been in the news for the wrong
reasons altogether.

The group is at the centre of a boardroom fight between Moxon, whose
investment vehicles control 43 percent of KMAL and Chanakira, backed by
Africa First ReNaissance Corporation.

Moxon took the fight to the KMAL CEO when he tried to stage a palace
coup through an EGM against Chanakira and two other directors in October
last year. The EGM was later to be shelved after the High Court ruled it
illegal.

Businessdigest has it on good authority that scores of foreign
investors have been in the country since last week studying the stock
market.

Some of the investors have bought shares from various counters which
included, Econet, Old Mutual, Delta, Innscor Africa, KMAL and Ark
Corporation.

"Foreign investors are worried about the one call over session in
Zimbabwe which makes it difficult for them to monitor movement of share,
unlike in Europe or the America," a stockbroker said yesterday.

After weeks of impressive gains, profit-takers visited the market
during the second half of the week resulting in mixed trading on the market.
Other analysts said local investors have been selling whilst foreigners have
been buying.

"That is why the volumes keep on rising even on counters that
traditionally do not trade large volumes," said one analyst.

BY PAUL NYAKAZEYA

National Herd 'goes a year without dipping'

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/


Thursday, 21 May 2009 17:19
ZIMBABWE'S declining national herd risks contracting tick borne
disease due to government failure to dip the beasts for close to a year, a
senior agriculture ministry official has said.

Acting agriculture permanent secretary Stuart Hargreaves made the
remarks on Tuesday when senior ministry officials were invited to give oral
evidence to a parliamentary committee overseeing the portfolio.

The Ministry of Agriculture said it was facing financial constraints
to dip over two million cattle.

Other ministry officials who also spoke on behalf of the ministry said
five parastatals in the agriculture ministry - Pig Industry Board, Grain
Marketing Board, CSC, Tobacco Industry Marketing Board, Tobacco Research
Board and the Agricultural Research Council - were also being hamstrung by
lack funds and resources. The ministry was given US$48 million in the
national budget for this year.

"We haven't dipped cattle for almost a year because we are out of
finances, it's a tragedy," said Hargreaves.

Hargreaves, a veterinary surgeon leading the livestock and veterinary
services in the ministry, also said the country had 62 out of a required 280
veterinarians to attend to livestock throughout the country.

"To dip cattle on a fortnightly basis, it costs US$211 000 a month,"
he said.

Hargreaves however said some communicable diseases such as anthrax and
foot and mouth were "eliminated" in most Mashonaland provinces, adding that
vaccinations had been facilitated through partnerships with donors.

The ministry, the parliamentary committee was told, needed US$58 000
in rentals for the Food and Agriculture Organisation sub-regional office at
Tendeseka Park in Harare. Insurance giant Old Mutual owns the property.

Apart from urgent commitments to pay rentals, government requires
US$500 000 to pay contract workers who were hired to plug the high staff
turnover in the ministry. Hargreaves said the ministry was 8 000 short of
the required 20 000 skilled personnel.

The finance chief also told the legislators that negotiations were at
an "advanced stage" to secure lines of credit for the GMB, which now faces
enormous competition in purchasing grain following the liberalisation of the
market early this year.

The parastatals has promised to pay US$265, including import parity,
for a tonne of maize while leading brewer Delta Beverages - according to the
ministry officials - is paying US$185 cash for the same quantity.

GMB could again face stiff competition from grain imports currently
lower than the gazetted import parity price.

Agriculture minister Joseph Made last week told parliament that
GMB -now a buyer of last resort - was "ready" to purchase grain despite
failing to disclose the source of the hard currency.

"In terms of the payment that will be done by the GMB, government is
in the process of mobilising resources for GMB to be able to pay farmers
timeously," he said. "The GMB is not only looking at government resources,
government in actual terms is facilitating resources and the financiers to
work with the GMB in the form of granting the necessary grants that the
banking sector require."

Turning to the ongoing winter wheat season, the ministry of
agriculture officials said cereal output could decline this year due to the
limited resources. Government is projecting 100 000 metric tonnes of wheat
through sub-contracting and lines of credit.

BY BERNARD MPOFU

Deposits Remain Scarce

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/

Thursday, 21 May 2009 17:15
TOTAL deposits in the banking sector, comprising demand, time, saving
deposits and export foreign currency accounts as at March 31 2009 amounted
to US$262,9 million, official figures showed this week.

This is said to be low for an economy which according to the
Confederation of Zimbabwe Industries has an insatiable appetite for working
capital.

Analysts said the deposits were very low as they could not be loaned
to companies and individuals for working capital requirements.

"Working capital to revive industries is very scarce," an economic
analyst said on Tuesday.

"Of the US$262,9 million, not all of it can be loaned. Some of it is
short-term, that is seven or 14- day deposits. There is still a confidence
problem as people withdraw all their salaries once they reflect in their
accounts," the analyst said.

"How much is loaned also depends on the risk appetite of a bank as
determined by its policies. For example, a bank could just loan 15% of its
deposits," he said.

"Given the pathetic thresholds of money in the market, no one can lend
long-term. It has to be loans with a very short working cycle, such as 30
and 60 days at most," a banker said this week.

Banks interviewed by businessdigest this week said there were no
deposits in the market. They said they were competing for the "few deposits"
available. Individuals and companies are not depositing because they do not
have a lot of disposable reserves. The few depositors that have money are
said to be expensive, offering it to banks on a "take-it-or-leave-it" basis.

"Banks are not giving out money because there is no money to lend," an
analyst said.

Bankers said the bulk of the money was provided short-term by
depositors who dictate their price.

A client can bring $10 000 and demand 3% interest flat. The banker has
to look at who wants to borrow that money for the same period at an interest
margin which is higher. Such a deposit, technically called a liability,
should have a matching asset, meaning that the loan must be matched with the
deposit in terms of tenor.

Given that there is too little money available for lending, it becomes
expensive.

"It's a case of demand and supply. One has to pay more for the little
(money) which is available. With time, the price of money will come down.
Also, long-term money in the form of credit lines will reduce the cost of
money," an analyst told businessdigest.

Economist Brains Muchemwa said: "Whatever happens however, banks in
Zimbabwe at present are not losing capital in buying Treasury Bills (TBs) as
was the case over the last decade.

"As the capital positions of banks strengthen gradually as more
inflows from abroad bolster their lending capacity, the cost of capital will
begin to soften and bring relief to many Zimbabwean producers who are
battling with competitiveness against producers in South Africa, who are
enjoying favourable borrowing terms for working capital."

Muchemwa said the recovery of the Zimbabwean economy could take up to
five years without sufficient capital, skills and favourable commodity
prices.

"The positive side is that the recovery has started and what is key is
to manage the process in a transparent manner," he said.

BY PAUL NYAKAZEYA

Zesa Eyes Coal Mining to Reduce Load-shedding

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/


Thursday, 21 May 2009 17:08
ZIMBABWE Electricity Supply Authority (Zesa) said it was entering into
coal mining in Sinamatela to complement Hwange Colliery Company's production
to reduce the rate of load shedding.

Zesa spokesperson Fullard Gwasira told businessdigest on Tuesday that
plans to venture into coal mining were underway and that operations were set
to begin in August.

He however could not reveal the financier of the project as logistics
were still being discussed.

"Zesa Holdings has plans to venture into coal-mining at Sinamatela
with the intention of ensuring consistent electricity supply," said Gwasira.

He said it was premature to reveal finer details of the strategic
partnership, including the identity of the financier, as negotiations were
still in progress.

Early this year Zesa said it had found a financier for its long-term
coal-mining project in Hwange's Sinamatela and Western Area Coalfields
reserves.

"The electricity utility is not entering this project as a competitor
to Hwange Colliery Company but to beef up coal supplies to ensure that there
are increased electricity supplies in the country," said Gwasira.

The electricity utility company is currently refurbishing Hwange Power
Station (HPS) with stage one expected to be completed in June.

In February 2007 Zesa entered into an agreement with NamPower of
Namibia in a US$40 million investment for the refurbishment of Units One to
Four.

"Once completed, HPS will be in a position to generate a reliable
480MW to the national electricity grid.

The overall expansion programme will result in HPS generating between
700 to 800MW of electricity, a development that will reduce load shedding as
well," said Gwasira.

Zimbabwe has been experiencing increased power cuts due to declining
capacity of its aging power plants.
Industry, which is said to be operating at about 30%, has been
particularly hard-hit by regular power outages, which have caused a decline
in production.

According to Gwasira, Zesa was not going to re-pay the NamPower loan
in hard currency but was "amortising the loan through electricity exports of
140 megawatts until it was paid up".

Under the deal, signed between the two countries when President Robert
Mugabe visited Namibia in March 2007, Nambia would receive 180 megawatts for
a minimum of five years as part of a power purchasing agreement with
Zimbabwe Electricity and Transmission Company, a subsidiary of Zesa.

The plan was to have the last of the four generators fully repaired by
August last year.

The four generators at Hwange are capable of generating a total of
480MW, but have been operating erratically as Hwange struggles to cope with
frequent equipment breakdowns and coal shortages.

BY NQOBILE BHEBHE

Beer Sales Cheer up Delta

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/


Thursday, 21 May 2009 17:08
ZIMBABWEANS spent US$23 million on beer and consumed 76 000
hectolitres in April, according to figures released by Delta.

Delta said this was a rare sales feat traditionally achieved in the
last quarter of the year or during the festive season.

This is the highest consumer spending the company has experienced
since the economy was dollarised.

April consumption numbers more than doubled those of 32 000
hectolitres achieved in November, which is traditionally a very good sales
month for Delta.

In February a total of 55 000 hectolitres worth US$16 million were
consumed. In March the company recorded the same amount of money from 60 000
hectolitres.

While analysts say the rise in consumer spending between March and
April could just be Delta reclaiming its old market share and not a dramatic
improvement in the economy, others believe it was a key indicator that more
ordinary Zimbabweans now have "slightly improved disposable incomes".

Delta CEO Joe Mutizwa downplayed the beer consumption numbers saying
Zimbabweans were still drinking a conservative 10 litres of beer per year
compared with 60 litres in South Africa and 250 litres in the Czech
Republic.

Delta uses general figures of beer consumed as a percentage of the
population rather than individual consumption numbers.

"We look at the total number of the population and divide by the
number of litres consumed. This also includes non-drinkers, occasional and
habitual drinkers. It is rather general," he said.

Mutizwa believes the group could have sold 25% more in April had its
production plants been "more operational" with no shortage of disposable
cans.

This would have seen Delta's sales rise to around US$30 million.

Mutizwa said Zimbabweans in urban areas were drinking the bulk of the
booze, contributing 65% of beer sales while the rural folk contributed the
balance.

Low-end customers in April consumed 249 000 hectolitres of sorghum
(opaque) beer, the best month since September 2007 as maize supplies
improved at its 14 breweries.

Contrary to popular belief that Zimbabweans were now drinking more
canned beer, Mutizwa said returnables (bottled beer) constituted 96% of
lager beer volumes in March, although this eased to 86% in April.

Despite an apparent lack of packaging appeal of the local bottled
beer, Delta has managed to keep its loyal brand customers.

The company said management was however willing to improve the company's
product packaging but analysts say Delta would be better off driving volumes
than investing in packaging.

"People care less for the packaging and would prefer to buy four Cokes
for a dollar rather than a pretty can. People would rather pay a dollar for
a litre of tonic than get a can and half of the imported stuff (300ml) for
the same price," an analyst said.

Capital expenditure amounting to US$26 million in the year ahead would
be raised through equity (through the issue of 40 million shares to parent
SABMiller) and internal resources.

Although reports of the availability of credit lines have been welcome
by Delta, management believes that there was very little credit available
and none of it was competitively priced.

Mutizwa said demand would grow in line with any improvements in the
economy.

Analysts have forecasted that Delta would achieve sales of around
US$50 million in the third quarter of this year while turnover of around
US$300 million would be recorded this financial year.

"If Delta achieves US$50 million during the traditional peak third
quarter, it appears they will probably achieve turnover of around US$300
million this financial year. Given the operating margins will probably
improve from single digits currently and average out at around 15% over the
year, Delta is probably looking at pretax earnings of around 3,5 cents - 4
cents in the current year."

BY CHRIS MURONZI

ZSE Records US$32,7m Turnover in Four Months

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/


Thursday, 21 May 2009 16:58
TURNOVER worth US$32,7 million has been recorded on the Zimbabwe Stock
Exchange (ZSE) since the market started trading in the US dollars.

Figures to hand show that since February 19 to May 15, a total of
US$32,7 million changed hands, a sign of improving real liquidity in the
economy and confidence in the prospects of future earnings as many companies
are trading at values depicting huge discounts if one considers six months
to a year of continuous political stability and policy consistency.

The money however is not a reliable barometer to gauge the economy's
performance.

"It is money that is benefiting individuals and some companies. The
shareholders are the ones who determine where they want to invest their
money," an analyst told businessdigest.

Stock market analysts said most investors who "make money on the stock
exchange" were not investing in Zimbabwe as there were limited investment
options, which are offering low returns when compared to the region.

The stock market, a barometer of confidence in an economy that has no
other known measures of business confidence, has been bullish over the past
month. The bullish trend, however, cannot be compared to the mad bulls that
characterised 2007 and 2008 on the back of excessive broad money supply
growth from a currency that has since died a natural death.

Between 2004 and early 2009, the ZSE surged and contracted on the
whims of market liquidity cond itions. These excessive liquidity conditions
emanated from surplus positions on the money market from "sanctions bursting
activities", Aspef, Bacossi facilities and other laxative sterilisation
strategies of the RBZ that drove the stock market to new records daily,
which records were meaningless when converted to real value creation.

"That era has passed, and with little doubt, government and the
Reserve Bank have little influence in determining the direction of the stock
market on a daily basis as before," economist Brains Muchemwa told
businessdigest.

Muchemwa said liquidity conditions at present play a major role as
before, with more inflows into the economy translating into share prices
gravitating towards their realistic values.

"The major difference however is that the current liquidity inflows
are emanating from real economic activities compared to irrational explosion
of monetary exuberance of the past. All major sources of liquidity inflows
into the economy are showing a positive trajectory, from donor funds via
exports to external lines of credit flowing in," he said.

"These are the sources of liquidity that will be more important in
oiling the operations of the stock market from the primary trading
perspective, whilst constructive impact of these flows on the real economy
through increasing productive capacity and bolstering purchasing power
reinforces the secondary value perception of listed companies," Muchemwa
said.

Muchemwa said major economic indicators were pointing to a brighter
future ahead for Zimbabwe, although the major debate would be on how bright
things are going to be. "Gross Domestic Product growth rate, having
contracted by another 14% in 2008, is set to rise this year on the back of
tangible reforms," he said.

The disastrous impact of excessive money printing, illogical price
controls and fixed exchange rate that characterised the foundations of the
chaotic policy making framework of the past have silently been replaced by a
silent and steadfast dollarised economy that is self-regulating.

Meanwhile activity on the money market remained subdued during the
week as inflows go into the real sector or in those financial markets where
rewards are high such as the equities market.

BY PAUL NYAKAZEYA

ZNCC to Hold Economic Revival Congress

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/


Thursday, 21 May 2009 16:52
THE Zimbabwe National Chamber of Commerce (ZNCC) will hold its
congress next month focusing on how to develop business partnerships to
resuscitate the economy.

The congress, to be held under the theme, "Smart partnership for
economic revival", comes at a time when the inclusive government is trying
to breathe life into an economy where industrial capacity utilisation is
less than 30%.

ZNCC deputy president Trust Chikohora told businessdigest that the
congress, which will be held in Bulawayo from June 24-26, will focus on how
the business community can dovetail their policies to the new political
dispensation in the country.

"We are talking of a new dispensation that allows stakeholders to come
together and work for the betterment of the economy," Chikohora said.

"We are talking of business partnerships we can have with the
inclusive government as well as with labour and the donor community on a
win-win basis," he said.

Chikohora said the congress would also focus on building on the
business manifesto launched by the ZNCC in October last year which has been
distributed to various stakeholders including ministries in the new
political dispensation.

Chikohora said the manifesto focuses on four key areas which are
infrastructure rehabilitation and development, the need for a predictable
and consistent policy framework, reducing the country's risk factor and the
identification of distinctive competencies the country has to offer.

The congress will be officially opened by deputy Prime Minister
Thokozani Khupe.

Chikohora said the ZNCC had been encouraged by the outcome of their
consultations with government as most of the proposals they had made in the
manifesto had been adopted in both budgets presented by Finance minister
Tendai Biti and then acting finance minister Patrick Chinamasa.

He said the removal of travel warnings by various countries such as
Germany and Japan and the re-engagement of multilateral institutions such as
the International Monetary Fund would help in reviving the business sector.

Finance minister Biti, Economic Planning and Investment Promotion
minister Elton Mangoma, Institute of Chartered Accountants of Zimbabwe
president Nyasha Zhou and Midlands State University vice-chancellor Ngwabi
Bhebe are some of the delegates expected to attend the congress.

Meanwhile the ZNCC has signed a Memorandum of Understanding with the
Botswana Confederation of Commerce, Industry and Manpower in an effort to
facilitate business partnerships between the two countries.

BY KUDZAI KUWAZA

Govt Puts Parastatal Privatisation on Hold

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/


Thursday, 14 May 2009 17:43
GOVERNMENT has shelved full privatisation plans for parastatals and
state enterprises amid fears that the move would do little to boost
shrinking treasury coffers.

Economic Planning and Investment Promotion minister Elton Mangoma said
government would not embark on a "wholesale' privatisation drive of
undercapitalised public utilities.

Mangoma -- who chairs a cabinet cluster of ministries responsible for
economic development -- made these remarks on Wednesday at the official
launch of the 100-day work plan for the inclusive government.

"Our focus is not on wholesale privatisation," he said.

The minister said government would, however, "develop strategies" to
ensure that "key parastatals" such as Zesa and the National Railways of
Zimbabwe operate efficiently. According to the 100-day plan document, public
sector reforms would include civil service and Reserve Bank reforms and the
Public Finance Management System (PFMS) and the Results Based Management
System (RBMS).

Steel manufacturing company Zisco, according to the action plan
document, would complete relining of one of its blast furnaces in 90 days.
Zisco has over the years been a target of investors wishing to take full
control of the underutilised firm.

"There would be parastatals that require reforms.where there is
general agreement the public will know.

Selling assets at low prices does not bring any benefit either to the
country or anybody," Mangoma said.

His remarks mark a shift from proposals made in the Short Term
Emergency Recovery Programme (Sterp), a blueprint forming the basis for the
100-day action plan.

"During the duration of Sterp, the inclusive government, through the
ministry of State Enterprises, will undertake and evaluate all public
enterprises with a view of rationalising their functions as well as other
time-frame reforms," said the Sterp document.

"Through this process and guided by cost effectiveness, options for
public enterprise reforms will include recapitalisation, privatisation and
part or outright disposal."

Mangoma added that his ministry would audit Bilateral Investment
Promotion and Protection Agreement (Bippa).

This key result area would be a litmus test for the inclusive
government's commitment to upholding property rights.

The anticipated audit comes at a time when the World Bank Tribunal
ordered government to pay US$21 million compensation to 13 Dutch farmers --
protected by bilateral agreements -- who had their farms expropriated by
government under the land reform exercise.

But government has remained adamant that it will only compensate
farmers for infrastructural developments on farms. The Lands and Rural
Resettlement ministry, which is also part of the economic cluster, said
government would carry out a land audit to address multiple farm ownership
during the same period. The ministry said it would "secure (the) farming
environment-reduce conflicts and disputes on land and ensure security of
persons and assets".

The Ministry of Finance, which also falls into the economic cluster,
also set various benchmarks to be met by August. The treasury pledged to
mobilise resources to finance the 2009/2010 agricultural season. In order to
boost government revenue, the ministry also proposed to broaden the tax base
by reviewing the current tax policies.

Turning to the Reserve Bank the finance ministry pledged to implement
International Monetary Fund recommendations on central bank reforms.

Meanwhile, the African Development Bank has pledged assistance to the
cash strapped inclusive government once outstanding issues of the September
15 Global Political Agreement are resolved.

BY BERNARD MPOFU

Zimbabwe's Transitional Govt: The First 100 Days

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/


Thursday, 21 May 2009 18:50
ON Sunday, Zimbabwe's transitional government, which was inaugurated
on February 13, will have completed its first 100 days in office.

The inauguration of the transitional government had been delayed for
five months since the signing of the Global Political Agreement (GPA) on
September 15 2008, a period during which the GPA itself teetered on the
brink of collapse, until the extraordinary Sadc Summit on Zimbabwe of
January 26-27 intervened, on the back of a Zimbabwean economy in tatters and
the threat of international involvement at the level of the UN Security
Council.

By all accounts, it has been a difficult 100 days, even though it has
to be acknowledged, this is a period during which the country experienced a
discernible respite from the palpable political and economic tension and
anxiety that characterised Zimbabwe in the months leading to the
inauguration of the transitional government.

Not to mention the nightmare of post-election violence which the
country went through in the months before September 15 2008.

But unless and until the GPA process is truly in satisfactory
throttle, doubts and scepticism about the prospects of the transitional
government will persist at home and abroad.

And yet all those concerned about the need to move this country
forward have to create fora through which to ensure that the GPA succeeds,
as possibly the only option in the current historical conjuncture, and
taking into account the balance of forces between Zanu PF and the MDC around
the state; and the aspirations and expectations of the majority of
Zimbabweans who require urgent relief from a recent past the likes of which
they had not experienced before.

Therefore, there is need to infuse hope into the GPA process (for a
process it has indeed become, as opposed to the one-day event that many
expected last September), as it completes yet another milestone -- or
timeline -- since September 15.

There are at least three interrelated problems that are attendant to
the GPA which, as these first 100 days help to illustrate, is a complex
process within which power relations are playing themselves out.

First, the historical backdrop which inevitably continues to pervade
the GPA process.  This is the problem of opposed political perceptions about
what led to the GPA itself and how it should be implemented: between Mugabe
and Zanu PF who believe the GPA is an outcome of a "hung" election result in
the  March 29 poll; and Tsvangirai and the MDC as a whole who remain
convinced that their vote was "stolen" and its party battered and driven
into the "unholy" coalition.

Of course, this is not an issue to be easily dismissed, not least
because last year's events -- and all the associated horrors and
tribulations -- remain so fresh in the nation's memory.

Also, research and enquiry provide more than a hint as to what might
have been the actual result in the poll of March 29: the fact that Thabo
Mbeki and his team on Zimbabwe placed the idea of a Government of National
Unity (GNU) on the table, long before the March elections, against the
growing perception that the MDC was likely to overrun Zanu PF; the
emergence, in the post-election period in particular, of South Africa's
foreign policy doctrine on Zimbabwe, namely, that there could be no
"settlement" in Zimbabwe without Robert Mugabe; and, above all, the
unprecedented five-week delay in the announcement of the election results,
including the underlying suspicion, therefore, that the "run-off" of June
27, was nothing less than a contrived outcome designed to keep Mugabe in the
power equation whilst simultaneously containing Morgan Tsvangirai.

But, then, is that not what the GPA is all about, even if one were to
describe it, both pejoratively and cynically, as a compromise between the
"defeated" and the "cheated"? And is that not the purpose and nature of all
"compromises" throughout history, not least in Zimbabwe in particular and
Southern Africa in general?

Therefore, how to reconcile those opposed political perceptions has
become a major function of the GPA process, dependent as much on how Mugabe
and Tsvangirai manage their respective constituencies in the weeks and
months ahead, as on the political and economic dynamics and how these impact
on the balance of forces between Zanu PF and the MDC.

Once he had bitten the bullet, Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai seems
to have grown more confident in the realisation that the GPA and its
inclusive government is the best course possible in the circumstances,
through which his party can maintain the political initiative and thereby
register an unfettered victory come the next election opportunity.

Therefore, he cannot afford to pull out of the GPA deal, and that
option recedes more and more into oblivion as long as he remains in there,
gathers critical mass within the state and across the political divide,
while maintaining the link with his social base.

For that reason, observers should ignore the apparent tension or
differences of strategies between Tsvangirai and Biti who sounds and acts
more strident and sometimes confrontational with respect to the delays in
the implementation of the provisions of the GPA.

There is a Shona proverb which says "kuruma uchifuridza": Biti bites
while Tsvangirai soothes; and it is a tactical combination, by coincidence
or design which appears to be working and might still see the MDC through
the process, to the next general election.

This is also because those in Zanu PF opposed to the GPA and intent on
scuttling the inclusive government are either too few and isolated or, in
any event, lacking a viable alternative to a process about which the country
as a whole is not only hopeful but even euphoric on occasions.

In due course, even that fifth column within the state, now purporting
to be more Zanu PF than Zanu PF itself, and intent on putting the spanner in
the works of the inclusive government, will run out of steam, as new
political and class alliances gradually coalesce across party lines.

Clearly, President Mugabe is singularly the main beneficiary of the
GPA and would be expected to give it his all, except, perhaps, for the
difficulty he must be experiencing in managing his ever-splintering party.

But, imagine what might have been his political fate had the last
extraordinary Sadc Summit failed and those two or three heads of state
succeeded in having the GPA abandoned and thereby escalated the Zimbabwean
issue to the African Union, and then on to the UN Security Council.

It is a prospect that will have returned to haunt him, albeit
momentarily, as the MDC's national council meeting, held on May 17 decided
to complain to Sadc and the AU at the delays in the implementation of the
outstanding issues attendant to the inclusive government. But more likely
than not, the apparent threat implicit in the MDC's decision last Sunday
might in effect turn out in retrospect to have given further impetus to the
GPA process itself.

But the main problem facing the GPA process and the inclusive
government is the tension between continuity and change in the Zimbabwean
state. This is a feature characteristic of all transitions and is almost a
repeat of that of 1980, even though the differences between then and now
could help us comprehend the problem at hand.

In 1980, the transition was from a white settler colonialist order,
based on an agricultural and industrial bourgeoisie that had grown pari
passu the interests of, and buttressed by, international capital.

The "historic compromise" in the Lancaster House Agreement of 1979
made it possible for that order to concede formal political power -- and the
instruments and apparatus of the state -- to the incoming but fledgling and
vulnerable African government at Independence in 1980, without, however,
losing its class base and control over the economy and the means of
production in Zimbabwe.

International capital was omnipresent, witnessing and helping to
manage the process for more than 20 years or more into post-Independence;
and for most part of this period, successfully reining in an otherwise
impatient Zimbabwean state and an emergent black bourgeoisie which remained
virtually parallel, in its development, to a white bourgeoisie which
continued to wax rich and, notwithstanding the onslaught directed at that
agrarian part of it, might still survive the transition into the post-Mugabe
era.

Not surprisingly, the transition from colonialism to Independence
might prove in the long-term to have been less problematic than that from
one era to another in the post-colonial period in Africa.

This is because of the very nature of the post-colonial state itself
as essentially a hostage and dependent formation, insecure because of the
lack of an anchor class that is independent of the state, and for whom the
state is virtually the be-all-and-end-all for the leadership and the
bureaucratic bourgeoisie as a whole.

For most state actors, there is hardly a life after life in the state;
and for those in particular for whom the state has been the source of a
parasitic and patronised existence, exit is almost a non-option.  Transition
becomes a terrain of intense contestation and conflict, between those trying
to stay in and those determined to get in.

This is why, with the passage of time since Independence in 1980, but
particularly in the period from the mid-1990s onwards, the Zimbabwean state
has survived on the twin-pillars of violence (or the threat of it) and
patronage.  Violence or the threat of it is an integral part of any state in
the contemporary world.

But, in the Zimbabwean context, state-sponsored violence became almost
the state's raison d'étre in the face of growing political opposition at
home, flagging economic fortunes, international isolation, and the
inevitable siege mentality that was now the order of the day.

The system of patronage, particularly that which centred around Gideon
Gono and his "casino economy" at the central bank, fuelled and sustained the
Zimbabwean state in no small measure over the last five years, including
direct support to a bureaucracy and securocracy most of whose members
thereby constituted a stonewall without which the opposition might have
succeeded to power years ago. And now that the opposition is now within the
door of state power, it has still to contend with some difficult elements
within that stonewall.

Now, the "casino economy" of patronage turns out to have been the sand
on which an alternative and indigenous bourgeoisie was supposed to have been
built, on the back of money printing, dubious hand-outs of all sorts, and
primitive accumulation, the most voracious kind that any country has
experienced in recent years. All this, largely for the benefit of a "ruling
class" that spanned from State House to most members of the executive, a
cross-section of the legislature, almost all members of the judiciary, the
main actors in the state bureaucracy and its parastatals and selected but
significant numbers of people in political life, civic society and business.

So, it is that the "casino economy" and its gravy train has run itself
into the ground, with most of its beneficiaries now economically vulnerable,
the country bereft of a national currency, completely broke, at a virtual
stand-still in terms of productive capacity, and at the mercy of the very
(imperialist) forces that land reform and other dodgy economic measures were
designed to defeat.

These are the real "economic sanctions" that the Zimbabwean state and
its unwitting Reserve Bank governor have bequeathed to the country, and less
those that a defensive ideology claims to be responsible for the mess in
which the country finds itself today; and, in part, explains the difficulty
with which the provisions of the GPA are being implemented.

This is what happens when a leadership ignores the very skills that
its post-Independence experience has produced, relies on factors who can
hardly understand the dynamics of the international economy of which
Zimbabwe is so vulnerably an integral part, and devotes itself to
self-serving policies at the expense of the national interest.

These and other matters political and economic are bound to impact on
the transition in Zimbabwe. The mechanics of power-sharing -- including the
division of portfolios, the issue of provincial governors, permanent
secretaries, ambassadors and even the status of the governor of the Reserve
Bank and the Attorney General -- will no doubt soon be resolved, even if it
requires more quibbling and tussling within the inclusive government.

More important, however, is how, and with what speed, the inclusive
government can begin to address key policy issues in practical terms,
including those in relation to the provisions of the GPA itself; namely,
economic and social recovery, constitution-making, the land audit, national
healing, the restoration and development of national institutions, media
freedom and other civic liberties, and the restoration of the rule of law.

These are areas and issues which the inclusive government cannot do
alone.

Hence the third problem attendant to the process: the relative
marginalisation of civic society and the Zimbabwean population at large,
including those in the diaspora, in a GPA which was negotiated and concluded
under a shroud of secrecy.

The hope, therefore, is that in the weeks and months ahead there can
be designed interactive fora during which these and other matters pertinent
to the GPA and the inclusive government can be discussed, reviewed and
monitored, until the successful completion of the transition and the
subsequent general elections.


Ibbo Mandaza is a Zimbabwean academic, author and publisher.  He is
writing as Executive Chairperson of the SAPES Trust, the convenor of a
proposed conference on the review of the GPA, its problems and prospects.
BY IBBO MANDAZA

Constitution-making Needs Sober Minds

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/


Thursday, 21 May 2009 18:42
THE people of Zimbabwe were given the opportunity to participate and
write a new constitution for the country in 1999 - 2000.

The Constitutional Commission was formed, led by the now Chief Justice
Godfrey Chidyausiku and the likes of Jonathan Moyo, now Tsholotsho North MP.
That was the time to make our own people-driven and democratic constitution.
I say people-driven because all Zimbabweans were to take part regardless of
race, gender, tribe, political affiliation and so forth.

I personally took part in that process and when the draft was finally
presented to Zimbabweans, there were omissions here and there.

The NCA then took that opportunity to campaign for the No vote, saying
people's views were sidelined and that the process was not people-driven.
The people of Zimbabwe lost a genuine chance of having their own
constitution.

Although by then I was already in opposition politics, I was against
the NCA and rightly voted Yes. My argument then was whose interest did the
NCA represent? I wondered how many people participated in the Constitutional
Commission draft against the NCA draft and I felt the NCA was taking
Zimbabweans for a ride.

It is unfortunate that the majority of Zimbabweans who voted No did
not even see both drafts but were coerced to vote against the government
draft. We have to admit that had we voted Yes, the country would be
somewhere in terms of democracy, good governance and self-determination.

There is this tired observation that the No vote built the people's
confidence and demonstrated that you could challenge the status quo and win.
The truth is vice-versa. I need not explain what followed after the No vote.

My point is that we now have that golden opportunity to write our
constitution again.

Thabitha Khumalo once asked at a public meeting what is meant by
"people-driven" and the answer never came. I'm now disgusted by Lovemore
Madhuku's NCA position that they will campaign for a No vote even before the
process starts.

What's wrong with Mahuku and his organisation? This is the chance for
them to take part in the process.

This is the time for them to be heard. They should present what they
think needs to be incorporated into this august document. I hate to think
that other organisations are there only for abusing donor funds without
helping our country.

A friend of mine once asked me what would become of the NCA after the
new people-driven constitution. Also, if there was no crisis in Zimbabwe,
what would become of these crisis organisations? Having said that, I now
call upon the NCA to participate in this very important process. Their
wisdom is wanted.

It is also intriguing to note that amongst the parliamentarians to
head this noble process there is its co-chair Douglas Mwonzora who is a
protégé of the NCA. Felix Mafa-Sibanda, Thabitha Khumalo, Reggie Moyo,
Jessie Majome, Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and Minister of Industry and
Commerce, Welshman Ncube once led or were part of NCA.

This shows that even amongst the government itself, the NCA is
adequately represented. They are also allowed to sit on those committees
again as civic organisations. What else does Madhuku want?

The time for cheap politicking is over and each and every Zimbabwean
is obliged to heed this call and stand up and be counted. Zimbabwe is for us
all regardless of our political and religious differences.

I also gather there is an organisation called the Matabeleland
Constitutional Reform Agenda (Macra). I gather that they want to facilitate,
coordinate, defend and articulate inputs from Matabeleland and Midlands into
the constitution-making process and defend open pluralistic and multiparty
constitutional democratic institutions, values and principles. Well, it
sounds good on paper.

What should be understood by all is that as people of this region, we
are tired of people who come and pretend to defend us, yet are having secret
agendas. In this case I do not want to use the same brush in painting both
the NCA and Macra, since I am yet to know exactly what Macra will do for
this region although I must hasten to say that I was very much impressed by
its leaders' remarks at a Press Club meeting that people should consider
what is there for them in the new constitution rather than the process.

The people of Matabeleland must advocate for at least the following:
devolution of power; Bill of rights; proportional representation; scrapping
of English, Shona and Ndebele as the official languages only. What about
Sotho, Venda, Kalanga, Tonga, Tshangani etc?

We need a provincial governor with a budget for the province and that
governor must be elected by the people and there should also be a provincial
legislature. People of Bulawayo should govern themselves and use their
resources.

It is very inhuman to ask a villager in Tsholotsho to go to Harare to
get a birth certificate when the old man was born in Nyamadlovu. It's also
painful to ask a driver to go to Harare to collect a metal driver's licence
after having passed his/her driving test in Bulawayo.

It's totally degrading and inhuman to the citizens of uMthwakazi. Each
and every province should manage its own affairs. Let's do away with the
bambazonke syndrome. We should also understand that the constitution should
be there to regulate the government, not its citizens unlike the present
scenario where only citizens are regulated.

Finally I would like to urge each and every Zimbabwean to take part in
this constitution making process without fail and be part of it.
Organisations like the NCA, ZCTU, Macra etc should be inclusive so that they
will not cry foul. This constitutional-making process needs sober minds not
populists.


Edwin Ndlovu is the MDC provincial secretary for Information and
Publicity (Bulawayo province).
BY EDWIN NDLOVU

Eric Bloch: Shooting Themselves in the Foot

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/


Thursday, 21 May 2009 17:31
MIXED emotions are the sensation experienced when watching the
mother-in-law driving over the cliff in one's new car! And mixed emotions
are the reactions almost all must be experiencing in Zimbabwe today when
interacting with parastatals in general, and with the Zimbabwe Electricity
Supply Authority (Zesa) and TelOne in particular, as well as in dealing with
local authorities.

On the one hand the on-line, "front-of-house" personnel of those
entities are, with rare exception, extraordinarily attentive to their
customer needs, are courteous, responsive and demonstrate exceptional
patience.
On the other hand, most of the policy makers and "supreme" management
beings of those entities not only have a total and insolent disregard for
their customers, but in their arrogant convictions that they are omnipotent
make endlessly ill-considered decisions which are not only contemptuous of
customer needs and circumstances, but are also of disastrous consequences to
the entity and its survival.

It never ceases to be amazing how extremely patiently Zesa's
customer-service telephonists respond to hundreds (if not thousands) of
endless phone enquiries as to whether power supply interruptions are
load-shedding or fault created, and the likely duration thereof.

Even more so is their temperate responsiveness to those who, very
unjustly, berate them for the cuts in power supply, notwithstanding that
clearly those telephonists are not culpable for the power cuts.

They demonstrate politeness, understanding, sympathy and courteousness
to all their callers, including even those who are aggressively
confrontational and abusive, holding the innocent Zesa recipient of the call
accountable and guilty for the power-supply failures.

Similarly, those engaged in customer service at TelOne have shown
amazing patience and courtesy to the numerous irate customers complaining
about non-receipt of bills, untenably great charges unrelated to actual
calls made, and agitated in the extreme by peremptory disconnection of
services.

Instead of resorting to defensiveness or aggression, they respond
calmly and tolerantly. Their customer composure and forbearance is
remarkable.

In contradistinction, those who determine the organisational pricing
policies are indisputably imbued with the conviction that they can do
whatever they deem fit for, either wholly or to a minor extent, they control
monopolies.

Whether consciously or subconsciously, they are dominated by the
knowledge that their customers are tied to them, having little or no access
to alternative services. Consequently, no matter how unjust, how
commercially unrealistic, how economically destructive their policies and
decisions may be, they pursue those decisions without concern as to the
negative impacts upon not only the customers, but also upon the organisation
itself.

Highlights of these dogmatic and diabolically ill-conceived policies
include the recent spate of summary disconnections of electricity supplies
by Zesa to numerous industries and other businesses. That action is
justified by the powers that be as necessitated by the consumers' failure to
pay for past electricity consumption. However, in so doing, Zesa disregards
numerous considerations which should have motivated a temperate and
non-cataclysmic stance, including:

It is many, many months since Zesa has issued statements of account to
its consumers, notwithstanding that it is bound by law to do so. How on
earth is the customer to know what his payment liability is in the absence
of an account, and as Zesa is prescribed by law to issue accounts to all
intents and purposes the consumer has no liability to effect payment until
such issue occurs.

Those conscientious consumers who, in the absence of receipt of
accounts, make enquiries to Zesa as to amounts owing are recurrently advised
that "our machines are down", and therefore are not advised of their
indebtedness.

Zesa's tariffs vastly exceed those prevailing elsewhere in the region
and, for several months, it has been directed by government to revise such
tariffs downwards to realistic levels, with retrospective effect. Until it
does so, and the revised tariffs published, consumers cannot even compute
their liability by self-reading of meters.

It is incontrovertible that, although Zimbabwe's economy is now
undergoing the first small and tentative steps towards economic recovery,
currently the entire economy is confronted with immense scarcities of
currency.

As a result, businesses and others unavoidably have to delay effecting
payments due, pending requisite cash flows. Zesa needs to understand that
they are not deliberate payment defaulters, but need to be temporarily
accommodated pending a progressive return to economic normality.

Undoubtedly the Zesa response is, "But we need the money in order to
operate!" Yes, Zesa does need cash inflows, as do all other businesses, and
yet it cannot generate them by heavy-handed and oppressive service
suspension policies.

Instead, by so doing, Zesa is actually shooting itself, and Zimbabwe
as a whole, in the foot. When it cuts off supplies to a factory, that
factory's discontinuance of operations impacts upon the economy as a whole
and, amongst other repercussions, it's employees and suppliers become
victims of further cash constraints, which will preclude them also from
making payments to Zesa.

The same is true for when Zesa cuts off supplies to mines, to commerce
and others. Cutting off those supplies does not improve Zesa's cash inflows.
Instead, it worsens them yet further. Effectively, Zesa is triggering mass
economic suicide, inclusive of its own demise.

The same applies to TelOne's disconnection of business telephone
services for, without those services, the businesses' operations are
severely hampered, reducing their ability to generate the cash needed for
operations, inclusive of the cash required for TelOne, Zesa, Zimra and
others. And this is also so in respect of local authorities.

Commendably, the City of Harare recently announced a 50% reduction in
its charges, which is a positive step in the right direction, but other
local authorities are being tardy in emulating that example, to the
prejudice of themselves, their residents, and the Zimbabwean economy.

BY ERIC BLOCH

Muckraker: Charamba, Shamu and the 'professional' Public Media Myth

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/


Thursday, 21 May 2009 17:22
IT is intriguing to note how an error started in one government
newspaper is likely to find its way from the news pages of that paper to the
editorial pages, and from there into other government papers.

One example will suffice. It was reported in the Herald a few weeks
ago that the Commonwealth was among those lifting their travel warnings on
Zimbabwe.

Now this may have been a careless reporter who had momentarily spotted
a reference to the Commonwealth of Australia and wrote it up as Australia
and the Commonwealth. Whatever the case, the Commonwealth comprises many
diverse states who do not have common positions on things like travel
warnings. Obviously countries like Zambia, South Africa, and Namibia have
not adopted travel warnings on Zimbabwe. Nor have India and Barbados!
This reminds us of daft mentions in the government press of the "white
Commonwealth", a reference no doubt to Britain, Canada, Australia and New
Zealand.
But the people disseminating this usage have evidently never been to
any of the countries in question. Those who have walked down a street in
London, Auckland or Sydney would very soon know these are no longer "white"
countries, if they ever were. And even the shortest visit to Vancouver would
reveal a melting pot of nationalities. Canada has as its governor-general a
woman from a minority background.

Presumably, once Zimbabwe has restored the rule of law and returned to
the values expressed in the Harare Declaration of 1991, it will be eligible
for membership once again. Zimbabwe was suspended in 2003 despite vigorous
efforts by President Mugabe to stay in. A broad consensus from every
continent said Zimbabwe wasn't ready for readmission.
That is probably still the case. Mugabe pretended after his signal
diplomatic defeat in 2003 that he didn't want to be a member anyway.
It's no longer up to him. It's up to Zimbabweans as a whole to decide.
Everybody around us is a member. Even lusophone Mozambique. There are
clearly significant advantages to be had, particularly in the educational
sector. And readmission would be seen as part of our rehabilitation in the
international community.
So let's abandon fatuous references to "the Queen's tea party" by
spokesmen for a regime whose head wanted nothing more than to be invited to
tea at Buckingham Palace!

It is difficult from the perspective of today to recall just how many
times Mugabe travelled outside the country in the 1980s, that halcyon era
when Zimbabwe was a key player on the international stage. But the seeds of
ignominy had already been sown in the graves of 20 000 people in
Matabeleland and Midlands provinces. Mugabe visited North Korea no fewer
than eight times until one of their diplomats was discovered with rhino
horns in his diplomatic bag.
North Korea is today an undisguised failure where thousands starve
because it cannot feed itself. Across the border, South Korea is a success
story where its people enjoy living standards akin to those of Western
Europe.
But that didn't stop Mugabe heaping praise upon North Korea at a
dinner for a visiting delegation from the hermit state last week.
He praised the late "Great Leader" for his support in the liberation
war and congratulated North Korea on its launch of what he called a
"satellite" last month. It was in fact a missile.
Not difficult to see the connection here. A head of state who
assiduously constructs a personality cult around himself. Who suppresses all
forms of dissent. And who devotes scarce public resources to extravagant
projects while his people starve. Oh yes, and who wears a funny little red
scarf now and again.
We speak of course of "Dear Leader" Kim Jong Il!

On the subject of self-indulgent tyrants, Muckraker was amused to read
in the Sunday Times a report that Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi had thrown a
wobbly when he was greeted on arrival in Pretoria by former Arts and Culture
minister Pallo Jordan.
Jordan was not included in Jacob Zuma's new cabinet. Gaddafi
threatened to boycott the swearing in if he was not greeted by Zuma or
deputy president Kgalema Motlanthe. After intense negotiations on Friday
night, Zuma agreed to repeat the greeting ceremony to avert a no-show the
next day by the mercurial Libyan leader.
Pictures in the South African press show somebody in an over-braided
uniform, dark glasses and a pale complexion looking very much like Michael
Jackson on a bad day.
What a thriller!

Equally funny was the Herald's lickspittle report on Mugabe's arrival
in Pretoria for the swearing in. His reception started off as "a round of
applause". Then the welcome became "uproarious" as the president raised a
clenched fist.
When he was greeted by Zuma, both leaders "laughed together profusely",
we are told.
Foreign minister Simbarashe Mumbengegwi described the applause for
Mugabe as "tumultuous" and cited it as "proof of his endearing popularity
despite his demonisation by the mainstream South African and Western media".
Mugabe was also "cheered and waved at" by policemen and airport
workers on arrival at OR Tambo, we are told.
Is there a school in Harare where reporters are instructed on how to
write this baloney?
More touching than this partisan piffle was a photo in the Sunday
Times of Graca Machel leaning across to wake Madiba up as he slumbered
peacefully through the ceremony. It was one of those pictures that tells a
thousand words.
And is Muckraker right in thinking the Sunday Times got their Zambian
presidents mixed up? It looked more like Ruppiya Banda than Kenneth Kaunda.
But we are open to correction.

Permanent secretary in the Ministry of Media, Information, and
Publicity George Charamba has been giving testimony to parliament on his
ministry's functions. The exchange with MPs, reported in the Sunday Mail,
contained some interesting views.
Responding to a question about the damage to the country's image
caused by the incarceration of journalists, among others, Charamba said
Media minister Webster Shamu's hands were tied on the matter as it was still
before the courts. He said it had emerged, though, that "some individuals
are using journalism as a convenient refuge".
"I asked for the name of the media house that employs Manyere: I got
no answer. I asked for the name of the institution where he trained: Again,
I got no answer!" he was reported as saying.
"There is a general misconception that whosoever wields a notebook,
pen and camera is a journalist. This makes it seem as though there are no
entry requirements (for the profession) when they exist." He added that
"Jestina Mukoko left journalism for civic society endeavours, yet she was
still being identified with the former".
"Is it based on historical affiliation or current pursuits?" he
queried.
According to the Sunday Mail report, Charamba backed Mutare West MP
Shuah Mudiwa's submission, which called for the public media to balance
their coverage of members of the inclusive government. "He said the advent
of the government demanded that the media mirror the ethos of this new
dispensation."
"We are aware that the times have changed. This (inclusive government)
is a collaborative effort, comprising three political parties. Hence, the
demand on the state media is that they reflect the ethos that is dominant.
"Interestingly, I am always accosted by the parties over how they are
covered. For ZBC, the problem is we have limited cameras and the (main) news
bulletin is an hour long."

And it is as boring as hell, he might have added. As for his claim
that Shamu was not able to comment on the cases involving the incarceration
of journalists, does that include their abduction and torture? Is he unable
to comment on the impact on the country's image of the abduction and
incarceration of journalists for months before they were brought before the
courts?
As for the semantics about who can practise as a journalist, why wasn't
he asked what the government had done to suffocate the practice of
journalism in Zimbabwe? How many careers have been destroyed since 2002? As
for why nobody wanted to tell him what media house Shadreck Manyere worked
for, perhaps that's because nobody trusts him. Would you want to provide the
partisan Charamba with a rod for your back?
And, contrary to what he may think, it is not the function of the
"state media", as he called it, to "reflect the dominant ethos" in society.
It is to give space to a variety of views in a professional manner that
reflects the diversity of the nation. In other words the opposite of what is
happening now on his watch. No more "dominant ethos" thanks. That's
old-school jargon.
Charamba told the parliamentary portfolio committee that his ministry
was working on re-creating a positive image for Zimbabwe.
He should anticipate a little scepticism in this task given his
previous pronouncements.

Evidence of Charamba's malign influence can be found on the editorial
pages of the Herald. Nothing much has changed there. Unrelenting attacks on
civic activists persist while Shamu is busy claiming that the public media
was exhibiting "exceptional professionalism" in providing coverage that
contained "balance and fairness".
Is there anybody out there apart from Shamu who seriously believes the
public media is demonstrating "balance and fairness"?
On Tuesday, as Shamu was claiming "balance and fairness", Eddie Cross
was under siege on the editorial pages by unnamed columnists while David
Samuriwo spat invective at Jenni Williams of Woza: "Civic groups such as
Woza," Samuriwo claimed, "have for the past decade survived on the back of
people's poverty claiming they were fighting for their rights."
Woza has in fact over the past decade demonstrated extraordinary
courage in the teeth of vicious retaliation by the state. Williams and her
colleagues have been repeatedly incarcerated in filthy cells simply for
exercising their right to call for improved social conditions.
Compare the record of Woza in struggling for people's rights with that
of cowards like Samuriwo who only attack from the comfortable fortress of
the state.
Let's see now whether in the interests of "balance and professional
fairness" the Herald will allow Woza to reply to Samuriwo's ignorant and
scurrilous article.
Just for the record, here are some headings from the letters and
editorial pages of the Herald which accompanied Shamu's claims to "fairness
and balance".
"Sanctions, the priority"; "Gono cannot go before sanctions are
 lifted"; "We're not stupid, Mr Cross"; "West's double-talk rears ugly head".
And that's just for one day!

Still on the propaganda front, we were amused by the hype surrounding
Tourism minister Walter Mzembi's visit to Brazil. ZTA chief Karikoga Kaseke
was quoted as saying "there was literally a scramble for Zimbabwe and we are
still shocked by the response. The media was too much on us and perceptions
have changed."
Mzembi gave 96 interviews in two days, we are told. Kaseke gave 13.
But then the story began to fall apart.
"The BBC approached us and they wanted to come this week to market
Zimbabwe tourism but we said stop, we need to deal with logistics first,"
Kaseke said.
It needs to be pointed out that the BBC is not in the business of
marketing countries. The nearest it comes is a travel programme called Fast
Track which airs on a Monday night.
Kaseke claimed that Mzembi's delegation was "mobbed" by the media.
CNN, BBC, Sky News, Euro News, USA Today, Newsweek, Travel & Tourism
magazine and Brazil's RBS were among those interviewing Mzembi and Kaseke.
So let's stay glued to the networks and magazines mentioned to see
what comes out of this visit. It is safe to say it will be rather less than
Kaseke thinks!

By the way, is the BBC still banned from Zimbabwe for what Charamba
calls "representing political interests"? Now that they are being
"re-engaged" can we safely assume those interests are no longer there?

Empty Coffers Threaten Govt's 100-day Plan

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/


Thursday, 21 May 2009 18:16
GOVERNMENT'S 100-day plan to get the country "working again" is
plausible but its implementation will be hamstrung by lack of financial
resources, political analysts have said.

The analysts said the major threat to the success of the plan would be
the inability of the inclusive government to raise money from the
international community as a result of the unresolved outstanding issues of
the global political agreement (GPA).

The international community is yet to loosen its purse strings on
Zimbabwe arguing that it needs to see the full implementation of the GPA and
genuine power-sharing between President Robert Mugabe and Prime Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai.

Since the formation of the unity government, the principals to the
GPA - Mugabe, Tsvangirai and Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara - have
been negotiating with no success on the outstanding issues, which include
the appointment of provincial governors, ambassadors, Attorney-General
Johannes Tomana and the re-appointment of Gideon Gono as central bank
governor.

The other sticking point is the refusal of Mugabe to swear in MDC-T
treasurer-general Roy Bennett as deputy Agriculture minister, the failure to
convene a meeting of the National Security Council and the decision by the
president to remove the communication department from the Ministry of
Information Communication Technology headed by Nelson Chamisa.

The MDC-T has since said Sadc and the African Union, the guarantors of
the GPA, should intervene to resolve the sticking points, although Zanu PF
insisted that the principals were yet to declare a stalemate on the matters.

The analysts said as long as the outstanding issues were not resolved
and cases of reported farm invasions are not stopped, continued arrests of
human rights activists and journalists, Zimbabwe will not get the much
needed funds to bankroll the 100-day plan and the Short Term Emergency
Recovery Programme (Sterp).

The country needs US$8,3 billion to revive its economy and has so far
raised US$1 billion.

The African Development Bank has said it will provide budgetary
support only if outstanding issues were resolved, while Botswana has warned
that the international community might withdraw pledges to help the
reconstruction of Zimbabwe if Mugabe and Zanu PF do not stop the alleged
violation of the power-sharing pact.

The 100-day plan was launched in the capital by Prime Minister
Tsvangirai last week after it was adopted by cabinet on April 28. It is
supposed to run up to August 6.

The plan was targeted to give practical effect to September's GPA and
Sterp.

It divided the 31 line ministries into five clusters - economic;
infrastructure; social; rights and interests; and security.

Each of the clusters developed key result areas at the March
ministerial retreat at Victoria Falls which must be met within the given
time frame.

The economic cluster, the key to the success of the plan, was charged
with the responsibility to mobilise resources to finance utilities providing
water, sanitation, power, water, transport and other social services.

It must finance the agricultural winter wheat and tobacco crop,
mobilise lines of credit to boost industry capacity utilisation levels,
foreign direct investments and budgetary support and aid inflows.

The cluster, headed by Finance minister Tendai Biti, is expected to
achieve and sustain microeconomic stabilisation, including price stability
and coming up with a supportive legal and regulatory framework for the
economy - inclusive of ensuring the security of people and assets, as well
as a land audit.

It would also be in charge of reforming the public sector - chiefly
the civil service, parastatals, local authorities, the central bank and the
public finance management system and the results-based management system -
create a functional financial system and facilitate the re-branding of the
country.

Theresa Makone, the Public Works minister, chairs the infrastructure
cluster that is charged with the responsibility to review the current status
of each ministry; review and implement policy; spearhead the construction,
rehabilitation and refurbishment of infrastructure; pay and retain key
skills in each ministry and introduce electronic-enabled services.

The social cluster is chaired by Local Government minister Ignatious
Chombo which is charged with spearheading institutional development; coming
up with a social safety net with special attention on food security and
BEAM, creating an environment where affordable and functional basic services
would be accessible; human resources placement, deployment and motivation;
embark on resuscitation and rehabilitation targeting local authorities,
schools, clinics and vocational training centres; and engender the
constitution-making structure, process and product.

Patrick Chinamasa, Justice and Legal Affairs minister, chairs the
rights and interests cluster whose mandate would be to review media policy
and laws within the lifespan of the plan.

The cluster should also facilitate the establishment and functioning
of the parliamentary select committee to kick-start the constitutional
reform process, the appointment of independent commissions and to
disseminate copies of the GPA in English, Shona, Ndebele and other local
languages; improving the justice delivery system including the restoration
of prisoners' rights; facilitating the country's re-engagement with the
international community at the economic and political levels; and launching
and facilitating the establishment of the machinery for national healing,
reconciliation and integration.

The security cluster - made up of the Defence, Home Affairs and
National Security ministries is mandated to support Sterp in line with
constitutional provisions and motivate officers to increase peacekeeping
operations involvement such as fulfilling the country's obligations to the
United Nations, African Union and Sadc.

Analysts said although the plan was plausible, it would remain a wish
list for the inclusive government as long as it fails to mobilise external
financial resources to bankroll it.

University of Zimbabwe political science lecturer Eldred Masunungure
said the 100-day plan was well thought-out, but without financial aid it
would be difficult to implement.

"The implementation of the plan is dependent on aid and investment
coming in," Masunungure said. "There has been free little in terms of aid
flowing into the country after the formation of the inclusive government."

He said aid would largely depend on the resolution of the outstanding
issues of the GPA.

A group of lawyers, Veritas, said international donors were
disappointed that government was failing to embark on law reforms outlined
in the GPA at a time when "lawyers and media practitioners involved in
defending or reporting on political detainees have been arrested,
farm-related violence has not been curbed and there has been a 700% increase
in student arrests, detentions and suspensions on political grounds this
April compared with April last year."

The lawyers claimed that foreign investors were concerned by delays in
dealing with corruption, nepotism and reform of government's indigenisation
laws.

"What could also set back the plan is the threat by civil servants to
strike unless their demands are met and by trade unions to call for a
general labour strike," Veritas said.  "It is a vicious circle - without the
economy being revived the government cannot meet civil service and labour
demands but if there is strike action the economy and plans for its revival
will be set back."

Zimbabwe-born South African businessman Mutumwa Mawere said for the
plan to succeed, the inclusive government should start focusing on coherence
and the need to ensure that it is united and not a three-in-one government.

"The three principals seem to work together in private but in public
it is evident that you have three views on what kind of Zimbabwe they want
to see," Mawere said. "Confidence building goes beyond the resolution of the
outstanding issues which appear to be more focussed on deployment of party
members into the state rather than delivering on the promise. Change must be
credible and believable. What is clear is that the government needs to have
one control centre. Sovereignty needs one address and accountability. This
must be clarified for the good of the nation."

He said there was a worry that there appears to be confusion at the
top on key constitutional and legal issues governing the transition.

"I do not believe the targets set out in the 100-day plan will be met.
Consensus on what is outstanding and what is good for the country to move
forward is urgently called for," Mawere said. "Success for the plan can be
secure if people are willing to share the credit. At present there appears
to be no incentive to put Zimbabwe first."

During the launch of the plan, Tsvangirai warned that the successful
implementation of government policy would falter if the GPA was not fully
implemented.

"Sadly, there appears to be a reluctance by residual elements from the
old government to obstruct and frustrate the successful implementation of
the GPA," Tsvangirai said. "This attitude, should it continue, will limit
the effective implementation of the 100-day plan and subsequently impact
negatively on our ability to make a positive difference to the lives of all
Zimbabweans."

He said what continued to plague Zimbabwe was the reluctance by some
quarters to accept the reality of the changes taking place within the
country.

Tsvangirai added: "This residual resistance represents an
unwillingness to accept the fact that the new political dispensation is not
only irreversible, but also offers the country the only viable way forward.

"The continued violations of the rule of law and the GPA prevent the
inflows of development aid, obstructing a progressive legislative agenda and
risk keeping Zimbabwe mired poverty and the fear of persecution."

He said if the parties to the GPA had the political will to abide by
the letter and spirit of the pact, outstanding issues could be resolved
immediately and in doing so, the country would have proved to the
international community "that we are genuine and serious about restoring
Zimbabwe to its rightful place" in the community of nations.

BY CONSTANTINE CHIMAKURE

Candid Comment: Zuma must reclaim his showercap

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/


Thursday, 21 May 2009 18:06
IF there is one thing I think as a nation we should cherish from
Western democracies it is what is referred to as "institutional memory" and
continuity of professional tenure when governments change.

Wikipedia defines institutional memory as "a collective set of facts,
concepts, experiences and know-how held by a group of people. As it
transcends the individual, it requires the ongoing transmission of these
memories between members of this group."

Both Zimbabwe and South Africa tried to follow this tradition with the
coming of majority rule in 1980 and 1994 respectively. Change took the
gradual form of affirmative action in Zimbabwe or black economic empowerment
in SA. Even then, there was resistance because Africans, being less
educated, would debase standards in both governance and education, it was
argued.

We bucked the trend. Even as the world anticipated a chaotic if not
bloody transition from Rhodesia to Zimbabwe, for a long time whites remained
in high office, from cabinet ministers and the public service to the
security establishment. I recall Dennis Norman, General Peter Walls, Ken
Flower and David Smith. It was called national reconciliation.

For months after Prime Minister Robert Mugabe's inauguration, Ian
Smith, the last Rhodesian prime minister, remained an advisor at Zimbabwe
House even as Mugabe plotted to destroy his erstwhile comrade-in-arms and
power rival Joshua Nkomo.

Smith said he was stunned by Mugabe's "reasonableness and sense of
fair play". To him, Mugabe was "a model of reason and fairness".

Some, like Flower in the CIO, later resigned of their own volition
when their positions were no longer tenable. South Africa followed a more or
less similar pattern with the coming of majority rule in 1994.

It is however the post-colonial transition which is proving more
problematic for both Zimbabwe and South Africa. There is a tendency towards
spitefulness in the succession struggle between Zanu PF and the MDC in
Zimbabwe and from Thabo Mbeki to Jacob Zuma in the ANC in South Africa.

This is endorsed by the same democracies where a gradual transition
makes for orderliness and predictability from one administration to the
next - from Conservatives to Labour or Republicans to Democrats in the UK
and US respectively.

In Zimbabwe's case, the quest for an overhaul of the old system is at
the root of the "outstanding issues" in the global political agreement.
Permanent secretaries and ambassadors have to be shared equitably.
Professional qualifications are not a factor.

One explanation is the spoils mentallity in which the victorious party
seeks to reward itself out of state resources. Witness how new councillors'
first task in office was to demand cellphones and residential stands.

The other is the ideological war where "backbenchers" or friends of
the winning party want a clean break with the detested previous
administration. In Zimbabwe, this has been worsened by political violence in
recent elections.

In South Africa the desire for a clean slate has caused terrible
confusion and contradictions. Despite consensus in the dominant media about
former president Thabo Mbeki as the country's political bete noire, they can't
place his successor President Jacob Zuma, an enigma they have created for
themselves.

But how can Zuma be understood by people who convince themselves that
he was "plucked from obscurity" by Mbeki when anyone who can read knows Zuma
was a senior official in the ANC security establishment during the
liberation struggle and almost single-handedly neutralised Inkatha Freedom
Party and won KwaZulu-Natal for the ANC at the time of Nelson Mandela! How
can someone who spent 10 years on Robben Island with Mbeki and other senior
ANC leaders be called obscure?

Well, the aim is to show how detestable Mbeki is and obliterate his
legacy. Barney Mthombothi of the Financial Mail aptly sums up this view in
the latest issue: "For the ANC, Mbeki or his record is as good as dead. It's
as if he was never their leader for an entire decade. It's a period," he
says, "I am sure, that they would expunge from the history books, if they
could."

He admits all have failed to read Zuma's "mind". They had hoped for a
clue from his cabinet selection, which turned out to be "neither fish nor
fowl".

The explanation is found in Mthombothi's exhortation to Zuma a few
weeks earlier that he could drop everybody from the Mbeki cabinet except
Finance minister Trevor Manuel. South African business wants Zuma to embrace
the capitalist system which Mbeki pursued.

Their dilemma is that nothing Mbeki ever did should be seen in a
positive light. Yet they are happy with Manuel's successor Pravin Gordhan
and Manuel as head of the National Planning Commission, both products of
Mbeki's when the economy experienced 10 years of growth.

There is fear that left to himself Zuma will follow his heart and
pursue Leftist policies of the ANC's alliance partners, Cosatu and the SA
Communist Party. There is a sense of relief when Zuma says there won't be
change of policy from Mbeki's yet he must be "expunged" from ANC history.

How can the ANC which has governed since 1994 expunge itself from
history just because it's got a new leadership? How can the ANC expunge
Mbeki without Zuma veering further to the dreaded Left? The real test of
Zuma's leadership will be his ability to carry out the ANC's election
pledges to help the poor whom Mbeki forgot.

The starting point is for him to reclaim his "showercap" which will be
used to blackmail him against pro-poor policies.

Mandela dared the apartheid gallows over his head at Rivonia in 1964.
Will Msholozi betray Mandela's ideals for fear of a scarecrow showercap over
his head?

BY JORAM NYATHI

Comment: Nothing Much to Shout About

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/


Thursday, 21 May 2009 17:58
THE inclusive government comprising Zanu PF and the two MDC formations
has been in power for more than three months.

Yet we observe with disappointment that there is little to show by way
of tangible deliverables to the ordinary people of Zimbabwe. Morgan
Tsvangirai's statement yesterday announcing agreement on the appointment of
governors, ambassadors and Roy Bennett represents progress of a sort but
these measures were agreed months ago.

For the main political protagonists, the benefits of the coalition
government were almost instant and massive: they now drive luxury cars and
enjoy as much physical protection as they require.

For ordinary Zimbabweans what cannot be denied as so far the "best
outcome" of the coalition government is the reduction in political violence
and general public anxiety. The tensions of the elections are behind us and
ordinary people are able to go about their daily chores.

However, the same cannot be said of opposition political activists who
have been constantly harassed since they were arrested on banditry and
sabotage allegations around December last year. Since then, their lives have
revolved around the courts and detention cells as they fight to secure their
freedom in the teeth of trumped up charges.

A High Court judge warned last week that the state's case in
prosecuting three activists was weak and misdirected.

We don't want politicians to interfere with the law. That is against
the concept of the rule of law. But we do think the law should be applied
and be seen to be applied evenly and fairly without appearing to target
members of opposition parties.

Similarly, there is cause for grave concern when senior government
officials are accused of interfering with the operations of the media as was
reported last week. A minister disclosed in parliament that Attorney-General
Johannes Tomana had ordered the arrest of this newspaper's editor Vincent
Kahiya and news editor Constantine Chimakure because he was not happy with
what the paper published about the alleged abductions of MDC activists.

The co-Minister of Home Affairs Giles Mutsekwa denied ordering the
arrest of the two journalists. Police Commissioner-General Augustine Chihuri
also denied giving any such order. Mutsekwa then disclosed Tomana had issued
the order.

This raises a fundamental question about how Tomana was able to breach
the chain of command in the police to issue an order for the arrest of the
journalists. Tomana is the government's legal advisor. Does the law give him
power to issue arresting orders directly to police officers or is the public
being denied the truth about what actually happened?

When ministers seek the help of friendly governments in raising funds
for recovery they are invariably told to first adhere to the terms of the
GPA in upholding the rule of law. No government wants to assist a regime
where powerful individuals abuse power to arrest and detain those they see
as a threat to their party.

One of the most damaging episodes recently has been the arrest and
detention of lawyers performing their duties. This is lawlessness writ large
and understandably it is how the world sees Zimbabwe.

Therefore the conclusion we draw on the inclusive government in its
first 100 days is a sad one. It is that political activists, MPs,
journalists and lawyers are still being arrested at the state's whim. It is
that media reforms which are promised in the GPA are being ignored, as
Webster Shamu's remarks this week reveal.

No democracy can function effectively without a free press.

The new brains in the coalition government have yet to make an impact
on the Zanu PF mandarins from the old establishment for whom it appears to
be business as usual.

Despite assurances by politicians that the situation is improving,
there are still shortages of drugs and personnel at most government
hospitals while private clinics and practitioners levy exorbitant charges
for their services. In a country where formal unemployment is reportedly
around 90% it means millions of Zimbabwe cannot afford medical care.

Meanwhile, there are still unresolved issues in the eduction sector
over salaries and fees. Universities remain closed while students roam the
streets.

Donors and investors won't come on board so long as Mugabe is
perceived as throwing up roadblocks to recovery.

We can understand the need of parties to the GPA to propitiate a
prickly president. But that shouldn't prevent them from speaking out on the
obstacles they are encountering in putting the country back on the path to
recovery.

Editor's Memo: Test Lies Ahead

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/


Thursday, 21 May 2009 17:57
PRIME Minister Morgan Tsvangirai yesterday announced the resolution of
a number of sticking issues which had continued to divide the inclusive
government, while frustrating social and economic delivery.

The resolution of the outstanding issues -- with the notable exception
of the Gideon Gono and Johannes Tomana matters -- will be welcomed by all
those who were beginning to lose patience with the three political leaders
in government who had continued to tear at each other's throats, not just
over power, but also the trappings of public office - positions and
attendant benefits.

Tsvangirai told journalists in Harare an agreement had been reached on
sharing of the positions of governors, ambassadors, Roy Bennett and
ministerial mandates.

He also spoke on the rule of law and fresh land invasions as well as
on media reform. His remarks on the media in particular were salutary. We
need that sort of commitment to push the reform agenda forward.

That is why journalists interested in media reform must put on their
thinking caps and avoid being frozen in old and tired strategies of
engagement, idle protests and writing poisonous articles attacking each
other.

Media reform is central to the democratisation agenda. We urgently
need the media environment to be opened up so that we have plural, diverse
and responsible media platforms for public debate and engagement. We need
new and hopefully refreshing newspapers. We also need new television and
radio stations in the market.

Compared to other countries in the region, even poorer ones for that
matter, Zimbabwe still remains backward. That explains why most people now
resort to foreign TV and radio stations to express or entertain themselves.
They can't stand the soporific ZBC TV and its radio stations.

Now that most of the remaining issues have been cleared, government
must focus on its core business. It must move with speed to address the
social and economic problems buffeting the country's long-suffering
population.

Government must now deal with fixing dilapidated schools, hospitals
and clinics, roads, supply of water and electricity, the revival of
collapsed industries and companies and provision of humanitarian aid.

In tandem with this, government must pursue political and economic
reforms.

In its first 100 days in office, this government simply failed to
tackle these issues, largely because it spent most of its time and energy
either quarrelling or indulging in pointless political manoeuvres and
rhetoric.

Government leaders and ministers must be serious about their work.
They need to have a sustainable framework for delivery. They should not
think the idea of being in office is about status, luxury cars and
travelling at the expense of the taxpayers.

There must be no room for corrupt and incompetent officials. The
culture of cronyism (which takes the form of regionalism, tribalism, racism
and nepotism), and looting must be stamped out.

The two MDC factions must be careful not to be associated with some of
these retrogressive things.

Already there are worrying signs of cronyism and self-aggrandisement
in the two MDC groups. Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara must nip this in the
bud.

The danger is that if they don't, we will follow what most other
African countries have experienced: a destruction of their economies by
immediate post-colonial leaders and their replacement with people who are
more or less the same, if not worse.

To ensure an irreversible transition, the inclusive government must
stamp out repression in its various manifestations, including political
violence, and introduce reforms. This will be a good start. It does not need
money do so.

Currently, we have not yet entered a transitional period, we are in a
pre-transition. Unless we push hard for substantive change, the risk of
getting sidetracked into an abortive transition or plunging back into the
dark era of repression remains real.

To avoid this, there must be genuine and irreversible democratic
reforms. These should be anchored in a new democratic constitution.

A new constitution should replace this repressive one under which all
sorts of horrible things, including killings and detentions, happened.

The benchmarks of success or failure for this government are simple.
We want to see evidence of schools opening in full, hospitals and clinics
working again, roads being fixed, companies re-opening and jobs created and
food on the people's tables.

This is the real test for this government.

There is obviously the bigger problem which this government must guard
against.

It needs to avoid the fate of similar arrangements mainly in Africa.
Governments of national unity (GNUs) have had a dismal track record on the
continent.

They have failed almost everywhere. They did not work in Sudan,
Somalia, DRC, Sierra Leone, Ivory Coast, Angola, Burundi and Zimbabwe
before.

In Kenya and Zimbabwe the current GNUs are shaky and may well suffer
the same fate as in other countries.

An attempt to establish a GNU in Zimbabwe in 1980 failed after just
two years and was followed by fierce repression and massacres.

Elsewhere in Africa, failure of GNUs gave way to civil wars or
poisoned political environments. Zimbabwe should avoid this path. The real
test lies ahead.

BY DUMISANI MULEYA

Zim Independent Letters

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/

Blood Mangoes

Thursday, 21 May 2009 16:19
PLEASE be advised that all mangoes that are currently being sold
around Zimbabwe are a late variety called Keitt and that there is only one
farm with that variety left hanging on the trees in Southern Africa. This is
Mount Carmel Farm in Chegutu belonging to Mike Campbell.

On April 3 2009 Mike Campbell's farm was invaded by agents of Nathan
Shamuyarira. On that date, Campbell still had approximately 170 tonnes of
these mangoes left to harvest. Since that date he has been unable to reap a
single mango despite being protected by his Sadc Tribunal judgement and a
High Court order on April 20 2009.

Every mango being sold today anywhere in Zimbabwe is consequently a
stolen mango. Shamuyarira's agents have beaten up Campbell's workers
including fracturing one of the workers skulls.  Campbell has been evicted
from his home and cannot get near any of his crops.  By buying these mangoes
you are supporting violence, lawlessness and theft.  Please desist from
doing so.

All supermarkets with mangoes should please stop all payments to their
suppliers and contact Bruce Campbell on 0912 115485.  All people who see
mangoes for sale should please protest to the sellers that they are dealing
in stolen property.

J A G.
Harare


-------------
Gono Should go

Thursday, 21 May 2009 16:19
WHEN Gideon Gono was appointed Reserve Bank governor he was touted as
the "change" manager, a visionary and a leader in the finance industry. In
no time Gono got to wine and dine with the political elite and found himself
chairing the boards of ZBH and UZ amongst other public institutions.

To any layman Zimbabwe's problems were not because of the shortage of
people with the requisite skills to manage the economy, but because we did
not have the political leadership to manage the economy for the benefit of
Zimbabweans.

Most people would have turned down the offer on the basis that there
was no political will to address the problem.

However, Gono has hounded bankers and forced most of them into jails
or the  diaspora. He has persecuted a lot of people in the Zimbabwean
economy and its human talent for political expediency. And, not
surprisingly, he has now adopted Robert Mugabe's handiende "I will not go"
mantra.

Gono should not hold the nation to ransom. If he is a professional he
should leave as soon as the relevance of his "skill" is questioned. Gono's
tenure as a political refugee at the Reserve Bank -- like everything else --
will come to an end.

Ben Magaiza,
New Zealand.

----------
Tsvangirai is Better
Thursday, 21 May 2009 16:22
I FIND it very puzzling that former Information minister Jonathan Moyo
has taken it upon himself to criticise every decision that the inclusive
government makes.

I acknowledge the fact that the inclusive government is not working in
the manner we expected and that its shortcomings must be criticised.
However, to see a man who has the capability of making a positive difference
only looking for another negative story to write is a cause for concern.

Moyo had his turn in the government. And whilst he was in it he helped
in the promulgation of repressive laws that took away a lot of our civil
liberties. Yet there are some people who -- under very difficult
circumstances -- are making a difference even though their educational
capabilities are not as sound as Moyo's.

All I read in Moyo's articles is unconstructive criticism after
criticism. But for a man of his stature, education and position he should be
more constructive rather than write vituperative articles in newspapers most
of which he would have banned in his heyday. The situation in Zimbabwe is
worrisome to every patriotic Zimbabwean but those with the opportunity to be
useful should make use of it rather than waiting for others to make mistakes
whilst trying to make a difference.

The unity government was always going to face problems -- major or
minor -- but the fact that some people like Morgan Tsvangirai have gotten to
this stage is an indication that they are trying to bring dignity back to
the people of Zimbabwe, some of which Moyo himself helped remove.

Moyo is used to getting his way even when he is wrong. He cannot take
criticism and that is why he threatened all the newspapers that had a
different opinion to his which he now uses as his loud-speakers.

Prime Minister Tsvangirai is not the most educated man in Zimbabwe nor
is he the most intelligent but his efforts should be commended. Few are
prepared to travel along the road he walked. I salute his desire to make a
positive change.

Stanley Makuwe,
smakuwe2000@yahoo.com

---------------

      Strive to Meet aid Conditions

      Thursday, 21 May 2009 17:37
       PARTIES to the inclusive government should swallow their pride
and engage Britain and the US for the amicable resolution of the country's
economic problems.

      We want our nation to move forward and at this point we need
these nations' assistance.

      Robert Mugabe, Arthur Mutambara and Morgan Tsvangirai should
strive to meet the conditions set for the removal of the sanctions imposed.

      Mugabe should release political prisoners and stop
state-sponsored abductions and torture.

      The people arrested on trumped up charges of banditry,
insurgency and treason are the political prisoners I am referring to.

      The head of state in consultation with the Prime Minister should
declare an amnesty to ensure the smooth operation of the bankrupt inclusive
government.

      Engage Britain and America instead of hurling insults at them.

      Kurauone Chihwayi,
      Harare.


-----------

      Zesa Giving us raw Deal
      Thursday, 21 May 2009 18:15
      ARE the powers that be at Zesa  aware of the fact that we as the
consumers have to provide transport, a ladder and even money to ensure that
electricity is switched back on?

      For over a month now Eastlea residents who stay along Caithness?
Boundary and Peebles roads have had to deal with an erratic electricity
supply. What we are not sure of is whether these power cuts are premeditated
or unforeseen electrical faults.
      Every time we register our complaint at the David Livingstone
Primary School Zesa base station we are told that we have to provide
transport, a ladder and preferably pay the technician so that he may be able
to fix our problem.

      The frustrating thing is that shortly after doing all of that
one may have to call them the next day to attend to the same problem. This
is despite the fact that we pay hefty monthly bills that have now risen
beyond the reach of many.

      Many residents in our area have become suspicious of the way
Zesa is dealing with our problems. I wonder if this has become a money
making scheme or only that the authorities are not aware of this.

      Sometimes we are told that our problem emanates from the
breakdown of a transformer in another area close by - which forces us to
supply electricity to that area. As a result they claim that it is creating
an overload. Does Zesa create a solution by creating a problem? We are only
aware that their duty is to create solutions.

      It was going to be a fair deal if Zesa would allow us to record
all the expenses we would have incurred from engaging their staff and then
deduct them (expenses) from our monthly bills.

      Last week most residents were asked to cut down trees that were
standing in the way of electrical cables. If one then calculates the money
one would have used to have these unending electrical faults fixed, it will
surpass one's monthly electrical bills by far. As consumers we are becoming
losers in this game and Zesa is milking us big time.

      I find it very disturbing that after paying a US$40 Zesa bill
for a service not being provided for I still have to deal with the damage
done to my electrical appliances due to constant power cuts. Please Minister
Elias Mudzuri help us by solving this problem.

      Eve Hungwe,
       Harare.


------------

      SMS Zimbabwe Independent
      Thursday, 21 May 2009 17:41
      WHETHER its Zanu PF, Mavambo, MDC-T or MDC if there is one
person I will never trust, it's a politician.
      Observer, Harare.

       ONE of the reasons why the changes the inclusive government has
made are small is because of the repressive laws Jonathan Moyo helped craft
whilst in government. Moyo should stop fussing about 100-day timelines. He
should help dismantle Aippa and other inhuman laws.
       Suppressed.

      JONATHAN Moyo should not forget that he was the brains behind
Aippa. Dozens of journalists lost their jobs when various publications were
closed. When he claims that the GNU has done nothing up to now he should not
forget that some of the things that the GNU must correct were instigated by
him.
      Cashbaron.

      WHEN he was in the Robert Mugabe-led government Jonathan Moyo
did not entertain any criticism whatsoever. Why does he think that he now
has the right to lambast those in government? He contributed to the problems
Zimbabwe currently faces. He was one of those arrogant people who thought
that change would never come. We will never view him as a patriotic citizen
of Zimbabwe because he is a chameleon.
      Ray.

      JONATHAN Moyo's obsession with criticising the GNU is based on
the fact that he has suddenly realised that it is sidelining the Zanu PF
faction. Moyo and his cohorts are now powerless and are staring their
journey into oblivion with great fear and trepidation. He can continue with
his unintelligent criticisms but it does not require a rocket scientist to
realise that he is no longer taken seriously by anyone.
      Thuthuka Moyo.

      I AGREE with all the sentiments of disgust and condemnation for
the "partisan police force elements" operating in Zimbabwe. However, I feel
Minister Giles Mutsekwa should also direct the same amount of disgust -- if
not more -- towards the elements within his ministry that allow these
"partisan police force elements" to carry out their despicable acts.
      Big Fish.

      TO Giles Mutsekwa I say please don't let us down. We expect more
from you in your capacity as Minister of Home Affairs. Don't allow yourself
to be harassed like this.
       Tai.

      ZIMBABWE must move forward!
       Patriot.


      IT is all very well for the Home Affairs minister Giles Mutsekwa
to shunt the blame on others and express disgust about miscarriage of
justice by his officers. But the buck stops with him and he must act in a
manner that shows the nation he is really "disgusted".
      Hatirebwi.

      I AM glad that South Africa has done away with visas. The other
Sadc countries should also show commitment to the people of Zimbabwe by
doing the same.
      Tembo S, Bulawayo.

      WE need proportional representation and the bill of rights
included in the new constitution.
      Gedleyihlekisa kaGatsheni.

      IT'S either we have MDC in power or Zanu PF in power, there is
no such thing as GNU. Those are lies, pure lies.
      Moyo.

      I AM dismayed by the GNU's misconception that people who live in
low density areas have more money than those from high density areas. People
in the informal economy mostly come from high density whilst low density
areas are populated by senior civil servants, pensioners and formal
employees most of whom are given the same paltry US$100 allowance. So stop
discriminating!
      Enough Already.

      I AM a bit confused here! Who sets Zesa tariffs? Is it Elias
Mudzuri, Zesa or market forces?
      Economist, Harare.

      WE appreciate minister Elias Mudzuri stepping in to try and sort
out Zesa tariffs but where does someone earning US$100 per month find US$30
for electricity?
      Nan.

       AFTER giving civil servants an allowance of US$100, the
government has -- through various institutions -- demanded more from us.
They want US$500 at state universities, US$50 for Zesa and Zinwa and
thousands for TelOne and NetOne bills. This is before we get to the city
council's rates. There are so many more exorbitant charges we are being told
to pay and yet they tell teachers to be "realistic" when they demand US$1
500. MDC must watch out.
      Razman, Nust.

      HOW can NetOne keep our  SMS messages for three to five days
before delivering them to our phones? I am beginning to suspect that our
messages are being read and the possibility that we do not get all of them
is very high.
      Bemused.

Mudzuri urges consumers to pay power bills

http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=16767

May 21, 2009



By Owen Chikari

MASVINGO - Elias Mudzuri, the Minister of Energy and Power Development, says
when the MDC joined the inclusive government in February, the party
discovered that the previous government of President Robert Mugabe had
incurred huge electricity debts.

Responding to complaints from residents of Masvingo over high electricity
bills which have seen some consumers being slapped with bills of up to
US$500 a month, Mudzuri said if people stopped paying for electricity, the
whole country would be plunged into darkness due to power shortages.

"We joined the inclusive government only to discover that the previous
government had huge electricity debts, and we are currently trying to clear
those debts," said Mudzuri.

"I have been to Mozambique and Zambia, and my findings were that we owe
these countries huge sums of money.

"If consumers refuse to pay their bills, then the whole country will be
plunged into darkness."

The Zimbabwe Electricity Supply Authority (ZESA) has increased electricity
charges, with some families being ordered to pay over US$500 a month.

Although Mudzuri has ordered the power utility to charge US$30 to consumers
in high density suburbs and US$40 to those in low the density suburbs, the
power utility has ignored the directive.

Consumers have argued that the US$30 and US$40 charges are still too high,
given that most workers in the country were earning monthly allowances of
only US$100.

This week, disgruntled Masvingo residents besieged ZESA offices in the city
and threatened to assault workers of the power utility over high electricity
bills.

Employees scurried for cover as irate consumers threatened to attack the
staff.

Managers locked themselves inside their officers as chaos reigned supreme at
the power utility's offices.

The riot police were called to restore order.

However, consumers said they were not in a position to pay the high bills
given that most of them were receiving allowances amounting to only US$100 a
month.

"I received a bill for US$500 and I do not know where they got this figure
from," said Mafios Mushuku.

"After all we are experiencing severe power cuts and sometimes going for
days without power."

Zimbabwe is currently grappling with a serious shortage of power which has
seen some areas going for weeks without electricity

The country generates its own power supplies from the Kariba Hydroelectric
Power Station and the Hwange Thermal Power Station and supplements with
imports from Zambia, South Africa and the Democratic Republic of Congo
(DRC).

Only two of the five generators at the Hwange Thermal Power Station are
operational.

The Minister of Industry and International Trade, Professor Welshman Ncube,
has said US$2 million is required to rehabilitate electric generators at
Hwange.

JAG - farm situations communique - dated 21st  May 2009

Email: jag@mango.zw : justiceforagriculture@zol.co.zw

JAG Hotlines: +263 (011) 610 073, +263 (04) 799410.  If you are in
trouble or need advice, please don't hesitate to contact us - we're here
to help!

To subscribe/unsubscribe to the JAG mailing list, please email:
jag@mango.zw with subject line "subscribe" or
"unsubscribe".

-------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Karori Farm

-------------------------------------------------------------------------------

1. The situation on Karori Farm has deteriorated.

At the beginning of the week he shut down the whole farm in an effort to
force Lock and his workers to plant his wheat seed in their tobacco lands
using Lock's equipment and fuel.  Lock refused and the workers were
threatened with violence and more serious afflictions if they did not
comply.  Mujaji has been using the Zimbabwe National Army as his hench
men with a Sgt Mukoni as the lead man.  They are all armed and twice
before in the past two years they have brutalised the workers, looted the
farm, evicted all at gun point, before Police reacted only after the
Commissioner General himself was cited for Contempt of Court.

Mujaji then borrowed some tractors and sowed his seed in our lands which
we have just ploughed and prepared and limed ready for tobacco in
September. On Thursday the soldiers and Mujaji demanded that Lock and his
workers hand over their irrigation pipes, but again they refused.  Mujaji
then broke open the gates of the premises and forcibly took all the
pipes.  When he could not find the sprinklers he got hold of the workshop
foreman Panganayi Skadya and tobacco foreman Lioyd Zhuwaki and together
with Mukoni assaulted them by hitting them over the head. Apparently
Lloyd tried to defend himself but there is little one can do against
soldiers with guns.

Lock has reported the matter on a daily and hourly basis to the
PGHQ,PROPOL and DISPOL Police sections, but this week the Police have
refused to visit claiming as their reasons no fuel or transport and that
they do not have the authority to deal with Mujaji.  The PGHQ have
assured him they will act, but this remains to be seen.

The situation is not a Land Issue as Lock has been acquitted of all
charges of being on the Land unlawfully.  He has been allocated the land
through the land reform programme and even has a letter from the V.P.
confirming this fact.  Lock voluntarily gave up 90% of his land including
his own farm to the land programme and has been left with a mere 376 ha.

Lock says there is not much he can do when the organs of the State are
used to brutalise innocent people and plunder productive farms.  "We have
all taken a stand against this including my workers whom I greatly admire
as they have been through this with me many times.  Can you imagine
soldiers and a Brigadier pitching up to your home in Harare and at
gunpoint taking your car, TV, beating up your workers and moving in and
the State assists them, well that is what is happening on the farm in a
similar manner."

Lock says he has spoken to the P.M. and the Minister of Home Affairs
about what has been happening.  "Maybe we should be taking the matter to
the Hague and the Chairman of SADC" .

Karori Farm is one of the most productive little farms in the area.
There is 100 ha of maize and 50 ha of tobacco and 300 head of cattle.
They are probably the biggest maize grower in the area despite only
having about 250 ha of arable land.  Already over US$100,000 of tobacco
has been lost due to Mujaji's shut downs.

MDC USA Supports Prime Minister Rt. Hon. Morgan Tsvangirai on Gono and AG Tomana

MDC-USA. www.mdc-usa.org. Chinja Maitiro. Guqula Izenzo Movement for Democratic Change United States of America (MDC-USA) From the Office of the Chairman