Zim Online
Wed 24 May
2006
MASVINGO - Only 10 tonnes of maize will be harvested in
Masvingo
province out of the10 000 tonnes that were expected under an
army-run food
production programme, in a vivid illustration of how President
Robert
Mugabe's latest agricultural initiative has flopped.
Mugabe, who is accused of wrecking Zimbabwe's mainstay agricultural
sector
through his farm seizure policy, last year told Parliament that his
government would pursue a new Stalinist-style command agriculture programme
under which military commanders and their troops would move onto mostly
former white-owned farms to produce food.
The 82-year old
President said the programme, officially known as
Operation Food Security
(or Operation Maguta/Inala in the vernacular Shona
and Ndebele languages)
would bring an end to acute hunger stalking Zimbabwe
since farm seizures
began six years ago.
But Vice-President Joice Mujuru was so
disgusted that she would not
even finish inspecting the army-cultivated
fields in Masvingo after seeing
that nearly all the crops were a total
write-off.
Mujuru was in Masvingo to assess the
food production programme which
the government said would see selected farms
across the country produce
specific quantities of strategic crops such as
maize, wheat and tobacco.
A livid Mujuru, who cut short her
inspection after viewing generally
wilted crops at the giant Nuanetsi Ranch,
castigated officials from the
government's Agricultural Development
Authority (ARDA) for failing to
supervise the project.
"This is
a disaster," said a visibly angry Mujuru. "How can the whole
province fail
to produce half of the projected yields?" she said, asking no
one in
particular.
A senior official with the ARDA, who refused to be
named, told
ZimOnline that out of the 10 000 tonnes of maize the government
expected to
harvest in Masvingo, only 10 tonnes probably enough to feed two
small-sized
families would be harvested in the province.
"We
are going to harvest only 10 tonnes from the whole project in
Masvingo which
is a clear indication that it was a flop. With proper
planning, this project
could have helped the nation," he said.
Zimbabwe has battled severe
food shortages since 2000 after Mugabe
sanctioned the violent seizure of
white-owned farms for redistribution to
landless blacks, a controversial
policy that saw food production tumbling by
about 60 percent, chiefly
because the cash-strapped government did not give
inputs and back-up support
to black peasants resettled on former white
farms.
A grinding
economic crisis described by the World Bank as unseen in a
country not at
war, only helped worsen hunger in Zimbabwe with many families
without income
to buy the little food available in shops. Only the timely
intervention of
international food agencies has helped Zimbabwe escape mass
starvation over
the last six years.
But Mugabe, eager to portray his land reforms
as successful, rejects
destroying agriculture and says food shortages are as
a result of a
combination of drought and Western sanctions that have
crippled the economy
making it difficult for farmers to access
inputs.
In Masvingo, the provincial governor, Willard Chiwewe,
attributed the
failure of the latest state agricultural project on failure
by senior
government officials to effectively supervise the food production
project. .
"We did not supervise the project on a daily basis that
is why it
failed," Chiwewe told ZimOnline.
Reports from other
provinces also say not much will be harvested under
Operation Food Security
for a variety of reasons including theft of farm
equipment from the
army-operated farms committed by powerful government
politicians.
For example, the deputy commander of the army's 3
Brigade Ronnie
Mutizhe, recently told Mujuru that not much would be
harvested at Kondozi
farm in the eastern Manicaland province and one of the
biggest estates in
the country after six officials, among them State
Security Minister Didymus
Mutasa and Agriculture Minister Joseph Made,
looted equipment from the
farm. - ZimOnline
Zim Online
Wed 24 May 2006
GABORONE - A border dispute between
Zimbabwe and Botswana could
scuttle the construction of the proposed
Kazungula bridge linking the two
countries to Zambia, ZimOnline has
learnt.
Sources said the two countries cannot agree on the boundary
line near
Kazungula and it is feared their dispute could discourage
potential
investors keen to fund the project.
"The dispute has
meant that architects assigned to the project cannot
come up with designs
until they are sure of the exact position of the border
between the two
countries," said a senior Botswana government official, who
spoke on
condition he was not named.
Kazungula Bridge is one of 16
infrastructural projects for which the
Southern African Development
Community (SADC) is looking for funding.
It will be built at a cost
of US$70 million and SADC has approached
the African Development Bank and
private investors for funding.
The bridge is meant to provide a
modern road and rail transport route
across Zambezi river. Feasibility
studies were completed in 2001 with
funding from Japan.
Relations between Zimbabwe and Botswana have been strained over the
past few
years, with the Gaborone authorities accusing its neighbour's
citizens of
fanning crime in its territory.
In turn Harare accuses Gaborone of
ill-treating Zimbabweans visiting
Botswana.
The latest case of
the strained relations is this month's claim by
Botswana that infected
cattle from Zimbabwe were the source of an outbreak
of the foot-and-mouth
disease in areas along the border. Harare has denied
the claims. -
ZimOnline
Zim Online
Wed 24 May 2006
HARARE - Ruling ZANU PF party national
chairman John Nkomo has
withdrawn a Z$5 billion lawsuit against a new black
farmer whom he accused
of unlawfully occupying his lucrative wildlife
property in the dry
Matabeleland North province.
Court
documents made available to ZimOnline this week showed that
Nkomo had
withdrawn the case against Langton Masunda who he had accused of
taking over
his Lugo Ranch property in 2003.
Nkomo's letter of withdrawal which
was addressed to the court, reads:
"Take notice that Plaintiff (John Landa
Nkomo) withdraws his action against
the Defendant (Langton T. Masunda) in
this case and tenders costs on a party
and party scale."
The
defendant's lawyer, Vonani Majoko, confirmed that Nkomo had
withdrawn the
lawsuit.
"In the ordinary course of litigation, that (withdrawal)
will signal
am end to the matter. There are certain points that we took in
objecting to
the action and we want to believe the plaintiff has seen some
sense in the
objections that we raised," said Majoko.
Sources
however said Nkomo was under pressure from ZANU PF to withdraw
the court
case because of the negative impact it was having on the ruling
party and
the government's often criticised land reform programme.
The main
opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) party and
human rights
groups charge that President Robert Mugabe's land reforms have
only
benefited senior army and high-ranking government officials.
Nkomo,
who insisted he was the legitimate owner of the property after
he received
an offer letter from State Security Minister Didymus Mutasa,
about three
years ago, wanted the court to evict Masunda and order him to
pay damages
for unlawfully occupying the lodge. - ZimOnline
Zim Online
Wed 24 May
2006
HARARE - Zimbabwean human rights lawyer Arnold Tsunga on
Tuesday won
the prestigious Martin Ennals Award for Human Rights Defenders
(MEA) for his
sterling efforts to promote human rights in the
country.
Tsunga, who is the executive director of the Zimbabwe
Lawyers for
Human Rights (ZLHR) shared the 20 000 franc first prize with
Iranian
investigative journalist Akbar Ganji.
Tsunga and Ganji
will receive the award at a ceremony in Geneva,
Switzerland on October
12.
Announcing the award, Han Thoolen chairman of the jury of MEA
said the
two laureates are "symbols of the human rights movement in their
respective
countries, where standing up for human rights and democracy is a
dangerous
activity".
The jury also described Tsunga as an
outstanding lawyer "who continues
to provide a voice to Zimbabweans
silenced by repression".
Tsunga has over the past six years
suffered harassment at the hands of
President Robert Mugabe's government
which is accused by human rights groups
of perpetrating serious human rights
abuses.
Mugabe denies abusing human rights insisting the charges
are trumped
up by his enemies to tarnish his government's image. -
ZimOnline
Reuters
Tue 23 May 2006 12:08 PM ET
HARARE, May 23 (Reuters) - Zimbabwe
police have released more than 100
people arrested last week in a protest
against President Robert Mugabe's
government without charging them, their
lawyer said on Tuesday.
Rights groups say the government has
stepped up pressure on its
opponents over fears they are poised to launch a
wave of strikes and
demonstrations in protest at an economic crisis which
has left Zimbabwe with
the world's highest inflation rate.
Alec
Muchadehama, a lawyer for 103 members of the pressure group
National
Constitutional Assembly (NCA) who were detained last Thursday
during a march
for political reforms, said all his clients were released on
Monday
night.
"They were all released without being taken to court to face
formal
charges of demonstrating without authority, but the police have
reserved the
right to proceed with the case through summons," he
said.
Earlier on Monday, NCA chairman Lovemore Madhuku said police
had
ignored advice from state lawyers to free the group and had tried but
failed
to force them to pay admission-of-guilt fines.
The NCA
has repeatedly staged protests for a new national constitution
which it says
is necessary to improve political governance in Zimbabwe.
Political
analysts say Mugabe -- whose police routinely stifle
anti-government
protests under tough security laws -- has manipulated the
existing
constitution to entrench his 26-year rule over Zimbabwe.
Mugabe's
government has stepped up a campaign against its opponents,
including the
main opposition Movement for Democratic Change, which has
threatened to lead
national protests against the collapsing economy.
By Violet
Gonda
23 May 2006
The pressure group Women of Zimbabwe
Arise (WOZA) have embarked on an
anti fee-hike campaign targeting individual
schools. Programme Co-ordinator
Jenni Williams said at least 600 members
took part in WOZA'S education
campaign Tuesday in seven areas across Harare
and Bulawayo. The peaceful
protests targeted government and council schools
which have continued to
turn away children for non-payment of fees. But as
usual the police
intervened and arrested five women as they dispersed from
Mtshede Primary.
They are currently being held at Njube Police Station in
Bulawayo.
According to Williams, the Minister responded by saying
that he was
not responsible and apportioned the blame on headmasters. But
she responded,
"We don't believe it for one minute and we don't even believe
Robert Mugabe
when he was electioneering in Budiriro, that he really
believed the school
fees were unrealistic, because it's the government that
increased these
fees."
The members of WOZA have resolved to
take the education lobby to all
levels, including government ministries and
to also pressure headmasters to
allow children their right to
education.
Last week, WOZA members delivered a message to schools
across Bulawayo
and Harare. The message read in part;
"Last
week WOZA conducted peaceful demonstrations against school fee
increases. 73
children and 112 parents were arrested. We spent 5 days in
filthy police
cells. We did not do this for nothing - we did it to defend
our children's
right to education! We will NOT remain SILENT. We will not
sit back and
watch you sending our innocent children home. WE WILL ACT!
Chigwedere said
Headmasters are responsible. So Headmasters, this letter is
a peaceful word
of advice from WOZA. Help us educate our children don't
frustrate our
efforts."
Tuesday saw seven of the school that had ignored these
requests being
targeted for the community-based protests. When asked about
the protests
Jenni Williams said, "The atmosphere was incredible. And what
was even more
heartbreaking as we marched was that we were seeing a lot of
children who -
were actually themselves - had just been chased from school
and they
actually joined the demonstration."
In Bulawayo
members sang: "Into yemfundo sifuna ukuyibhoboza" (we want
to expose this
issue of education). In Harare as they marched they sang in
Shona, "Schools
are expensive and unaffordable".
In Chitungwiza demonstrations took
place at Fungisai Government
school, Farai Council and two Seke High
Schools. Over 200 women were
involved.
In Harare hundreds of
Woza members are said to have protested at
Glenview 7 Primary, Glenview High
Council, Dzivarasekwa High and Fundo
Primary Schools.
In
Bulawayo over 150 members visited Ngubo Primary, 80 members went to
Mtshede
Primary School and Mahlabezulu Primary School also had a visit by 80
members.
At some of the schools like Fundo in Harare and
Mahlabezulu in
Bulawayo, headmasters told the protesters that they were not
to blame for
school fee hikes and that parents should speak to the School
Development
Associations (SDA).
Meanwhile the group also
reports that two people including a Pastor
were arrested in Mutare Tuesday
morning in connection with a WOZA meeting
conducted last Saturday 20
May.
Williams said this had been the first meeting conducted in the
Eastern
border town by the pressure group. The purpose of the meeting had
been to
conduct a social justice consultation with the people of Mutare and
mobilise
them to demand social justice for Zimbabweans.
Despite
the arrests the pressure group say it intends to give this
issue its full
attention until an appropriate compromise can be reached.
"Educational
institutions, including the Ministry and its officials, will
continue to be
on the receiving end of WOZA's brand of 'Tough Love'(peaceful
protest) if
they send children home who cannot pay."
Earlier this month nearly
200 WOZA campaigners including school
children were arrested in Bulawayo.
Many of them spent five days in custody
after peaceful protests at
Mhlahlandlela Government offices. There had been
similar demonstrations in
Harare at the offices of Aenias Chigwedere, the
Minister of
Education.
SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news
SW Radio Africa
Transcript of Violet Gonda's interview with
Arthur Mutambara (Part Two)
on the programme 'Hotseat', May 23rd
2006
Violet: We bring you part 2 of our discussion with the
President of the
Mutambara MDC faction. Many people do not know Professor
Arthur Mutambara
who recently entered the Zimbabwean political landscape
after a long stay
outside the country.
Some observers have said there
is a lot of similarity in the ideology of the
two opposition factions in
terms of how to remove the dictatorship. In part
one Professor Mutambara
said the enemy is not Morgan Tsvangirai and he
stated that he is willing to
work with him to bring about change in
Zimbabwe.
If this is the case
many have wondered why he chose to head up a second
faction of the MDC. We
first asked Professor Mutambara if it would be
correct to refer to the two
factions as pro or anti senate - seeing as the
original split in the MDC was
based on a disagreement over the creation of a
Senate by Robert
Mugabe.
Arthur: Good question, but again, another misnomer. We
are not pro-Senate.
I mean, my position was very clear in my acceptance
speech I was actually
opposed to that Senate election. So describe us as
pro-Senate is a
misnomer. We are pro-democracy, we are pro Zimbabwe. We
have gone beyond
the Senate election. The issue is the management of that
Senate election.
It is the history of the party in the past five years;
violence,
intolerance, huh? Breaking of party constitutions. October 12th
was simply
the last straw that broke the camels back. It's not pro-Senate,
anti-Senate; I told you - we are for jambanja as a tool of struggle. We are
for participation as a tool of struggle. So we have gone beyond the
pro-Senate debate to talk about values that are the foundation of the party;
to talk about the vision we have for our country; to talk about the strategy
of getting into power - start with governance and then coming to economic
progress.
Violet: But Professor Mutambara, you know a lot of
people ask 'why now?'.
You know your colleagues also say there were a lot of
undemocratic things
that were happening in the MDC and actually blame Morgan
Tsvangirai to a
large extent, you know, for the violence; accusing him of
dictatorial
tendencies; surrounding himself with a kitchen cabinet, but
surely, they
should have dealt with these problems when they were happening.
Why are we
hearing about it now?
Arthur: I think you know
the traditional approach has been our enemy is
Mugabe; let's concentrate on
fighting Mugabe; lets try to resolve our
problems in-house, let's try to
work together; let's resolve this internally
and concentrate on the enemy.
But however, people had to draw a line in
the sand and say this is not
sustainable. If we continue on this path of
violence, lack of democracy,
corruption and incompetent activities, we won't
succeed in our fight against
the dictator. Please remember that. We are
not being philosophical about
values; we are not being puritanical about
values. We are saying that if
the opposition party in Zimbabwe, the parties
in Zimbabwe, do not resolve
the issues of values, they will not succeed in
their fight against the
dictator. So, people had to take a call and say to
continue at this rate we
are self destructing and we won't succeed. We
won't have the moral
authority to confront the dictator. We won't succeed
in fighting the
dictator. And, more importantly, even if we did succeed we
would be worse
than the dictator we are fighting. And, I gave you examples,
it happened in
Zambia, it happened in Malawi to a lesser extend. And we are
saying that the
Zimbabweans have an opportunity right now to make sure that
when change does
come it will have both form and substance. We are
concentrating on the
substance and content of the change.
Violet: Some of your
lieutenants in your party have also been accused of
showing dictatorial
tendencies and the violence has also been said that it
was also in your
party. What do you say about that?
Arthur: That's why I said
that the Zimbabwean problem is not Robert Mugabe
the person. The Zimbabwean
problem is a problem of culture. The ZANU PF
culture; the ZANU PF way of
doing things. This is pervasive in all
organisations; in civil society, in
the labour unions, in ZINASU, in NCA in
MDC A and in MDC B. We are sick as
a nation. The most important thing to
do is to accept that we are sick as a
nation and then seek remedies. What
we need do is to identify a new value
system that we have to build, that is
different from the status quo value
system. It will take us ten years, it
will take us five years to construct
a new society, a new value system, but
we must accept as a starting point
that for twenty-six years we are cut from
the same cloth. So, in our party
we are working very vigorously to correct
those misnomers. For example, zero
tolerance towards violence; if of our
people is implicated in violence our
disciplinary measures will be engaged
and we won't hesitate to fire and
expel people from our party because of
violence. Zero tolerance to
violence, zero tolerance to corruption, zero
tolerance to undemocratic
practices. We are re-defining the society we want
Zimbabwe to be in twenty
years time.
Violet: What about other issues where people say you
can't defeat the
dictator if you are split? Do you see yourselves working
with the party led
by Morgan Tsvangirai?
Arthur: Very good
question. We believe in the power of unity. We believe
in working with all
democratic forces in the country. That's why when we
were elected we
committed ourselves to unity. We expressed the need for the
re-unification
of all democratic forces. We extended an olive branch to our
brothers to
say 'let's work together; let's re-unify', and I personally
committed to
stepping down and allow for a new election. But, I must say
the other side
has spurned our hand of reconciliation. The other side has
spurned our
olive branch, so unity in terms of MDC A / MDC B is looking
impossible now,
not because of us but because of the other side.
Violet: You
actually approached the Tsvangirai side?
Arthur: Of course. Of
course we did, it was a public statement.
Violet:
Saying?
Arthur: But let me move on and answer your question.
Ideally, yes we need
unity. But when we offered it, it was rejected. Right
now we are working
towards an amicable divorce. Why can't we move on as
brothers and sisters
and say you become MDC A you become MDC B, OK? We
share our assets we share
our slogans, we don't involve the Speaker of
Parliament, we don't involve
the courts. So that we protect our MP's. We
have two political parties in
the country in an amicable divorce without the
courts, without the Speaker
of Parliament. Again, our colleagues, so far,
have spurned that effort.
Violet: Could it be because they see
themselves as being in the majority and
see no need to share the party
assets?
Arthur: That is the misguided illusion and this is the
arrogance that is
going to destroy them and destroy Zimbabwe. But, let me
answer your
question. We believe in working with all democratic forces in
the country.
But, however given what has happened in the country, there is
room in
Zimbabwe for two political parties, three political parties.
However, what
is important is when it comes to elections, people can we sit
down and say
can we work out a pact? Can we work out a coalition to confront
the
dictator? But, in the meantime, let's allow Zimbabweans to create
opportunities and options for themselves. It's not enough for people to be
presented with two people of Zimbabwe to be presented with two people; Mai
Mujuru and Tsvangirai. Zimbabwe can do better than that. It's not
sufficient for Zimbabweans to be forced between those two. Zimbabwe has so
much human capital. We are not disqualifying Mai Mujuru, we are not
disqualifying Tsvangirai, we are simply saying Zimbabwe can do better than
those two persons.
Violet: But that's automatically
disqualifying someone like Tsvangirai. Why
would you not think that
Tsvangirai is not presidential material?
Arthur: No, no, no, he
is presidential material, but why him as the choice
only? Why can't we have
Violet as another candidate? We need to grow up as
a nation and go beyond
the simplicity of saying we want to have two choices.
Why not four choices,
why not five choices? And we are saying we are not
prepared, as
Zimbabweans, to surrender the legacy and destiny of our country
to Mai
Mujuru and Tsvangirai alone. They need help. We are not
disqualifying
them; they need help. And, secondly, I'm saying as a party we
realise the
importance of unity, we realise the importance of coalitions and
we don't
rule out pacts, we don't rule out coalitions, we don't rule out
rainbow
arrangements that are based on principles and values when it comes
to
elections. But, for now, we are soldiers on the ground; we are building
our
party from every village, from every township. We are going to every
one of
the 120 constituencies, we are building our party, we are recruiting
members
into our party. We are being well received in the country and we
are busy
on the ground building a political party that will offer a vision
for
Zimbabwe, that will offer a strategy to destroy and defeat the
dictatorship
of Robert Mugabe and build a new society.
Violet: But, do we not
run the risk of having something like the Kenyan
syndrome where you have so
many political parties and most of them useless?
Arthur: Violet,
I said to you, come '08, come 2010, depending what's going
on the ground, we
are open to pacts; we are open to rainbow coalitions to
make sure we
maximise the potential and possibility of change. I think that
answers the
Kenyan question.
Violet: And, is it true that you are selling a
road map to accept a
government of national unity?
Arthur:
National unity with who?
Violet: With ZANU
PF?
Arthur: We are completely opposed to dictators. Mugabe and
ZANU PF
represent violence, they represent un-democratic practices, they
represent
corruption. We have no business going into a government of
national unity
with criminals. We are fighting to defeat the ZANU PF
government. We have
no business even thinking or tolerating any such
arrangement with ZANU. We
are opposed to a government of national unity
with criminals and crooks.
Violet: And how are you going to
resolve this leadership dispute in the MDC?
You did say earlier on that
Morgan Tsvangirai has been visible on the ground
for the last six years and
you have only been visible for three months. But
still, how are you going
to convince Morgan Tsvangirai's supporters, for
example, and the rest of the
country to accept you?
Arthur: The starting point is, Morgan
Tsvangirai is not the enemy. Morgan
Tsvangirai is our brother. We have had
a disagreement around values and
principles but we are fighting for the same
cause. Our common enemy is
ZANU. Our common enemy is Robert Mugabe. And
we, as a party are going to
concentrate on fighting ZANU PF government, on
fighting Robert Mugabe, and
bring about democracy in Zimbabwe. And, more
importantly, we are going to
concentrate on our economic vision, our
economic mandate and strategies to
make Zimbabwe the Singapore of Africa, to
make Zimbabwe the Malaysia of
Africa. And we are prepared to work with
anybody who is prepared to the ZANU
PF dictatorship; anybody who is
committed to values and principles of social
democracy; anybody who shares
the destination economy for Zimbabwe. We do
not fight anybody else except
ZANU and Robert Mugabe.
Violet: I just want to go back to the
issue of elections and get some
clarification from you on this because you
have attacked Morgan Tsvangirai
for saying that elections were rigged and
they will not be free and fair.
Are you not appeasing the dictator by saying
such things?
Arthur: The past three elections were rigged by
Robert Mugabe and ZANU. The
own fault we put on ourselves as opposition
people is that we have not
studied enough the rigging mechanisms and
techniques so that we can minimise
the chances and possibilities of the next
elections being rigged. That's
the first charge. The second charge is we
have not come up with credible
and implementable plan B so that in the event
of fraudulent elections, in
the event of electoral theft by Mugabe and ZANU
PF, we can execute a plan B
that will make it impossible to get away with
theft. Mugabe should never
live to explain the fraudulence that he has
been executing on these
elections. So, we do not believe the next election
will be free and fair.
ZANU will try as before to rig and defraud the next
elections. But, its not
enough to say that. What we are saying is it's not
enough to say that. We
must understand and mitigate the rigging business and
secondly we must come
up with credible plans so that we can make it
impossible for them to get
away with it. For our part actually, we are
saying not only must we have a
plan B, we must have a plan C, D and
E.
Violet: But what are some of these plan C, D and E and how do
you hope to
bring about change in a system where the ruling party controls
the
democratic process at every stage?
Arthur: Of course we
won't be giving you the details, but we are saying
strategically, that's
where we are; there must be a credible plan B. And,
if we don't get a
credible executable plan B we are failures. So we are
charging Zimbabwean
opposition parties with failure in so far as they have
failed in the past to
design Plan B and to execute Plan B. But, more
importantly, let me say this,
it's not enough to discuss defeating Mugabe,
we must discuss unoiteyi
kanawapinda. What are you going to do when you get
into power? Where is
your vision? Where is your capacity as a team? Where
is organisational
capacity? Where is your macro-economic programme? Where
is your science
and technology strategy? Where is your health care plan?
Where is your land
revolution plan? Discuss and debate that now. Tell us
about the vision
now. And, not only that, we are saying the opposition
parties in Zimbabwe
must also start to deliver now when they are in
opposition. What are you
doing now as an opposition party to empower
Zimbabweans who have been
disempowered by Mugabe. What are you doing to
assist in the solution of
problems in the rural areas? A school that needs
classrooms, a hospital
that needs beds, healthcare HIV training, programmes
for women, programmes
for young people. We do not want to wait until we get
into power to make a
difference. We want to be relevant to our
constituencies. So as part of our
strategy of mobilisation, we are going to
deliver
now.
Violet: In a nutshell, can you give us a little glimpse of
what your vision
is?
Arthur: Our vision is of a Zimbabwe
which is the leading democracy in
Africa, ahead of South Africa. We want
our democratic institutions, our
democratic culture, our democratic
characteristics to be the leading ones in
Africa. Ahead of South Africa.
We want our per capita income, our GDP to
be in the top five countries in
Africa. We want our to be competitive viz a
viz the European Union, viz a
viz the Americas. We have a vision. We are
saying to the world in 1957 the
GDP of Singapore was the same as the GDP of
Ghana. Today, the per capita
income of Singapore is ahead of Germany,
France and Britain. What happened
in Singapore under Lee Kuan Yew? We are
not romanticising Lee Kuan Yew, we
are simply saying they have done
something. Mahatir has done something in
Malaysia. India, Ireland - these
countries have taken advantage of the new
economy. As Zimbabweans we are
not content with just surviving. We want to
fly, we want to be the super
star economy of Africa. We've been in the past
the bread basket of Africa,
surely, we can rise again and go beyond what we
were in the past. And, not
only that we have a strategy to take us from
where we are; the economic
crisis, to the promised
land.
Violet: Can people wait for you to take us
there?
Arthur: They can wait yes, because governance for
example. The strategy
has got two components, governance and the economic
programmes. The
governance, this is where we have our jambanja and
demonstrations. We are
going to use it by the way, don't believe the hype
that we are the
participation ones who are - we know how to carry out
jambanja in Zimbabwe.
We are the definers of jambanja. Jambanja is in our
DNA and so jambanja is
part of our strategy. Elections and participation
are part of our strategy.
So what we are saying is we want Mugabe to go
yesterday, but, it's important
to talk about what you are going to do when
he goes. Do you have capacity
as a party to drive the country, do you have
the capacity, do you have the
vision, do you have the strategy? Do you have
the global networks, do you
have the capital; the access to capital; to
drive that economy? So, we are
saying to the people of Zimbabwe, we are not
promising pie in the sky in
thirty years time, today we are going to address
the issue of fuel
shortages, of food, of unemployment, of health care, of
school fees that are
unaffordable. But, we are going to do it in such a
manner that it will
never happen again in Zimbabwe, that we have this
crisis. We are looking
for a solution today but also solution that will
make sure that in thirty
years time, in twenty years time, we will never
even imagine the economic
crisis that Mugabe and his surrogates have created
in Zimbabwe. So, we are
going to address the here and now but marry it to
the big picture. We are
going to talk about a new constitution but identify
that new constitution is
a tool to solve bread and butter issues now. We
are going to talk about a
vision in twenty years, a vision in thirty years,
but show people that
vision is part of the solution now. So we are rooted
in the resolution of
bread and butter issues today but with a vision to make
sure that never,
never again should Zimbabweans be subjected to this
chaos.
Violet: Thank you very much Mr
Mutambara
Arthur: Thank you very much for this
opportunity.
Violet: Professor Arthur Mutambara speaking to us
when he recently visited
London. As part of these discussions on the way
forward we hope to soon
bring you an interview with the President of the
other MDC faction, Morgan
Tsvangirai.
ENDS
Platinum Today
22nd May
2006
Zimbabwe's deputy mining minister has moved to calm fears among foreign
mine
owners with interests in the country after president Robert Mugabe
reiterated his desire to take a majority stake in foreign owned
mines.
Tinos Rusere said that the redrawing of Zimbabwe's mine laws would
involve
negotiations with the companies affected and would be a slow
process.
During a political rally, president Mugabe had earlier said his
government
would be taking a 51 per cent stake in foreign
mines.
"Amendment to the Mines and Minerals Act is a process, indeed a
long
process," Mr Rusere told an annual meeting of the Chamber of Mines,
according to Reuters.
"Government, therefore insist that continued
dialogue and shareholder
consultations constructively guide all of us
towards fulfilling the
amendments."
In his presentation, the deputy
minister seemed to concede that the mining
industry, one of the few still to
attract foreign investment into the
troubled country, needed to be
maintained.
"Zimbabwe needs huge mining investment, both foreign and
domestic, that is
at its lowest record in the country's mining history," he
said.
May 23,
2006,
By Andnetwork .com
Johannesburg (AND) Amnesty
International has released its 2006 report
which shows that while peace
agreements in 2005 resulted in a decline of
armed conflicts across the
continent, "grave human rights violations"
continue and that these could
spell instability for some regions.
These, according to Amnesty
International (AI), include killings, rape
and other forms of sexual
violence, characterised continuing conflicts in
Burundi, Chad, Cote
d'Ivoire, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and
Sudan.
The report notes that many places still face political instability and
a
serious risk of further conflict and violence. Refugees and internally
displaced persons in camps and urban areas had inadequate access to basic
needs assistance and were exposed to serious human rights
abuses.
According to AI, impunity for human rights violations
remains
widespread, "despite some international and regional efforts to
bring
suspected perpetrators to account". Human rights defenders,
journalists and
political opponents continued to face harassment, assault
and unlawful
detention for denouncing human rights violations or criticizing
their
governments, the report says.
"Millions of men, women and
children remained impoverished and
deprived of clean water, adequate
housing, food, education and primary
health care. This situation was
exacerbated by widespread and systemic
corruption and the apparent
indifference of governments to providing their
citizens with the most basic
economic and social rights. Across the region,
hundreds of thousands of
families were forcibly evicted from their homes,
further violating their
fundamental human rights."
Violence against women
Amnesty International say that women still do not have "adequate
protection"
in law, and continue to face violence and discrimination.
Women are
raped and subjected to other forms of sexual violence by
government agents
as well as partners, employers and others.
Hundreds of thousands of
women are believed to have been raped by
government forces and armed
political groups in conflict. In eastern DRC,
rape was sometimes committed
in front of the victim's children, family or
community. In some cases, the
girl or woman was killed or deliberately
wounded. Few rape survivors had
access to appropriate medical care. In Togo,
security forces and militia
groups allegedly raped women suspected of
supporting the
opposition.
"Legislative reform to increase respect for women's
human rights began
or was completed in some countries. In Ghana, civil
society organizations
discussed reform of abortion legislation and the
absence of laws prohibiting
marital rape, and some members of parliament
advocated tougher sentences for
rape and sexual assaults against women. In
Liberia, a law on rape was passed
that had a broader definition of
rape.
"However, it initially included the death penalty among the
punishments for perpetrators, despite Liberia's commitment to abolish the
death penalty. The Kenyan parliament agreed to discuss a proposed Sexual
Offences Bill and discussed a draft law on rape, sponsored by women's
groups. The draft law proposed broadening the definition of rape and denying
bail to anyone charged with raping a minor."
Economies
The report said that many governments were still engaged
in practices
that systematically denied people their rights to shelter,
food, health and
education.
The report cited Zimbabwe's
eviction inwhich hundreds of thousands of
people were removed from their
homes which were then demolished as part of
Operation Murambatsvina (Restore
Order). "The operation was carried out
against a backdrop of severe food
shortages. The government repeatedly
obstructed the humanitarian work of
non-governmental organisations (NGOs)
and UN agencies, including attempts to
provide shelter for the homeless.
"In Nigeria, thousands of people
were made homeless without due
process, compensation or the provision of
alternative housing."
Amnesty International says that high death
rates from Aids-related
illnesses seriously affected economic and social
development in many African
countries. The southern Africa region continued
to have the highest
prevalence rate of HIV in the world and severe problems
in access to care
and treatment. Swaziland had the highest rate globally
with 42.6%, and more
than three quarters of people known to need
antiretroviral treatment were
still not receiving it.
In South
Africa, new figures revealed that around 6 million people had
been infected
with HIV by 2004, with less than 20% of them receiving
antiretroviral drugs.
In Mozambique, approximately 200 000 people were
unable to access
antiretroviral drugs and other treatment for HIV infection.
Johannesburg Bureau
By Tichaona
Sibanda
23 May 2006
Movement for Democratic Change
President Morgan Tsvangirai arrives in
London on Thursday on the second leg
of a visit to European capitals as part
of an initiative by his party to try
to establish itself as the main
opposition in Zimbabwe.
Tsvangirai, who has hardly travelled outside the country following the
acrimonius split in the MDC last year, is using this trip to raise his
party's
profile, according to the MDC-UK chairman Washington
Ali.
Ali believes Tsvangirai has firmly established his authority
in the
party at home and now needs to brief activists outside Zimbabwe on
the MDC's
new domestic and foreign policies following the second people's
congress in
Harare. And the activists are just as keen to engage in dialogue
with
Tsvangirai over the contentious issue of where the party is heading to
after
the March congress.
Two rallies have been lined up in the
UK. Tsvangirai, who is leading a
delegation that comprises secretary-general
Tendai Biti, Elton Mangoma,
deputy secretary-general and the party's deputy
secretary for International
Affairs Grace Kwinjeh will address his first
rally in Leeds on Saturday at
the HQ club along Newton road. On Sunday he
will be in London at South
Camden community school in Camden. Both rallies
are scheduled to start at
1pm.
'This is the first time in
almost a year that the President has been
to the UK and as such many people
here are so eager to hear him explain the
party's position on a range of
issues including the forthcoming mass
demonstrations,' Ali
said.
The UK district, which now operates as an external province
of the
party following an adoption of a resolution at the congress to
rebrand
structures in the disapora, has firmly backed the party's call to
confront
the Mugabe regime through peaceful protests.
'The
President will also use this trip to get activists in the
diaspora prepared
for the mass demonstrations. This is not a confrontation
for the people in
Zimbabwe alone but a fight for every Zimbabwean seeking an
end to this
Mugabe madness,' said Ali.
SW Radio Africa
Zimbabwe news
Reuters
Tue May 23,
2006 12:36 PM BST
LONDON (Reuters) - The number of people from Zimbabwe
claiming asylum in
Britain rose dramatically in the first quarter of the
year after a court
ruling barring their deportation.
According to
Home Office figures on Tuesday, Zimbabwean asylum seeker
numbers jumped 96
percent to 755 from January to March against the previous
three
months.
The rise has been widely attributed to a ruling last October from
the Asylum
and Immigration Tribunal which barred the deportation of two
Zimbabweans,
saying that as asylum seekers they would be in danger of
persecution from
the government of President Robert Mugabe if sent
home.
The ruling set a precedent for all such cases and prompted the
government to
halt deportations to Zimbabwe pending an
appeal.
But last month the government -- a fierce critic of Mugabe,
who has ruled
Zimbabwe since independence from Britain in 1980 -- won that
appeal, opening
the way to a resumption of deportations and suggesting
future asylum
requests from Zimbabweans might fall in coming months as fast
as they rose.
FIVE PERCENT RISE
Overall those claiming asylum,
excluding dependants, in Britain rose 5
percent in the first quarter of 2006
to 6,455 in contrast to 4,930 removals
of people denied asylum.
The
removal figure was up 17 percent on the previous quarter, giving some
respite to the government which has been heavily criticised in recent months
over its handling of asylum seekers and illegal immigrants.
In March,
an all-party parliamentary committee said the country's asylum
policy was
being undermined by its failure to remove thousands of applicants
who have
no right to stay.
The House of Commons Public Accounts Committee said
that at current levels
it would take between 10 and 18 years to remove the
existing backlog of
failed asylum seekers.
In another blow, the High
Court accused the government this month of "abuse
of power" for refusing to
allow nine Afghans who hijacked a plane to Britain
to stay in the country as
refugees.
According to figures from the United Nations High Commissioner
for Refugees
(UNHCR), Britain was the third most-popular western destination
for asylum
seekers last year behind the United States and the leader,
France. Germany
was fourth.
IOL
May 23 2006
at 03:07PM
Harare - Three more Zimbabweans have died of cholera in
the north-west
of the country near Lake Kariba, state radio reported on
Tuesday.
Cash-strapped Zimbabwe is battling sporadic outbreaks of
cholera,
which are reportedly being worsened by shortages of drugs, trained
staff and
vehicles needed to reach affected communities.
Earlier this month, state newspapers reported that 15 people were
believed
to have died from cholera in the northern district of Guruve. The
toll was
later revised down to 12.
"A cholera outbreak which has affected 33
people in Kariba has killed
three people in the area," the radio reported.
Officials have set up four
health camps to fight the outbreak, it
said.
People in the Kariba district say they have
frequent water cuts. They
also blame the authorities for taking a long time
to fix burst sewer pipes,
the report said. Both of these factors could
contribute to the spread of
cholera, a vicious diarrhoeal disease that
flourishes in unhygienic
conditions.
The latest cases take
Zimbabwe's confirmed cholera death toll to at
least 39 since December amid
speculation the figure could be higher.
Angola, another southern
African country, is battling a severe cholera
outbreak that has caused
hundreds of deaths. - Sapa-dpa
Eddie Cross
Bulawayo, 23rd May
2006
Marvelous word that - hope not too many of you had
to go to your
dictionaries to find out what it means! However I feel rather
smug - I said
a few days ago that the 15th May marks the start of our
winter, and I was
more than right for once. It has snowed all the way from
the Western Cape to
Mpumalanga in the Transvaal. I was in Johannesburg over
the weekend and it
was well below freezing at night.
But our
elections Directorate in the MDC also has just cause to
celebrate.
Last week when I was in Harare for three days they told me that they
had
estimated that Zanu PF would be able to garner up to 4 000 votes in the
bi-election taking place in one of the Harare province constituencies. They
had come to this conclusion after a detailed study of the voter's roll and
street surveys. They were just about spot on - Zanu registered about 3 900
votes.
However they also felt at the time that the poll was
going to be low
despite the turnout at MDC rallies and the impact of a walk
about done by
the President during the campaign. Some estimated a turn out
as low as 8 000
and they felt this might result in a poor outcome for the
MDC as the MDC
vote was split by the current dispute. In the event they need
not have
worried - the MDC received nearly 10 000 votes, the Mutambara group
500.
I have seen some analysis that claims this was a poor outcome
for the
MDC.
In previous elections we had a majority of 13 000 in
the same
constituency.
But in the circumstances I think it was a
good result - especially
because we had been able to get the vote out in
spite of the widespread
belief that it was a waste of time. Parliament has
little influence over
events here right now. Those who tamper with the way
our democracies work so
as to manipulate the vote to stay in power must
recognise that they endanger
democracy throughout the continent by doing
so.
All elections are an ambush for the opposition. The ruling
Party here
controls the media, controls the voter's roll, dictates who may
or may not
vote and administers the whole process from the registration of
candidates
to the counting and disclosure of results. They engage in
multiple voting,
the use of false ballots where the vote is too close to
call and they have
physically stopped thousands from voting in the recent
past. In fact they
have used every trick in the book, plus a few others they
invented.
For these reasons it is now widely accepted that the MDC
in fact won
all the elections from 2000 to now. It is also accepted that the
margins
have been growing - this factor hidden from view by the extensive
rigging of
the vote.
In the present case we know from the voters
roll that there were many
false voters on the roll, that about 4 000 names
were dropped between 2005
and today and that several thousand new voters
were registered in recent
weeks.
In any ambush, the only way to
break out is by overwhelming strength
and firepower. The people setting the
ambush have every advantage, selection
of site, position and anticipation
and advance planning. Being in the
killing ground is not a pleasant
experience, as anyone who has been there
will tell you. On this occasion we
were able to break out and overcome the
aggressors.
Next time lets
hope it will be the people who decide who is the target
of the
ambush.
This weekend was also the stage for the proposed marches by the
Churches to remember the victims of Murambatsvina. In the final event only
one took place; right here in Bulawayo where a small group of 500 brave
souls took to the streets accompanied by dozens of Policemen and marched
from one Church to another after a High Court Judge had set aside the Police
order not to allow the march. In other towns I understand the Courts did not
hear the applications, despite the urgency.
But as one of the
local organizers said - this is a precedent and it
will influence future
activity of this nature - another small victory for
the moral
majority!
Today there is a special meeting in London between Thabo
Mbeki and
Tony Blair. They are going to spend two days running through the
decisions
taken last year in July when the G8, plus the leaders of China and
India and
five African Heads of State met in the UK to work out a plan for
the
economic, social and political recovery of Africa. I wish I could be a
fly
on the wall. There is a new Foreign Secretary in the hot seat, Morgan is
in
Europe and I would be astonished if we are not on the
agenda.
I would also be astonished if anything is said about us - I
suspect
that the usual will take place - no public mention of the Zimbabwe
crisis
even though everyone knows this would have been discussed. But the
meeting
does come at a very sensitive time for us - the Mbeki/Annan
initiative has
flopped.
Mugabe has dug his heels in and is simply
refusing to retire under any
circumstances and there is growing alarm at the
continued rapid decline in
the Zimbabwe economy.
I saw just
this weekend, a claim by a leading economist, that the
average growth of the
economies of the SADC would be nearly 11 per cent this
year if Zimbabwe were
not going to pull it down. Even so, Zimbabwe is now
number 10 in ranking in
the SADC compared to number 2 in 1980. Only tiny
Lesotho, Swaziland and
desperately poor Malawi are below us in the ranking.
Don't worry you three,
we are doing our best to get below you and if nothing
is done about us soon,
we will be number 13 in the SADC rankings - bottom of
the pile,
astonishing!
Perhaps Zimbabwe will serve a purpose in all of this -
at least we now
know that Africa's problems will not be solved by more aid
or even greater
access to markets. Africa's problems are very largely
self-inflicted and are
more due to bad government and corrupt leadership
than any other factors.
The key to resolving this is to return power to the
people in the form of a
genuine open, free and fair democracy with
one-person one vote to all who
live and work here and hold permanent
citizenship. Then the people will be
free to remove from power at all levels
in our society the leaders who now
destroy our countries and our
future.
I hope this is being discussed, right now, over tea at
Gleneagles.
Eddie Cross
23.05.2006
- Labour news from UNI
global union - for trade unions in a global services
economy.
-
Delegates to the UNI Finance world conference in Geneva heard in
graphic
detail how the women of Zimbabwe are paying a heavy price for the
country's
economic and political collapse under the Mugabe regime.
A life
expectancy of 34 years, 80% unemployment, state repression, the
struggle to
buy basic essentials in a world of 1000% inflation, health care
that is no
longer affordable - and the absence of sanitary towels at an
affordable
price.
"I shudder to think of the fate of the girl child," said Thabitha
Khumalo,
of the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions, in an emotional speech
that paused
at one stage to allow the tears to flow.
Thabitha is
campaigning to give back to the women of Zimbabwe their
dignity - and their
sanitary towels.
Yet even holding a meeting to discuss this basic item for
women led to an
invasion of the security forces and a severe beating for
Thabitha.
"They turned my body into a punch bag," said Thabitha of the men
who
interrupted her meeting. "These are the health hazards of trade
unionism."
Friends and donors in South Africa provided a million packets of
sanitary
towels but - to get to the union centre for distribution - the
government
forced them to pay a total of US$23,000 after having first said
they were
not liable to duties.
With the help of UK affiliate AMICUS,
Thabitha is campaigning to raise funds
to buy large quantities of sanitary
towels for the women of Zimbabwe - and
maybe even persuade a local company
to start making them.
The previous manufacturer decamped to South Africa
along with a number of
other enterprises and millions of its citizens,
leaving Zimbabwe with a
growth rate of minus 3.5%.
"Which leader has the
right to take away our dignity as Zimbabwean women?"
she asked delegates.
"We are fighting to survive."
Delegates gave Thabitha not just one, but two
standing ovations - the first
in solidarity with the pain of her
tears.
"All affiliates stand shoulder to shoulder with you in your struggle.
Your
commitment will prevail against the forces of evil that operate against
you
in your country," said conference president Sandy Boyle as Thabitha left
the
rostrum to hugs and applause.
For more information visit: www.amicustheunion.org
______________________
Union
Network International
http://www.union-network.org - contact@union-network.org
Reuters
Tue May 23, 2006 1:14 PM GMT
By Tsegaye Tadesse
ADDIS ABABA
(Reuters) - An Ethiopian court on Tuesday postponed a verdict in
the 12-year
genocide trial of former ruler Mengistu Haile Mariam until
January, saying
it needed more time to assess new defence evidence.
Former Marxist ruler
Mengistu, who has lived a lavish but reclusive life in
exile in Zimbabwe
since being overthrown in 1991, has been tried in absentia
along with his
officials in Addis Ababa since 1994.
He is accused of killing tens of
thousands of people during a 17-year rule
that began with the toppling of
Emperor Haile Selassie in 1974 and included
war, brutal purges and
famine.
In the so-called "Red Terror" campaign in 1977-78, suspected
opponents were
rounded up, executed by garrotting or shooting and their
bodies thrown into
the streets.
"The court had intended to pass a
verdict against the accused during today's
session but because of the
overwhelming new evidence presented by the
defence, it became impossible to
stick to the programme and pass judgment
today", Presiding Judge Medhin
Kiros said.
"Therefore the court has decided to adjourn the trial to
January 23, 2007."
Medhin said some of the evidence presented had not
been translated into
Ethiopia's Amharic language beforehand, as it should
have been.
"Some of the documents which were presented to the court as
evidence were
written in Chinese, German and English," Medhin said, and
ordered defence
lawyers to translate the documents and present them to the
court by July.
"We recognise that the trial has taken more time than it
should. But we
cannot ignore requests by defence lawyers who claim they may
have new
evidence which may help their case," he added.
While many
Ethiopians hoped the verdict would draw a line under one of the
darkest
periods in their country's turbulent history, some say the case has
already
dragged on for too long.
"I don't care about today's ruling. They can rot
in jail for all I care,"
said one Ethiopian who declined to be
named.
MURDER, FAMINE
Mengistu fled to Zimbabwe after being
overthrown by a guerrilla army led by
Meles Zenawi, now prime
minister.
About 40 members of Mengistu's "Dergue" junta have also been
tried in Addis
Ababa. Around 20 more are being tried in absentia, while
seven have died in
prison.
One witness said those who were present on
Tuesday were chatting and
laughing in court.
They could be sentenced
to death if found guilty of crimes against humanity
and genocide, which
Ethiopia defines as intent to wipe out political and not
just ethnic
groups.
Major Melaku Tefera, known as the "The Butcher of Gondar", was
sentenced to
death last year for genocide and abetting the murder of 971
people during
the "Red Terror". One of Mengistu's most feared aides, he was
administrator
of Gondar province.
The most prominent victim Mengistu
is accused of killing was Haile Selassie,
said to have been strangled in bed
and secretly buried under a latrine in
his palace. About 70 of the emperor's
senior officials were shot by firing
squads and dumped in a mass
grave.
In 1984, Mengistu denied for months that famine was ravaging the
north of
the country and aid workers said he flew in plane loads of whisky
to
celebrate the anniversary of his revolution. One million people died of
starvation.
The prosecution has said the trial has been lengthy
because the proceedings
have been complex. It has presented evidence that
has included signed
execution orders, videos of torture sessions and
personal testimonies.
Mengistu's army helped train Zimbabwe President
Robert Mugabe's guerilla
forces in their 1970s independence struggle against
white rule.
Analysts say despite extradition calls, Zimbabwe is unlikely
to hand over
Mengistu in the event of a guilty verdict. Rights campaigners
hope a
post-Mugabe government may take that step.
This last two days has been cold and wet -
real "guti" weather that heralds
the coming of winter. We haven't had this
sort of weather pattern for a few
years now so it is a welcome sign of a
fairly normal situation. One always
used to associate Easter with a bit of
guti but not for the last several
years in our part of the country.
I
have been busy in the garden preparing for the mini-exhibition of
sculptures
later this month once Jill is back and our visitors Bettina and
Eberhard
arrive from Germany. In any case there is a need to have things
ship shape
for the return of Ambuya. The Mackaya Bella she struck from
cutting and
later transplanted to the border outside our bedroom window has
taken very
well and is looking glossy and healthy. The leaves of the Mackaya
are a
rich, dark, shiny green, with sharply serrated edges. This is a good
indicator of the ACANTHACEA family. It has been suggested that the deeply
dissected spiny leaves of acanthus inspired the ornamental motifs on the
Corinthian columns of classical Greek temples. The Mackaya's (where does
that name come from? I am unable to find any authority on it.) flowers are
very attractive to a butterfly called the Blue Pansy, or more correctly
Precis oenone oenone. I can find no reference for Precis but Oenone was a
Greek queen (mortal) of Wine. I don't know much more about her but she
strikes a nice note as the flowers are dark blue or purple and suggest a
ripe, wine-like quality. I am also at a loss to know why the description of
certain plants and animals have a replicated species name, such as our own
designation as Homo sapiens sapiens. And of course the lovely Oenone. In her
case I like to think it was due to a profligate and uninhibited affection
for the liquor that bears her name.
This all goes to illustrate what
I was remarking on a week or two ago about
the impossibility of being able
to actually identify let alone see the
incredible biodiversity that makes up
even the small part of the world I
like to think we own. Working in the
front garden we have greatly annoyed
the sunbirds (Miombo
red-collared)
that have been feasting on the Chinese Lantern flowers and
the Red Hot
Pokers flowering under the pantry window. The scientific name
for red Hot
Poker is Kniphofia. They are named for one Johannes Hieronymus
Kniphof, a
German eighteenth century botanist and medical doctor. Why they
should be
named for him I cannot find out but maybe he visited South Africa
during his
lifetime. Or perhaps some admirer of his named the beautiful
plants for him.
Who knows, and really who cares. The plant endures and the
significance of
the worthy doctor is long forgotten. While on the subject of
scientific
names the sunbird is called Nectarinia which I think is a much
prettier name
and far more appropriate that its common name.
Language
in the final analysis is all about appropriate sounds - sounds that
other
people understand. If there is little understanding of the sounds body
language helps to make up for it. I was at our local filling station this
afternoon. The pump jockey has nothing to do except sell cokes and
cigarettes so he has lots of time to gossip. He is possessed of a huge sense
of humour and so he has a ready audience for his various tales. Today was no
exception.
A strange white man stopped somewhere up the road to get
directions to
Mutorashanga he told us. He hailed a woman who was working in
her field next
to the road and asked her how to proceed. She had almost no
English and so
according to the pump jockey the directions went something
like this.
"Mutorashanga, yes! (Pointing.) Take rodi (road) streti
(straight) go tsiyu
tsiyu, burigi,(bridge) tsiyu tsiyu katambora (a field of
katambora grass by
the road) tsiyu, burigi, stiyu, streti weee. (birdlike
motions of flying)
Burigi, gumtree (indicating left) gumtree (indicating
right) famba streti.
Stiyu burigi, gomo na kona (hill and corner)
mburumburumburu (noise of car
on straight unimpeded section) Mutorashanga
tara. (tar road). Masvika. (You
have arrived)."
The tale was all
about how the woman had, she claimed proudly, been able to
tell the white
man the way in English. She was very pleased with her effort.
This of
course, in a country where not being able to speak English is the
exception,
was the source of huge mirth and caused the jockey to dissolve in
peals of
laughter as he repeated the sequence of tsiyu sounds.
Tsiyu has no meaning.
It was the woman's ideophone to describe the vehicle
moving down the
road.
Not mentioned in the tale was whether the white man made any sense
of these
directions. But it was clear to us that the woman knew the road
well and her
detailed inclusion of the bridges (culverts really), the gum
plantation and
the steep hill into the village, was a good indication that
she had walked
it many a time and oft. The tale translates poorly into
written form and
inevitably looses much from its original oral rendering.
And it probably
only appeals to those of you who are Shona speakers, as
indicated by the
fact that it was repeated about three times while I was
idling a way a few
moments buying some sugar at the
kiosk!
19th:
Much has happened since last I put pen to paper (or
should one say fingers
to keyboard?).
I left Feoch on the 11th for
Johannesburg picking up the grandlings in
Harare en route. We slept at the
Lion and Elephant, and Guy and Emma were
delighted that we seemed to have
the same room as the last time we made this
trip together. On that occasion
you will recall we had Dotty Dog with us as
well! Next day we left early and
crossed the border without any bothers and
breakfasted in Musina at the
Spur. It took an age for the breakfasts to be
cooked and served. One has to
get used to the very indifferent service in
South African establishments,
ranging from banks to hotels to places like
Spur that is laughingly
described as a fast-food outlet.
We got to Gauteng and pulled in to Adele
and Rob's at about four thirty.
Next day I delivered the children to
their sister at the riding school in
Santon where Sarah works and went about
my business: shopping for some
groceries, a bit of hardware for the tasks in
hand at home and of course the
inevitable visit to Garden World for
seeds.
Sunday was a pleasant lazy day at Rob and Adele's and early on
Monday
morning I braved the chill of the Highveld dawn to get to
Johannesburg
International Airport in time to meet Jill. Even at six in the
morning the
motorway is busy with an endless stream of traffic moving in
both
directions. It mademe think of the immense amount of finance that is
tied up
in the motor and petroleum industries, and thus inevitably of the
finance
houses. How many vehicles, for example, are ever really paid for.
They are
rented from the banks under various schemes called hire purchase or
what
ever, but the truth is they belong to them and rthey make huge amounts
of
money out of motor users. And because of the power of advertising and
adolescent programmes like Top Gear, people have to "buy" a new car every
few years. And thus the fate of the planet is in the hands of oil barons and
bankers who are not going to let up on their profligate expansion of vehicle
sales.The dreaded Chinese have now entered the equation. And they eat dogs
for and regularly bury their coalminers and then deny it, for God'
sake.
Jo'burg International parking arrangements are a nightmare. It is
almost
impossible to find the entrance to the open car park. Instead I found
myself
going up the road to the indoor parking. This was a disaster as the
landy
plus roof carrier was too tall to get in the entrance. There is no way
one
can turn around and start again! One has to reverse back to the nearest
junction, a most unnerving experience in the face of hostile traffic. Once
back at the intersection I mercifully saw a signboard saying "terminals"
(and in parenthesis: "this is for you, you gormless old fart so you can go
round and have another go." - of course it didn't really but the implication
was clear to me.) So round I went again and very nearly repeated my
original mistake. In the nick of time I saw my signboard again and round I
went for the third (?) time. Maddeningly on my right I could see the open
parking but of an entrance there seemed to be no sign. So on my next return
trip (getting very agitated by this time as time was a marching) I went very
slowly and eventually stopped and haled a worthy fellow who looked as if he
worked there and asked him how I could get to where he was standing in the
open park. He directed me back (more reversing) to (I swear) an unsign
boarded road at right angles to the through road, that led into the parking
area. It seemed to be full so I really started to panic but just as I was
about to leave my car in an area where one was clearly not supposed to park,
I saw an open bay. Leaving the car I hurried to the terminal building. As I
crossed the through road that I had had so much difficulty with I was
stopped by a large middle aged and clearly puzzled bloke who was standing
next to his car pulled off into a little sort of lay bye. "How did you get
into the car park?" he asked. "With extreme difficulty" I replied. "If I
were you I would stay put and take your chances with a fine." He said he
couldn't do this as he was only expecting his aircraft at 10 that morning.
"In that case" I said "you have plenty of time. I went round four times
before I found the entrance." He asked me to point it out, and for the life
of me I couldn't. I suggested he went round again and slowed down about two
hundred yards from where we were stood and asked again.
I suppose
what they should really do is have some of those guys with the
ping pong
bats that help direct landed aircraft, brought round to the front
to help
poor confused motorists. It was comforting to know that it was not
just me
that found all this confusing.
I got in to the terminal building to note
that Jill had already landed and
after a short ten minute wait she came
through the tunnel into the arrival
hall. It was a good moment.
We
went to see Brian and the children at Sarah's cottage and then I took
Jill
back to Adele's to catch upon her sleep. Next day we completed our
shopping
and left for the border soon after noon. We had a trouble free run
to Louis
Trichardt and as it was getting on for dusk decided to stop over at
the Inn
on Louis Trichardt only to find it was fully booked. The young man
on the
front desk was one of those idiots who take delight in giving one the
bad
news. He picked the wrong man. Tired I may have been but not too tired
to
let him have a short sharp lesson in courtesy to aging travellers.
As it
was he did us a favour because we went up the road to a place called
the
Ultimate where Brian and I had stayed when we did the dramatic run for
freedom some time back. They were kindness itself and made us feel very
welcome- and at half the price! A place I would recommend to over nighters
passing down the Great North Road.
We left the next morning at six
and entered the border post at 7.20 a.m. to
find a quiet and almost empty
customs house. We were through in ten minutes.
Jill graded our reception at
4/10 due to a slightly off-hand custom woman.
We figured that the worst was
yet to come. Not so. The Zimbabwean side was
equally quiet and the staff
treated us unbelievably well. Immigration
formalities took two minutes and
then it was Customs, always more of a
problem. A delightful young woman
helped us through all the payments (Carbon
tax on imported fuel; Road access
tax for the vehicle (what will they think
of next?) and cleared our
declaration of imports which we always keep below
the chargeable amount. I
explained to her that I would be grateful for help
to speed up the mandatory
search of the car as Jill's arthritis was giving
her some discomfort. She
came out with us and had a word with the officer
outside who nodded, took us
in hand and had us through in another five
minutes after some gentle and
sympathetic pleasantries. The whole process
was over in minutes and we were
through the barrier and on our way again. I
mention this because Zim
officials get such a bad press that when they come
up trumps a good word in
their favour is only fair. One of the redeeming
features of Shona culture is
respect and consideration for age and any
infirmity. It was good to see this
affirmed by these kind people.
A leisurely breakfast at The Lion and
Elephant saw us refreshed and ready
for the long haul to Harare. Again we
had a trouble free trip and were in
the city by 4 o'clock where we had to
shop for perishables before making the
last 100 km run for home. We got in
as the sun was setting at about six and
there was Nyarai to greet us, help
unpack the car and
pamper us with hot tea and gossip.
We were in
bed by nine and slept the sleep of the just.
IOL
Basildon Peta
May 23 2006 at 09:40AM
Foreign Service
Cosatu general
secretary Zwelinzima Vavi has been declared persona non
grata in Zimbabwe
and will not be admitted to the country while President
Robert Mugabe
reigns.
The Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) said it would
mount a
court challenge against the Zimbabwe government's "illegal" stance
on Vavi.
Vavi's permanent banning by the Zimbabwe government came
to light in a
weekend court case in which banned trade unionists were given
the green
light to return to Zimbabwe in future - except for the Cosatu
general
secretary.
Vavi and four other international trade
unionists were barred from
entering Zimbabwe on Friday for the triannual
national congress of the ZCTU
at the weekend. Vavi was due to be the guest
of honour.
Although Vavi was deported from Zimbabwe in
February 2005 during an
abortive Cosatu fact finding mission to that
country, ZCTU spokesperson
Mlameli Sibanda said the federation had been
unaware that he would be
permanently banned from the country, hence its
invitation for him to be a
guest of honour at its congress.
ZCTU lawyer Alec Muchadehama said Vavi was considered a "threat to
Zimbabwe's national security". He said the government also accused Vavi of
master-minding a "blockade" of Zimbabwe's Beit Bridge border post with SA
before parliamentary elections last year.
However, no such
a blockade happened after a South African court
outlawed the Cosatu
plan.
This article was originally published on page 6 of Cape
Times on May
23, 2006
May 23, 2006,
By Tagu
Mkwenyani
Zimbabwe has reported that 34 people starved to death at
the beginning
of the year in Bulawayo. According to Bulawayo council
officials, the
victims were below the age of 15.
The Bulawayo
City Council has confirmed the deaths.
The revelations, contained
in council meetings, heighten fears in
Zimbabwe that more people could be
dying as a result of hunger. The
government has all along denied that people
are dying as a result of food
shortages.
The Bulawayo City
council minutes reveal that the victims were below
the age of
15.
Bulawayo council officials confirmed the deaths but feared
their
findings could anger the government. "It has happened in the past and
we don't
expect the government to remain silent," said an official who
preferred
anonymity.
For the past two years, the council has
failed to report malnutrition
records after the government threatened to
deal with the officials who were
releasing the statistics. This was after
the city council had reported that
161 people had died of
malnutrition.
Many of these people were children and vagrants who
could no longer
get food in the bins. Zimbabwe has faced food shortages for
the past four
years after government launched a fast track land reform
programme, which
disrupted farming activities.
Thousands of
white farmers lost their land and were replaced by new
farmers who have
failed to produce enough crops to feed the once breadbasket
of southern
Africa.
Business Day
(Johannesburg)
May 23, 2006
Posted to the web May 23,
2006
Jonathan Katzenellenbogen
Johannesburg
AFRICA'S windfall
from the China-driven "super cycle" and the rise of India
has a long way to
go and will continue to propel African growth, said a
report released
yesterday.
However, the continent will have to be careful that the
windfall brings
about benefits to the poor and that corruption does not
destroy the gains,
warns the report by the Development Centre of the
Organisation for Economic
Co-operation and Development.
"To avoid
remaining stuck in the unpromising corner of vulnerable,
capital-intensive
and high-risk dependence on raw material with little local
labour content,
Africa will have to carefully manage the windfall gain
generated by higher
commodity prices," says the report.
It said that if African countries
were to spread the benefits of the
windfall and make large inroads against
poverty, they should avoid strong
currency appreciation and policies that
crowd out broad industrial
investment.
The study, The Rise of China
and India: What's in it for Africa, expects
that Chinese and Indian economic
growth will continue for the foreseeable
future, although at a slightly
slower rate.
Combined, China and India have contributed 30% to world
growth since 2000.
Higher world growth has helped fuel higher sub-Saharan
African growth of
4,2% in the 2001-2004 period.
Much of that has been
due to China and India's strong and growing appetite
for African oil and
metals.
African exports to China began their acceleration in 2000 and
have grown 56%
a year over the past five years. African exports to India
grew at 10%
between 2000 and 2004.
China overtook India as Africa's
main trade partner in 2000. Since then
African imports from China have risen
33% and those from India 20%.
Apart from the commodity windfall, the
other benefit for Africa has been
China's investment of its mammoth foreign
exchange earnings in US financial
markets.
That has helped add to
world liquidity, contribute to lower US interest
rates, and further propped
up world growth.
The report says, however, that the windfall carries
strong risks of a
deepening reliance on commodity industries by African
countries.
It warns that the reliance on commodities "may not be
conducive to poverty
reduction and economic diversification, especially in
the context of strong
Chinese and Indian competition in the manufacturing
sector."
One of these risks is the danger of "Dutch disease" in African
countries as
a result of strong inflows strengthening exchange
rates.
The reports says that makes it difficult for countries to
diversity into
broader industrial sectors and undermines noncommodity
exports.
In addition to windfall inflows from surge in demand from China
and India,
many African countries will benefit from further strong inflows
under a
planned doubling in aid to the continent as a whole. The centre
warns that
mineral-based economies are associated with a large number of
"rent seeking
activities", rather than those which are linked to production
and lead to
growth in the economy.