25 May 2004

PRESIDENT MORGAN TSVANGIRAI’S TUESDAY MESSAGE TO THE PEOPLE OF ZIMBABWE

Zimbabweans join the rest of Africa in observing Africa Day today. We are merely observing the day because of its historical significance.

We have nothing further to show for the 41 years during which the continent progressively experienced a rapid phase of decolonisation and the accompanying enjoyment of the people’s sovereignty.

In Zimbabwe, 24 years of independence have yielded a well-documented account of repression, loss of basic freedoms and economic collapse.

Poverty and insecurity have already forced an estimated 3.5 million -- more than a third of the nation’s adult population -- into exile where they live in near-slavery conditions. There is too much poverty and too little growth.

The picture is unacceptable as it fits in the bigger African story of political under-development, failed nation states and general civil strife.

Africa has terrible legacy arising from intolerance, experiments with the one-party political systems and the debt crisis. As is always the case with mismanaged and poor countries, disease especially HIV/AIDS has set in and is wreaking havoc in the continent.

Africa Day offers us an important occasion to reflect on the post-colonial state of our national development. For us in Zimbabwe, we are stunned at the manner in which the political and economic climate has become even more embattled, more beleaguered than before our independence day on 18 April 1980.

On Monday, the world watched in disbelief the Sky News interview with Robert Mugabe in which the desperate Zanu PF leader tried to paint a rosy picture of the situation in Zimbabwe.

Mugabe shut the door to all avenues for dialogue with the MDC. Despite his advanced age, he further closed off debate on his succession in his own party, thus compounding the confusion within Zanu PF about his retirement plans.

Mugabe put up a brave face, arguing that the contested 2002 Presidential election was legitimate because the African groups that observed the poll had given him the green light to assume power.

The world must have been amazed to hear Mugabe attack Archbishop Desmond Tutu, a Nobel Peace Prize winner and an indomitable fighter against apartheid. The use of such a violent and intemperate language against his critics is typical Mugabe-speak. It smacks of gross intolerance the people of Zimbabwe have been subjected to during the past 24 years.

Tutu commands immense respect among Zimbabweans. He stood up to Mugabe and has criticised the Zanu PF regime for human rights and democratic abuses. It was unfortunate that Mugabe could sink so low as to describe such an international icon as an "an angry, evil and embittered little bishop".

While we have made inroads in gaining the understanding and sympathy of the region, we believe Africa must exert more pressure on Mugabe and his Zanu PF regime to allow the people to exercise their sovereign will and to put a government of their choice into office.

When Yoweri Museveni assumed the presidency of Uganda in 1986 after a protracted civil war, he complained about Africa’s silence and inaction during Uganda’s descend into anarchy and lawlessness.

Museveni criticised the then OAU charter, in particular the clause the discouraged interference in the internal affairs of member states. He also took issue with what he called the “nationalistic camaraderie” among African heads of state and government, which led African leaders to offer blind solidarity to each other’s welfare at the expense of the people.

Much has been said about the collapse of democracy and the erosion of basic human freedoms in Zimbabwe in the past five years. Africa has opted for a cautious approach to the issue. As a continental body, the African Union (AU) has shown little interest in the plight of our people.

The challenge facing the continent stems from an apparent refusal to deal directly with post-colonial dictatorships. Having defeated the visible colonial oppression, Africans must now turn to black on black oppression.

Tiny elites who squander national resources and drive their citizens into the Diaspora at the slightest hint of opposition control nations on this continent. As a result, Africans all over the world are angry with their leaders. Africans know that despite their independence, freedom remains elusive. Corruption is endemic.

Only yesterday, Mugabe boasted that he is building a personal mansion using timber and roofing tiles from Asia, glass from South Africa and internal furnishings from all over the world. This is happening at a time when the housing backlog in Zimbabwe stands at about three million.

We appeal to the AU to place the Zimbabwean crisis in its proper context. As Africans, the AU has a duty to put pressure on Mugabe and Zanu PF in order to allow Zimbabweans to take charge of their own destiny.

Without a flourishing democracy, without the rule of law, without free and fair elections, Zimbabwe has the potential to sabotage the ideals and programmes of Nepad.

Other continents look to Africa to lead the assault of tyranny and dictatorship. Other countries expect Africans to help themselves by assisting Zimbabweans to wrestle power from a tyrannical nationalistic elite, supported by a parasitic bureaucracy, which is determined to deny the nation essential freedoms.

We urge Africa to prevail upon Mugabe and to make him realise that the use of violence and repression retarded economic development and prosperity.

Mugabe’s misrepresentation of the situation at home is a worrying point. To assume that Zimbabwe does not need food aid is simply to deceive oneself.

Our own research shows that the 1991-92 drought gave us a baseline figure for minimum consumption requirements for both our people and their livestock. During that time, the monthly sales of maize by the Grain Marketing Board peaked at 150 000 tonnes, equivalent to annual consumption of 1 800 000 tonnes of maize. In addition, the GMB was importing wheat and rice. Wheat sales stood at 480 000 per year while rice was 24 000 tonnes per year. That brought the total cereals requirement to 2 304 000 tonnes per year. This was 14 years ago.

At the beginning of the current season, there were serious shortages of seed, fuel, fertilisers and other inputs. Taking into account the failure of the early planted maize and the late season problems for small grains, our central estimate is production of 600 000 tonnes of maize plus 100 000 tonnes of sorghum. Excluding any strategic
stocks, this would imply a shortfall of 1 200 000 tonnes.

Mugabe was therefore reckless in suggesting that Zimbabwe does need to import any food, let alone appeal for donations. He is trying to cover up for a failed land reform programme that has reduced the entire commercial farmland to pieces of subsistence plots. The fact remains that up to this day, millions of people need food aid. Mugabe’s regime used food in Lupane only last week to coerce chiefs and village heads to vote for Zanu PF.

The obsession with Prime Minister Tony Blair was predictable. Surprisingly, Mugabe still thinks the solution to the Zimbabwean crisis rests with Britain – hence his plea for dialogue with Blair. It is part of his withdrawal into a denial chic, a denial mode that blurs his vision. Zimbabwe faces a crisis of governance. A lasting solution lies in free and fair elections.

From the Sky News interview, it is clear Mugabe sees nothing wrong with the manner in which Zimbabwe conducts its elections. In fact, he seems determined to go into the March 2005 Parliamentary election under the existing system. That would seal off his fate.

Flawed elections are a key source of Zimbabwe’s problems. Our country assumed the current pariah status because of the defects in our electoral process, our skewed system and inconsistent electoral results. Mugabe says he learnt nothing from that experience.

We have stated in the past that our electoral standards are a clear recipe for confrontation and perpetual contest. We have yet to raise the conduct of our elections to the SADC standards to secure a legitimate result.

Since 2000, we have constantly condemned Zimbabwe’s annual descent into thuggery, lawlessness and mayhem in the general body politic of the country. We have argued that elections, which should reflect the exercise of our sovereignty in the selection of our leaders should never become open seasons for murder, torture, beatings and violence.

As we approach an election in March, Zimbabweans remain resolute in their quest for freedom. We are preparing for those elections. All our programmes are directed at that election. We shall do everything in our power to enable Zimbabweans to enjoy our freedom.

We humbly ask Africa to assist us in this regard, in particular in making sure that the next election is held in accordance with the SADC norms and standards.

We are confident that the Mugabe regime will accede to reason and allow for a poll to be conducted on the minimum SADC standards necessary for the restoration of genuine, democratic elections.

The SADC norms and standards are an essential pre-requisite to the exercise of our fundamental human rights and must be in place well before Election Day in 2005. They include the following measures:

The restoration of the rule of law. Mugabe must end all forms of political violence and completely disband the youth militias. He must ensure that the police and security forces are impartial in the conduct of their duties. In addition, Zimbabwe needs a special court to hear and resolve electoral disputes speedily. From our experience in the past five years, the legal route, in its present form, has subverted democracy.

The restoration of Basic Freedoms and Rights. We are asking the regime to revoke those aspects of the Public Order and Security Act and the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA) that curtail personal freedoms of the people. The Public Media must be open to all political parties and individual politicians. Further, all Zimbabweans living outside the country must be allowed to vote.

The establishment of an Independent Electoral Commission (IEC).  Elections are very crucial to any country. They are basic right with a potential to make or break a nation. We risk perpetuating our misery if we allow Zanu PF to continue playing games with our electoral system. Already, we are the laughing stock of the SADC region.

Because of our previous experience, the management and implementation of our electoral process cannot be left to Registrar General Tobaiwa Mudede alone. Mudede has failed the nation on numerous occasions. His record contains sufficient evidence to disqualify him from handling another major election single-handedly unless Mugabe and Zanu PF are not serious about the future of Zimbabwe. We need an impartial body to run our elections.

The restoration of Public Confidence in the Electoral Process. This is a crucial matter. Zimbabweans are fast losing faith in elections because of mistrust. We need a clean and accurate voters roll. The roll must be freely available to interested persons and to all political parties. People must vote in a single day; the counting of votes must be done at the polling station immediately after voting ends. Violence must end.

The restoration of the Secrecy of the Ballot. Voting must take place in an atmosphere that ensures total secrecy. Our ballot boxes must change. We need to use translucent plastic ballot boxes of secure, single piece construction. The regime must stop abusing traditional leaders to coerce their subjects during elections.

Together, we shall win.

Morgan Tsvangirai

President