The ZIMBABWE Situation Our thoughts and prayers are with Zimbabwe
- may peace, truth and justice prevail.

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Saturday, May 28, 2005
Demolition raids in Zimbabwe hit opposition's support base
President Mugabe calls for crackdown to 'drive out trash'


HARARE, Zimbabwe

Police demolished squatters' homes and rounded up street vendors, leaving
thousands homeless in Zimbabwe's opposition strongholds in what President
Robert Mugabe said was an urban clean-up campaign.

All the demolished homes were in areas that voted for the opposition in
Zimbabwe's parliamentary elections, and Morgan Tsvangirai, an opposition
leader, said that the destruction was an assault on the urban poor who make
up the opposition's support base. Mugabe's ZANU-PF party claimed victory in
the disputed vote on March 31.

State radio said yesterday that Mugabe, in his first comment on the
crackdown called "Operation Marambatsvina" or "drive out trash," told the
ruling party central committee that "genuine players in the small- and
medium-enterprise sector would be resettled in new and clean sites that
befit major cities."

Besides demolishing shacks in townships surrounding Harare, police also
raided squatter settlements around the country.

"Widowed mothers, grandmothers and youth have been affected by this mindless
clamp-down," said Jenni Williams, a spokeswoman for Women of Zimbabwe Arise.

The organization called for June 18 to be a day of peaceful protest against
the demolition campaign.

Trudi Stevenson, an opposition legislator for northern Harare, said that 500
to 700 houses in the Hatcliffe district had been razed.

"The place looks like a bombed site. It was a major military operation,"
Stevenson said.

A resident of Hatcliffe, Emmanuel Chiroto, said that homeowners there had
been allocated plots by Housing Minister Ignatius Chombo in 2002 and had
lease agreements. The World Bank and USAID provided water and other

The demolition raids were started Thursday night although the government
said earlier it would not begin the destruction of informal settlements
until July. The government has not explained why it began the demolitions

"We really do not know where they (police) are striking next," Lovemore
Muchingedzi, a worker for the opposition party Movement for Democratic
Change, said yesterday in Glen Norah, a township on the southern edge of
Harare where witnesses said riots broke out overnight as police arrested
street vendors and burned their kiosks.

"Police went around beating up anyone they came across. They made sure there
was no electricity in the area and under cover of darkness they were beating
everyone up," Muchingedzi said.
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      Desperation on the streets

      Zimbabwean cobbler Edwell - not his real name - has been mending shoes
on the streets of the capital, Harare, for nearly 20 years. But the
46-year-old tells the BBC News website how police forced him off the
pavement as part of a crackdown on the country's huge informal business

      " It was just past noon when a Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP) pick-up
truck drove up to the pavement where I sit and mend shoes.

      Two policemen accompanied by two other men got out. As they walked
towards me they said: "You need to take your things and go."

      I asked them why but they refused to explain.

      They were very firm and just kept saying: "We don't want you, we don't
want you here, we want you to go from this place."

      Even though I was so afraid, I tried arguing with them but I failed.

      'Wrong side'

      Full of fear, I tried asking again but all they would say was: "We
don't want excuses."

      Shouting, "Listen, take your things and go" they then started chasing
the ladies selling vegetables away and so I put all my tools and customer's
shoes into my sack.

      The ladies were all chased out.

      I haven't seen them since. They're not selling vegetables any more and
so they must be suffering too.

      The men didn't take anything from me but I was so afraid.

      I am lucky because the owners of the business near the pavement, where
I mended shoes for about 20 years, are letting me work in their yard.

      But now only my regulars know where I am. Passers-by cannot see me
anymore because now I am on the wrong side of the wall.

      There is little fuel now and commuter buses are very scarce and so I
walk the 10km to work and then back home again when it is dark.

      Driven to tears

      I am suffering even more than before now.

      My family is suffering because I am not doing anything.

      I am not very busy, sure.

      I charge Z$15,000 ($0.26) to fix heels and for soles it is about
Z$35,000 ($0.60) and now that I am hardly doing anything I am crying.

      I recently had to buy my 15-year-old son some things for school. All I
could afford was his books, a new pair of shoes and socks and some short
trousers and it came to over Z$200,000 ($3.60).

      I still have to pay his school fees for this term which come to
Z$350,000 ($6.20).

      I don't know how I will be able to. "

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Ghost Towns Mushroom Across Zim

Zimbabwe Independent (Harare)

May 20, 2005
Posted to the web May 27, 2005

Shakeman Mugari

WHEN President Robert Mugabe declared in 1982 that he was going to urbanise
Zimbabwe through development of growth points, little did he know that 23
years later, his policies would destroy more towns than he could build.

The plan was to identify potential areas for economic growth, which would
eventually be developed into towns in pursuit of government's "growth with
equity" policy.

But like most government policies, it was a noble idea that lacked action.
The tempo soon died down as government dithered on funding. Most growth
points have failed to grow.

Twenty-three years down the line, apart from a few grocery shops, a grinding
mill and a chain of bottle stores tottering on the brink of collapse, the
growth points have failed to develop into economic zones that would stem the
rural-urban drift as envisaged by government.

The plan is going in the opposite direction as most towns inherited from the
colonial era struggle to survive in the face of company closures across the
country. Government's skewed economic policies have killed more towns than
it has created since Independence.

The chaotic land reform only made things worse by destroying the
agricultural sector on which most towns relied for survival. The result is
the emergence of ghost towns decorated by flea markets on the country's

The disastrous effect of the land reform and company closures can be best
observed in Mashonaland West, ironically Mugabe's home province.

It has the highest number of ghost towns because it was Zimbabwe's best
farming area and therefore was hardest hit by the take over of commercial
farms which fed the towns.

It is probably the province with the highest number of people outside Harare
that lost jobs due to company and mine closures and farm seizures. The small
towns dotted around the province are tottering on the brink of collapse
while some have already crumbled. There are seven ailing towns in the
province. Five are in the south of the province in the area around Kadoma
while the other two are in Chinhoyi town.

It is a sad picture that greets people as they travel along the main road
from Harare to Kadoma. The first bleak portrait is Chegutu, an agricultural
town that is struggling to find its feet after the collapse of commercial
farming in the region.

Companies fled the town at the peak of the chaotic land reform, leaving
thousands wallowing in poverty. David Whitehead, a listed textile company
which used to employ most people in the town, is also reeling.

Farms that used to sustain the town were violently seized.

With the bulk of residents unemployed, many can't pay their rates. Chegutu
mayor Francis Dlakama who came in on an MDC ticket, says the town is dying
because of the destruction of its lifeblood - commercial agriculture.

"When commercial agriculture collapsed because of the land reform, it took
with it the town which sank immediately," Dlakama said.

"Residents are failing to pay their rates because they are out of work."
Most residents now live on small incomes from individual vending stalls
whose profits can barely feed an average family of six. Others wait
patiently along the Harare-Bulawayo highway selling shrivelled oranges and
cabbages from newly-settled farmers.

"I used to work as a contractor at the GMB silos but now I can't because
there is no maize coming in," says Raphael Changano, now a rank marshal at
Pfupajena bus terminus.

Since 1998 no meaningful industry has been set up in Chegutu. Barclays,
which used to provide loans and banking services to commercial farmers,
closed shop after its main customers were kicked out of the land.

The situation is equally dire in Kadoma, some 35km down the road. Like
Chegutu, Kadoma has borne the brunt of collapsed commercial agriculture. The
cotton and citrus farms that used to offer seasonal jobs to residents are no

The Cold Storage Company which relied on the surrounding farmers is battling
to survive. Kewada Supermarket chain, one of the prominent and oldest in the
town, has closed down while Kadoma Textiles is clutching at straws as it
fights to fend off competition from cheap Chinese imports.

Government in both towns has become the biggest employer as the private
sector continues to shrink. Roads are riddled with potholes while public
toilets are a stinking mess.

The closure of mines has hit smaller towns like Chakari, 40km west of
Kadoma. Venice and Chakari, owned by listed Falcon Gold, have scaled down
owing to viability problems. About 25km east of Kadoma is Eiffel Flats, a
Rio Tinto mine that also shut down.

Falgold, which has operated Chakari and Venice Mines for more than 45 years,
says the economic situation is not conducive for profitable operations. It
blames government's foreign currency retention scheme, subdued local gold
prices and Zesa power cuts for its problems.

Chakari, with a population of more than 200 000, is the hardest hit by the
crisis in the mining sector. Before its abrupt closure in 1997, it employed
more than 1 000 workers and supported thousands of dependants.

People now live on gold panning and vending. "This town is dying. It is
collapsing," said Progress Mugarazi (27).

Mugarazi, who has lived in Chakari for the past 15 years, says things have
not been the same since the closure of the mine. "We live on gold panning
but it has not been paying of late."

The construction of a Jehovah's Witness church building last year is
probably the only infrastructural improvement since the closure of the mine
eight years ago. A Bata shop, the only recognisable national brand, recently
closed down. School intakes have plummeted while dropouts have risen as
children follow their parents around gold panning sites.

The councillor for the area refused to comment, saying she needed permission
from provincial leaders before talking to the press.

Eiffel Flats and Venice mines are also partly closed, not because mineral
deposits have been exhausted but because government policies have made their
ventures unviable. Venice is operating at 40% capacity after Falgold decided
to scale down because of viability troubles. Former mine employees are now

Eiffel Flats is refining nickel and copper after its core business -
underground gold mining - closed years back, throwing thousands on the
streets. At its peak the mine employed more than 800 people. Now it has less
than 400, mostly contract workers.

In the northern part of Mashonaland West are Mhangura Mine and Karoi fast
becoming ghost towns. Mhangura collapsed after the Zimbabwe Mining
Development Corporation, a state-owned company, closed the mine 10 years

Government claims that it would revive the town have come to nought.

Karoi is also sinking. The only commercial bank which operated a branch
there, has left the town after the collapse of commercial agriculture. Like
other towns in the region, Karoi used to survive from vibrant commercial
farming in the area. The new farmers are yet to undertake serious production
to sustain a viable business.

In Midlands Mvuma and Chivhu in Mashonaland East are struggling to survive.
In fact the only reason they are recognisable is their location on the

Kamativi Tin mine in Matabeleland North is now a ghost town after it closed
years back. The government has taken advantage of the infrastructure and
turned it into a militia training camp. From a productive mine town,
Kamativi is now the training ground for the loathed "green bombers".

Buchwa mine outside Zvishavane, which used to produce iron for Ziscosteel in
Kwekwe, is no more. It has since been turned into a compound and training
camp for the police.
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Commission Fiddles While Harare Burns

Zimbabwe Independent (Harare)

May 20, 2005
Posted to the web May 27, 2005

Ray Matikinye/Augustine Mukaro

DIRECTING strangers in the capital's Mabvuku and Tafara working class
suburbs thus: "Go past the smoldering heap of garbage, turn right when you
see women and children queuing up for water from a church water-cart, skirt
round three huge potholes and you won't miss the house you are looking for,"
no longer seems out of the ordinary.

It has become a catch phrase for residents chagrined by commonplace heaps of
uncollected garbage that dot the city's residential areas like unsightly
landmarks and acute water shortages in the suburbs. Ask any resident of the
two suburbs what they hanker after most and the answer:

"Reliable water supplies" instinctively rolls out.

Ask residents of any other suburb in the capital the same question and they
will tell you: "Regular garbage collection."

When President Robert Mugabe endorsed the appointment of the first unelected
commission to run the affairs of the city, little did he suspect that this
would expose government to ridicule.

More importantly, uncollected garbage signifies the failure of a system of
political patronage that has swung back into the ruling Zanu PF party's

Government fired its own appointed mayor the late Solomon Tawengwa for gross
incompetence, replacing his administration with the Elijah Chanakira-led

When he tasked Local Government minister Ignatious Chombo to fire an elected
opposition mayor Elias Mudzuri on allegations of incompetence and for
failing to reverse decades of maladministration in six short months to spite
the MDC urban electorate, Mugabe thought that would endear him with the Zanu
PF electorate. Instead, his miscalculation has only served to disenchant
both Zanu PF and MDC supporters who could no longer put up with the daily
tribulations, prompting them to take to the streets in a spontaneous protest
over shoddy service.

Spontaneous two-day protests in Harare's eastern suburbs of Tafara and
Mabvuku last week included residents of all political persuasions and
members of both the MDC and Zanu PF. They were an expression of frustration
by residents who have suffered from a lack of service delivery for many

Over the past six months, the residents have been forced into a daily
scramble for water and to live with reeking heaps of rubbish on their

Just last week, government appointed additional commissioners to bolster the
commission's performance up to next month when its tenure expires. But
observers view the appointments as a serious indictment of acting mayor and
commission chairperson Sekesai Makwavarara's competence to run the city.

Mike Davies, the chairman of the Combined Harare Residents Association
(CHRA), says: "The new commissioners taken on board are a sign of
desperation by the Zanu PF regime to impose itself on residents of Harare."

Davies says his association is "convinced that any solution to Harare's
problems should be driven by residents first through being allowed to choose
their own representatives".

CHRA is preparing court papers to compel the commission to set dates for
both mayoral and ward elections. "We are in consultation with stakeholders
on the way forward which might result in civil disobedience."

MP for Mabvuku Timothy Mabhawu said the people in his constituency were fed
up with the commission's rhetoric that something would be done to remedy
residents' problems.

"Makwavarara has betrayed the people of Mabvuku ward who elected her into
office in the first place. She has betrayed Local Government minister Chombo
who thrust her into a position she is dismally incapable of executing too.
The ineptness of the commission is worrisome," Mabhawu says.

Davies complained that the heavy-handed response by the police to residents'
legitimate grievances was uncalled for.

CHRA says the physical assaults were brutal and intimidatory. The charges

laid under Section 17(1) a of Posa against those arrested carry a prison
sentence of up to 10 years and are at odds with the gravity of the alleged

"For a modern city like Harare to be unable to provide essential services
such as potable water and waste removal to its inhabitants is an indictment
of both the political appointees currently occupying Town House and their
political masters," Davies says.

He says besides the current woes, Zesa had informed residents to brace
themselves for power blackouts until July following damage to a local
transformer. "It is intolerable for residents to endure fetching water from
contaminated streams, burning firewood for heating and cooking and using
candles for lighting," he adds.

Out of frustration, CHRA is calling for the suspension of increased rates
and charges; an end to the imposed commission; the restoration of a
democratically elected mayor and council and dialogue between residents and
municipal officials to seek a way forward. And if ever there was truth to
the truism "fiddling while Rome burns", it fits well the uncaring attitude
of the commission running the city's affairs whose forte has been to allow
service delivery to crumble right under its nose.
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Mugabe Races to Set Up Senate

Zimbabwe Independent (Harare)

May 20, 2005
Posted to the web May 27, 2005

PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe is racing against time to establish a Senate, to
resolve the problem he created when he recently appointed Sithembiso Nyoni
as Informal Sector minister without a parliamentary seat.

Top ruling Zanu PF sources said Mugabe's Senate plans were already under way
and Justice minister Patrick Chinamasa was working on the principles of a
Bill to set up the Upper House.

However, the initiative could face stiff resistance in parliament as some
Zanu PF MPs are said to be opposed to a rushed project to rescue an

Opposition Movement for Democratic Change legislators and independent MP
Jonathan Moyo are almost certain to resist Mugabe's agenda. But in the end
Zanu PF can use its two-thirds majority in parliament to railroad the Bill
to re-establish the Senate, abolished in 1989.

The Senate has become more urgent after Mudzi constituency where Zanu PF
wanted to impose Nyoni rejected her in favour of former MP Christopher Musa.
This followed the appointment of the area's MP, Ray Kaukonde, as Mashonaland
East governor.

Sources said Mugabe wants a Senate before the three months grace period for
Nyoni to remain as minister outside parliament expires.

Sources said the issue was discussed in cabinet on Tuesday and the Zanu PF
politburo on Wednesday. It is expected to be tabled before the cabinet
committee on legislation next week.

The sources said Mugabe wants parliament to reopen in mid-June instead of
June 28 to ensure the Bill is introduced in parliament early. There will be
40 days needed for public debate on the Bill after it is presented to
parliament for the first reading. A parliamentary legal committee which
scrutinises all proposed legislation needs 26 days to finish its work. Time
is also needed to debate the "Sithembiso Nyoni" Bill.
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MDC to Focus On New Constitution

Zimbabwe Independent (Harare)

May 20, 2005
Posted to the web May 27, 2005

Ray Matikinye

THE opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) will refocus its
attention on demanding a new constitution after losing three elections on
the trot to the ruling Zanu PF party.

A decision to concentrate efforts on a homegrown constitution was agreed at
a recent meeting of the party's executive council in Harare as an
alternative to direct confrontation with government through street protests.

Eddie Cross, the party's economic advisor, said this week the MDC had lost
faith in contesting elections under the present constitution whose core
provisions were drafted at Lancaster House in 1979.

The leadership of the MDC is now consulting others in Zimbabwe and outside
on the way forward and resolved to throw its weight behind a demand that
Zanu come to the table for such a debate with representatives from the whole

Opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai recently met the current Sadc chairman
Paul Berenger in Mauritius seeking his assistance to broker talks with Zanu
PF on the issue.

The MDC and civic group demand for a homegrown constitution had been

put on the back burner in anticipation that democratic elections would bring
about a new administration more amenable to calls for a new constitution but
this has not happened, Cross says.

"With the failure of elections in Zimbabwe to yield any kind of real change
due to electoral fraud, the MDC decided it was time to go back to the
issue," he said in a message posted on a website last week.

With its two-thirds parliamentary majority after the March election, Zanu PF
intends to table three major amendments to the current constitution in the
new parliament. Apart from reintroducing a Senate, Zanu PF plans to entrench
the Electoral Commission in the constitution and amend it to allow
government to take over any land.

"We resolved to reject such piecemeal amendments to the constitution and
instead to call for a national conference to develop a new constitution
which will embrace the ideas and desires of the nation as a whole," he said.

The MDC says such a conference will make decisions on a consensual basis and
the final product would then give people the legal framework required to
guide the nation back into the regional and global community of nations.

The NCA said recently it was seeking funds to convene an all-stakeholders
conference and press home demands for a new constitution.

NCA spokesperson Jessie Majome said the proposed conference would chart the
means and strategies by which Zimbabweans would l craft their own democratic
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Made Attacked for Misleading Nation

Zimbabwe Independent (Harare)

May 20, 2005
Posted to the web May 27, 2005

Augustine Mukaro

RESERVE Bank governor Gideon Gono attacked Agriculture minister Joseph Made
and other politicians for misleading the public through populist rhetoric.

Presenting the monetary policy yesterday Gono said politicians are
misinforming the public resulting in a false sense of security. He said
there was "misrepresentation of facts by some government ministries with the
effect of misdirecting public opinion and sentiment, which in turn, creates
a false sense of security, particularly in the food and energy sectors of
the economy," in apparent reference to Made.

Analysts said the attack was directed at Made and former Social Welfare
minister Paul Mangwana who misled the country into believing that the
country was poised for an all-time bumper harvest of 2,4 million tonnes of
maize when actual production was below 400 000 tonnes.

The misleading statements led the country into the current food crisis,
which caught the government unawares.

Gono said politicians should encourage farmers to run farms like businesses
and to repay all monies accessed through the input scheme.

"Presently some politicians misinform farmers that input schemes are a
result of their individual efforts and as such, those who supported their
campaign programmes may not feel obliged to pay."

During the just ended parliamentary election Zanu PF candidates were accused
of using inputs and maize to sway voters in their favour.
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From The IBA, 23 May

Out for the Count: Democracy in Zimbabwe

Hunched forward and leaning heavily on a walking stick, the old woman
shuffles to a seat with the help of Archbishop Pius Ncube. She lowers
herself on to a chair and begins to speak, ignoring the microphone lying on
the table infront of her. 'Yes, there is much hunger here,' she says in
Ndebele. 'There is also much conflict between the open palm and the clenched
fist. Us - we joined the open palm. But now the fist people say, if we don't
join them, we'll get no food.' The scene is from a video produced by the
Solidarity Peace Trust, a group of church leaders committed to human rights
and democracy in southern Africa and chaired by Ncube, Catholic Archbishop
of Bulawayo, and Rubin Phillip, Anglican Bishop of Kwa-Zulu Natal. The video
and a report of the same name, Out for the Count: Democracy in Zimbabwe,
which documents fact-finding and observer missions of two groups of
religious and civil society leaders to Zimbabwe for its parliamentary
elections in March, were launched in Johannesburg on 18 May, two days before
Ncube was named the winner of this year's Robert Burns Humanitarian Award,
Scotland's version of the Nobel Peace Prize.

While the human rights abuses perpetrated by the Zimbabwean government
before, during and following the elections have been widely reported, the
video provides a compelling degree of authenticity: the voices and faces of
people directly affected by political intimidation, hunger and oppression.
It is one thing to read about human rights violations, it is another to see
and hear victims recount their personal experiences in their own words. What
makes these accounts particularly effective is how they are juxtaposed with
on-camera comments from government officials. This juxtapositioning of the
two sides is often startling. In one scene, for instance, the Zimbabwean
Minister of Finance dismisses questions from a South African journalist
about the politicisation of food distribution and the severe food shortages
in Zimbabwe as 'sheer propaganda'. In subsequent shots, several ordinary
Zimbabweans recount how they are denied maize meal from the
government-alligned Grain Marketing Board - in rural areas, the sole source
of the staple food - because of supposed allegiance to the opposition
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), the 'open palm' of the old woman's

Several people went on camera to describe how they were told they would not
get food unless they attended rallies of the ruling Zanu PF before the
elections or were denied maize meal after the elections, accused of having
voted for the MDC. Several interviewees echoed what one man said: 'When the
food comes what they say is: "You cannot get any food unless and until you
join the Zanu PF. We are going to sort you. "' The report complements the
video with accounts from members of the South African ecumenical monitors as
well as the fact-finding missions. They each described wide-spread hunger
and fear of political intimidation and harassment. Reverend Gugu E. Shelembe
describes her conversation with a woman community leader. 'She told me,
"Life in Zimbabwe is hell. " (...) She said, "There is no violence, but a
lot of fear is already in us. " She went on to relate how traditional
leaders are being bribed [with] cars and money to make sure that people in
their clans vote for Zanu PF.' Reports such as these make a mockery of
statements made on television, and included in the video, by leaders of the
South African and Southern African Development Community observer missions
that the elections were free and fair, and by Zimbabwean ministers and
President Mugabe himself that allegations of food shortages are mere
propaganda. Ironically, on the day of the release of Out for the Count, the
media reported that Mugabe had tentatively agreed to accept food aid as long
as no political conditions are attached to it.

One of the members of the ecumenical observer team, Virginia Zwane, fell
victim to harassment by Zanu PF youth members while on a bus to Harare from
Marondera during the elections. The youth militia boarded the bus and forced
passengers to chant Zanu PF slogans. As a South African, Ms Zwane does not
speak Shona and told militia members so when asked why she wasn't chanting
the slogans. She was sexually harassed and pushed by members of the youth
militia who searched her purse for South African Rands and stole one of her
rings. Despite her cries for help, the passengers were too terrified to
assist her. The Solidarity Peace Trust makes a number of recommendations in
its report, including: a repeal of the repressive Access to Information and
Protection of Privacy Act and the Public Order and Security Act and a
shelving of the proposed NGO Bill; an overhaul of the system of registration
of voters and a transparent redrawing of constituency boundaries; the
prosecution of people who have threatened voters or who threatened to
withhold food. The Trust also calls on the Electoral Court to 'hear and rule
timeously' on the MDC's challenge of election results in 13 constituencies.

In 30 constituencies discrepancies were found between the number of votes
announced by the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) and the final tallies.
In one almost comical scene in the video, the broadcast of election results
on Zimbabwe's state television was included. Just to give one example: a ZEC
official announces the results for Manyame constituency. The figure for
total votes cast - 14,812 - is flashed on the screen. Above it, the votes
won by the Zanu PF-PF candidate: 15,448. And finally the votes won by the
MDC candidate: 8312. The votes won by the two candidates combined exceeds
the official number of votes cast by almost 9000 ballots. It is obvious that
the votes do not tally up - and yet the ZEC has to date not explained these
anomalies. The media has continuously reported on the distribution of food
along party lines, on the high levels of fear, as well as on the repressive
laws which have strangled the independent media and made it impossible for
the opposition to stage even peaceful demonstrations. And yet, to read the
accounts of the members of the fact-finding team and, in particular, to see
the interviews with ordinary people is to understand how deeply rooted the
fear of the security forces is in the average Zimbabwean and how entrenched
the politicisation of food distribution has become. Testimonies, such as
this one from Selina Siwela in the video, make turning away from the dire
situation in Zimbabwe impossible. 'They told me I will never be allowed to
buy food from the headman's scheme because I can't get it into my head and I
support the MDC. (...) They say I'll never buy food for the rest of my life.
But why can't I buy food? How will I feed the children? Now my name is on
the top of the list. Selina Siwela - no more food.'
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