May 29, 2006,
5 hours, 8 minutes and 9 seconds ago.
By Andnetwork .com
THERE
was chaos at the National Constitutional Assembly annual general meeting in
Harare yesterday as some members manhandled delegates from Bulawayo that were
opposed to constitutional amendments that allowed Dr Lovemore Madhuku to retain
his post as chairman.
Dr Madhuku retained his post after the other
candidate, Mr Wurayayi Zembe of the Democratic Alliance, withdrew from the race
after being nominated.
Problems started when Mr Zembe, who was seated at
the high table as a member of the NCA taskforce, told the meeting that Dr
Madhuku had played his part and should "give others a chance".
"If
Madhuku stands for re-election, then it’s against the constitution, because it
says he should stand for two terms only. The proposed amendment is
undemocratic," said Mr Zembe, who immediately drew the ire of some of the
delegates from Harare who were in support of Dr Madhuku.
He was speaking
against amendments 8.4, 8.5 and 8.6 of the organisation’s constitution. The
constitution was amended to read:
"The term of office of the National
Taskforce shall be four/five years and office bearers shall be eligible for
re-election, provided that no person shall serve as a member of the taskforce in
the same capacity for more than two terms.
"Any person who, in terms of
the previous provisions of clause 8.4, has served two terms of two years each,
(making an aggregate of four years) in any one capacity, shall, for purposes of
8.4, be deemed to have served one term of office in that capacity.
"For
the avoidance of doubt, the person described in 8.5 above, shall, immediately on
the coming into effect of the provisions of 8.4, be eligible for re-election to
a second and final term of five years . . ."
The amendments mean that Dr
Madhuku, who had served two terms of two years each, is now considered to have
served one term. His re-election means that he is now serving his second term
that will be for five years.
These amendments did not go down well with
some delegates who openly supported Mr Zembe and told Dr Madhuku that he was
clinging to power like a dictator.
One delegate from Bulawayo, Mr Walter
Nyoni, stood up and said: "The amendments to allow Dr Madhuku to stand for
another term are not democratic. I respect Dr Madhuku, but I think his time is
up. He should step down."
Before he could finish his statement, Mr Nyoni
was under siege from the marauding pro-Madhuku supporters, mostly from Harare,
who pushed and beat him up. Other delegates tried to protect Mr Nyoni, but they
were overpowered.
The mayhem continued for about 20 minutes and Mr Nyoni
was
saved from further beatings by the arrival of security guards
from the hotel where the meeting was being held. The security guards came with
vicious dogs that dispersed the crowd. Mr Nyoni was taken away from the meeting
so that order could be restored.
Some delegates from Bulawayo alleged
that those in favour of the retention of Dr Madhuku had planted some rowdy
people to intimidate those opposed to the amendments.
"He (Madhuku) is
taking advantage that this AGM is being held here in Harare and there are more
members from the Harare province here. If this had happened anywhere else, we
could have matched the rented crowd blow for blow," said one angry delegate as
he walked away from the meeting.
Another delegate added her voice saying:
"We say we are fighting for a democratic constitution, yet we don’t allow people
to express their views. This organisation is not democratic at
all."
After the pandemonium, a referendum to adopt the contentious
amendments was held and, out of 805 voters 744 voted for the adoption of the
amendments.
Immediately after the referendum, it was time for elections
and Dr Madhuku’s supporters went around holding placards that read: "Vote for
Madhuku for chair unopposed."
Dr Madhuku was nominated for the
chairmanship post together with Mr Zembe but the latter withdrew from the race
as delegates from Harare kept hurling insults at him.
In an interview
after his victory, Dr Madhuku denied claims that he had manipulated the
constitution to cling on to power, saying:
"The allegations that I
manipulated the constitution are not true. The suggestions to amend the
constitution came from the people and, as you saw on your own, 744 delegates
voted for the adoption of the amendments.
"You see, to some of us, the
idea was not the amendment of the constitution. This was a strategy to continue
the fight for a new democratic constitution. Someone can’t just come from
nowhere and claim to be the leader of the NCA. That’s not possible."
But
one of the founders of the NCA, Professor Welshman Ncube of the pro-Senate MDC
faction, was quoted in the media yesterday expressing disappointment over the
move by Dr Madhuku.
He said: "What is going on in the NCA (amending
constitution) is not what we wanted to have when we formed it . . . As one of
the founding leaders of the NCA, I am totally dismayed that the leadership is
refusing to hand over power to a third generation under the guise of having been
asked by the people not to step down."
Mr Douglas Mwonzora, the former
vice-chairperson who reports say had expressed interest to contest for the
chairmanship post, left the meeting as soon as the elections started.
Mr
George Mkwananzi was later elected as the deputy chairperson of the
organisation.
The chaos that happened just before the elections did not
come as a surprise because from the onset, there were some drunken members that
frequently interrupted proceedings.
At one point when Dr Madhuku was
still chairing the meeting, one of the drunk members walked into the tent and,
with everyone following proceedings quietly, the member said: "Dr Madhuku,
ndeipi? (How are you?")
This same member, without the chairman’s order,
later grabbed a microphone from one of the unsuspecting ushers and left the
delegates in stitches as he made incoherent contributions.
Seated right
in front of all the delegates was another drunken member who had soiled his
pants and kept on interrupting proceedings by making unnecessary noisy
interjections.
Source : Sunday Mail
Zimbabwe has been afflicted with the terrible disease of endemic
violence
for over 150 years. Violence was used by Lobengula to suppress the
Shona.
It was used to colonise and after that to maintain minority rule; to
overthrow white supremacy and, after Independence in 1980, to crush any
possibility of legitimate political opposition.
The consequences of
violence have been compounded by the flourishing culture
of impunity. Those
who commit horrendous crimes are not brought to book but
prosper through
their actions. It is now deeply imbedded in our national
psyche that
political violence is acceptable and thus a norm. This inhibits
economic
development and creates terrible social problems.
What attracted me to
the Movement for Democratic Change, from the beginning
was its commitment to
break this vicious cycle of violence and impunity by
strictly adhering to
non-violent means in pursuit of its political
objectives. This was in sharp
and welcome contrast to the governing Zanu
(PF)’s promotion and
glorification of violence, impunity and lawlessness.
So the attempt by
some MDC youth to murder our Director for Security, Peter
Guhu, in September
2004 at the Harvest House headquarters was deeply
shocking. Even worse were
subsequent revelations that senior ranking MDC
officials were either
involved or sympathetic to the youths.
Any predisposition to violence
can be controlled only by the manner in
which it is handled by leaders. If
not decisively dealt with, a culture of
impunity develops and violence
perpetuates itself even within bodies such as
the MDC.
This is
precisely what happened. Those responsible for violence were not
disciplined and the same youths were used to seriously assault MDC staff
members in May 2005. Whilst these youths were expelled and one senior staff
member dismissed in June 2005 the architects of the violence were not
disciplined. At the next meeting of the National Executive on the 15th July
2005 I tabled a statement emphasizing that this violence constituted “the
most serious assault on the credibility of the MDC since it was established
in September 1999 …. Our commitment to nonviolence is so fundamental that
extraordinary measures need to be taken in dealing with this scourge. If we
do not send out a clear and unequivocal message to Zimbabweans in general
and in particular to our own members and staff that violence will not be
tolerated then we will simply reduce the standing of the MDC to that of …
Zanu PF”.
But the party lurched forward to what became known as the
Senate issue with
these serious issues unresolved. It soon emerged that
some complicit in
violence were organizing teams to intimidate Provincial
committees to vote
against participation in the senate. So, for example,
Manicaland, a
Province inclined against participation instructed their
delegation to vote
for participation in a direct reaction against
intimidation. Eventually
the vote to participate or not in the senatorial
elections had little to do
with the elections as such, and more to do with
the philosophy of the MDC.
I then suggested to Morgan Tsvangirai and
other MDC leaders that an
independent commission of enquiry into all
allegations of intra party
violence be established and was eventually
informed that Tsvangirai wanted
me to chair such a commission. It was
particularly poignant that on the
very evening after I discussed the issue
with Tsvangirai a supporter of his
faction, Bekithemba Nyathi, was seriously
injured by youths from the so
called pro senate faction. This again
demonstrated how imperative was
action and on the 8th December 2005 I
compiled and presented terms of
reference of such a commission in which I
recommended that “in cases where
(it is found) that a member has been
involved in violent acts directly or
indirectly…. the National Council shall
immediately refer the case to the
Disciplinary Committee and request the
Chairperson of the DC to suspend the
member….The commission shall endeavour
to complete its work before the party’s
congress and any person found…to be
involved in violence shall be barred
from contesting for office at the
congress”.
My proposals became a dead letter. In a meeting last January
Tsvangirai
made it clear that he was not interested in pursuing the
proposal. The
reconciliation I had worked for between the two factions
became impossible.
The subsequent “amicable divorce” alternative which I
thereafter pursued
also now seems impossible.
The two factions’
Congresses have now come and gone with neither congress
addressing the issue
of violence. Furthermore, the youths and a senior
staff member responsible
for violence at Harvest House have been re-employed
by the Tsvangirai
faction; senior members of the National Executive and MPs
implicated in the
Harvest House violence have all been elected to the
national Executive and
some are on the new Management Committee of the
Tsvangirai faction. Senior
members of staff implicated in the Harvest House
violence have retained
their positions and there has been no rebuttal of the
statement by the
Tsvangirai faction Chairman of Harare Province Morgan Femai
that “before we
remove Zanu PF we will stamp them (the Mutambara faction)
out.” Indeed the
Tsvangirai faction’s winning candidate in the Budiriro
by-election is one of
the very people accused of being implicated in the
Harvest House violence
and suspended for two years by the MDC at its 25th
June 2005 National
Council meeting.
While the Tsvangirai faction has shown no inclination to
deal with violence
it seems to me that the Mutambara faction is at least
prepared to set up an
independent commission into this curse, to engage in
mediation, and has not
shielded their youth from criminal charges following
violence.
Some may consider my concern about violence as trivial. I beg
to differ.
If Zimbabwe is ever to become a modern, successful, democratic
state
violence must be punished. If we do not ourselves prevent those with
violent inclinations from gaining high office within the opposition they may
naturally one day assume influential positions in government where they will
have terrifying access to the levers of national power.
We have
become so accustomed to violence being used as a political weapon
that we
have lost sight of the fact that the democratic world has moved on,
eschewing such methods. We do not recognize that we are now adopting the
very same instruments as does the anti- democratic regime we oppose. We are
so consumed by the Zimbabwean catastrophe that we do not understand why we
need to take bold measures to halt this affliction in our own ranks. Our
failure to confront this problem has been the biggest single cause of the
tragic, self-destructive split in the MDC.
Non-violent methods are
the most effective in tackling this regime. Non
violence and civil
disobedience are not incompatible and disciples of non
violence are not
consequently opposed to mass action. On the contrary,
peaceful mass action
is the very reality that the Zanu Pf regime most fears.
However, leaders
with a predilection for violence are ipso facto unable to
organise peaceful
mass action successfully. Only if leaders have instilled
discipline in
their subordinates can they be confident that demonstrations
they lead will
not degenerate into mayhem. I suspect that one of the
reasons leaders have
not yet led protest marches onto the urban streets is
because they have
knowledge of, and, therefore, little confidence in the
discipline and
dedication of their followers.
The reason Zanu PF most fears the method
of non-violence is simply because
they have no knowledge of, and little
confidence in, how to handle it. The
regime’s claim to have “degrees in
violence” is no idle boast. This is the
very territory they are most
comfortable in. Their gratuitous acts of
violence since Zimbabwe’s
achievement of Independence in 1980 have not been
designed just to
intimidate. They have always also been designed to provoke
the opposition
into a physical fight. The regime desperately needs a
pretext to use all
the powers at its disposal. In addition it frantically
needs a scapegoat or
a diversion because it has no answer to the economic
catastrophe it has
created for Zimbabwe. They know their invocation of
drought and sanctions
as being responsible for a collapsing economy and a
sick and starving
population simply invites derision across the land, into
the region, across
the African continent and abroad. Thus if Zimbabwe is
enticed into
descending into a bloodbath this could be a welcome diversion
for the
present regime.
Leadership is ultimately about taking responsibility for
the welfare of
others. Good leaders are obliged to ensure that people who
repose faith in
them are not unnecessarily endangered. If a political
leader is privy to
information on facts that could be harmful to followers,
facts the followers
themselves may not have, that leader has a
responsibility to warn of
potential danger. Whilst leaders obviously must
respect the thinking and
desires of their constituents, when it is known
that any beliefs are based
on falsehoods, misconceptions and propaganda,
leaders have a responsibility
to sound the alarm. They cannot just act
like lemmings and hurtle with
their followers over the cliffs simply because
an apparent majority of
others are doing so.
If leaders learn that an
organisation their supporters have placed faith in
has serious flaws they
must expose this and they must also act to correct
those flaws. It is
within this context that I know I would do a disservice
to people who had
faith in, and therefore elected, me as their
representative to Parliament
were I to be part of an organisation that has
not acted to root out violence
within its own ranks.
I believe I have a profound responsibility within
and beyond my physical
constituency to all those who long for a new
beginning for Zimbabwe and for
an end to the long and desolate nightmare of
fascist rule in our country.
Until leaders take a stand to break the cycle
of violence and impunity in
Zimbabwe no meaningful and long term solutions
will be found to the crisis
Zimbabwe finds itself in today. To the best of
my ability I shall act
accordingly.
David Coltart
MP
Bulawayo
23rd May 2006
NOTE : This article is a précis of a more
detailed article posted by David
Coltart on his web site www.davidcoltart.com
By Mohammed A. R. Galadari
khaleejtimes.com
29 May 2006
AFRICA’S problems are its
leaders. On the one side, they mess up with the process of governance; on the
other, they are in the forefront of corruption. Together, this is a lethal
combination. No wonder, despite Independence, many nations are on a downhill
ride and the people are languishing in poverty and diseases.
Dear readers,
what has happened to Zimbabwe is only one example of the drift from bad to worse
that has become the hallmark of governance in Africa. Robert Mugabe is the
unquestioned leader of Zimbabwe for over a quarter of a century. He has a large
majority in parliament. His long innings in power should have given him a
supreme confidence in himself and the country he is presiding over. But, his
priority today is not to improve the economy, but to curtail the freedom of the
people, as is seen from the bill on snooping that he has introduced in
parliament this week.
The bill would give the government the authority to
monitor telephone calls and open private mails-- actions that are seen as
anti-people, and without any justification, given the situations there.
Zimbabwe's problem is its failed economy. More people are in poverty, and the
farm sector, once the mainstay of the economy, is in disarray. But, the
government is more interested in curtailing people's freedom.
If Africa has
to reinvent itself and progress, the effort on the part of Mugabe and others
should be to strengthen the systems and rein in the spectre of corruption and
ineptness. Reports from the continent in this respect are, however,
disheartening. For instance, an attempt by African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM)
to open government to closer scrutiny and make them more accountable, met with
good response from the governments in countries like Mauritius and Botswana, but
was cold-shouldered by the likes of Zimbabwe and Swaziland. This was despite the
fact that it was a major AU initiative.
How would nations progress when
corruption is at its height? Assessments are that an estimated $140billion of
the continent's wealth was stolen and stashed abroad by corrupt dispensations.
They find safe havens in foreign banks, and chances of their recovery are slim,
also because of the lack of political will on the part of the leaderships.
The pictures that emerge from Africa are grim. "From Niger in the west to
Lesotho in the south, millions have endured food shortages due to drought and
crop failure last year, while some 6 million people were reported to be on the
brink of starvation in the Horn of Africa", said reports earlier this year. Add
to this the killings of millions in civil wars and cross-border violence in
recent years in Sudan and elsewhere; or the large numbers who die of diseases
like Aids. Aids killed 2.3 million people in the continent, as per statistics in
a single year in 2004; and malaria kills a child every 30 seconds.
Africa's
poor development is reflected in the fact that, while the continent is home to
10 percent of the world population, it accounts for less than 1.5 percent of the
world trade. Contrast this with its seven percent share in the 1950s. If not
much is going to Africa by way of investments, it is understandable. Who would
do that when the systems are not strong, safety is at risk and corruption is
unbridled.
Dear readers, if Africa must reinvent itself, it must modernize
its systems and make it compatible with the systems of the developed world.
Which is where it must require expertise from the developed world. More than the
funds, it is expertise that will help Africa in the long run. Senior leaders
like Mügabe must take the lead in these respects, rather than wasting time on
matter like the bill on snooping.
Readers’ response may be forwarded to
marg@khaleejtimes.com
May 29, 2006, 5 hours, 3 minutes
and 41 seconds ago.
By Andnetwork .com
ZIMBABWE’S electoral
laws should be amended to provide for the easy registration of political parties
in order to give them a legal basis for existence and to discourage the
emergence of "rogue parties".
This is contained in
recommendations made by the former Electoral Supervisory Commission (ESC) in its
2005 Senate elections and Gutu North parliamentary by-election report that has
been presented in the House of Assembly.
The report was tabled in the
House by Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs Minister Cde Patrick Chinamasa
on Tuesday last week. The ESC has since been merged with the Zimbabwe Electoral
Commission (ZEC) to form a single body in charge of elections in line with the
Southern African Development Community (Sadc) guidelines and principles
governing the conduct of democratic elections.
In its report, the ESC
noted that the current electoral laws did not provide for the registration of
political parties, leading to the emergence of "nondescript small parties with
little content and no standing, let alone sustainability".
"The ESC
recommends amendment to the electoral laws to provide for the registration of
political parties by the ZEC after payment of a registration fee. "Such
registration is important in that it discourages the emergence of rogue
parties," it said. Currently, political parties are registered as voluntary
organisations.
The registration of political parties, the ESC said,
would act as confirmation as to whether the parties had a national outlokk and
attributes leading to national unity and peace. Furthermore, registration
ensures accountability in regard of every party’s activities and funds at its
disposal, thereby allowing for audits.
"Registration ensures observance
of national security. The State can carry out investigations to ascertain the
party’s intentions and hence be aware of any planned State sabotage," said the
ESC. The commission said registration of political parties would also facilitate
transparency in funding as conditions for disclosure could be enshrined in the
party’s constitution, manifesto, traceable addresses and proof of the source of
funding.
The Political Parties Finance Act forbids local parties from
receiving foreign funding. Turning to voters, the ESC attributed the apathy
experienced during the polls to lack of voter education. The commission
recommended that all stakeholders, including political parties and ZEC, should
play an important role in educating the electorate.
Civic and voter
education, the ESC said, should be legislated as this engendered patriotism,
enlightened the electorate as well as instilling a sense of nationhood as an
obligation to citizens. Commenting on the coverage of the elections by both the
public and private media, the ESC said the reporting was less polarised compared
to the 2005 parliamentary polls.
However, it said there was still room
for improvement in objective reporting by the media. The ESC concluded that
after taking into consideration Zimbabwe’s electoral laws, level of compliance
with the Sadc guidelines governing the conduct of democratic elections and the
peaceful environment, the polls were free and fair.
The elections were
also declared free and fair by local and regional observers that included the
African Union, Sadc Electoral Commissions Forum and Common Market for Eastern
and Southern Africa (Comesa). In the Senate elections, Zanu-PF won 43 seats, 19
of them unopposed, while the MDC got seven seats.
The Upper House is
composed of 66 members of which 50 are elected through the common voters’ roll,
with eight chiefs elected by the provincial assemblies plus the president of the
Chiefs Council and his deputy. The remaining six members are appointed by the
President to represent special interest groups such as the
disabled.
Source: Sunday Mail
May 29, 2006, 3 hours, 7 minutes and 18 seconds ago.
By
Andnetwork .com
Zimbabwe (AND) The Zimbabwean authorities have tortured
accomplices of the Zimbabwe National Students Union president, Promise
Mkwananzi, in the hopes of determining his wereabouts.
The Zimbabwe
Republic Police (ZRP) are searching for the current Zimbabwe National Students
Union (ZINASU) President, Promise Mkwananzi "dead, alive or decomposing" for the
alleged crime of inciting students to burn down Bindura State University earlier
this month.
The Bindura Police Station is said to have placed a notice
ordering the arrest of the ZINASU president whether ‘dead, alive or
decomposing’.
"As for Promise [Mkwananzi], they are really going to kill him
if the manage to get their hands on him. It surprising, there is a notice on
their walls calling for the arrest of him dead, alive or decomposing. They
tortured me for several hours demanding that I have to disclose his
whereabouts," said Tinei Mkwena, a fellow co-accused.
Promise is accused
of addressing students at Bindura State University before the institution’s
Department of Commerce block was burnt down by students reacting to the massive
fee hikes effected on the 10th of February 2006.
He faces the charges
together with Tinei Mkwena and one Chari.
Mkwena was arrested by the
police on Tuesday 23 May by the police at the University of Zimbabwe (UZ). He
spent two days at Harare Central prison, where his lawyer, Andrew Muchadehama,
confirmed he was tortured by Assistant Inspector Mhondoro. He spent the other
two days at Bindura police station, where the police electrocuted him, demanding
information on where Mkwananzi is hiding.
"In Bindura, a guy for the
president’s Office threatened to kill me because Im not yet as popular as
Promise is. He then electrocuted me using a welding machine. They kept on
beating me up until I started bleeding profusely. I started to hear Promise’s
name fading off before passing out," explained Mkwena
AND managed to
interview Promise Mkwananzi and asked him what his response was to the police’s
threats on his life.
“Police must not deviate from its core business of
searching for criminals who are walking free in the various streets of Zimbabwe.
Why are they after me? All the students and myself are doing is simply
registering our anger over the barbaric action by the state of hiking the fees
by more than 1000% and the suspension of student payouts” he said.
Asked how
long he intended on staying in hiding, he said “I have just been informed that
they [have] advertised in the press that they are looking for me. I was not
hiding but seeking legal action from my lawyers. I am going to submit myself to
Harare Central Police Station on Monday [29th of May 2006].
“I was
elected on the 4th 0f May 2006 as the president of ZINASU to do what I am doing
for them. Exile is not an option, its like selling out the ideals of the
student’s movement. Basically it’s the police’s culture of torturing people and
I have to dance to the music”.
By Tabani Moyo
Zimbabwe (AND)
May 29, 2006, 24 minutes and 39
seconds ago.
By Andnetwork .com
Johannesburg (AND) “What will I
do with the land, if I don’t have the money to farm?” asked Samson Ratabala. The
63 year old believes that land without financial assistance, will not benefit
South Africa.
27 500 farm workers have already lost jobs in the last
three months; they fear the on-going land reform will further expose them to
poverty if the government does support them.
Ratabala has been working on
farms in and around Limpopo since 1958, after only completing his standard two
(grade four). The husband to two wives and 15 children, the youngest eight years
old and the oldest in his 40’s, is one of the many farm workers in South Africa
who believes the land reform process is useless unless government support is
substantial.
Born in 1943, Ratabala, like many other farm workers his entire
life has revolved around farms in the Tzaneen area. He started work on his first
farm in 1958 when he was just 15 years old, planting mangoes and papaws.
Ratabala proudly told African News Dimension (AND) that he drove one of the
first tractors in South Africa in 1959.
Samson’s family lived on a
particular piece of land their entire lives, and it was there Samson eventually
buried his mother, father, three brothers, and another three relatives. In order
to claim land in South Africa, one must be able to prove in some way that your
tribe or family lived on that particular piece of land in the past.
Samson
has more than enough evidence for him to claim his family’s piece of land, yet
believes that working together with the current land owner would be more
productive to all involved. “I just want my little bit of land to farm on, he
[the farmer] has his piece of land, and we work together. “Money if one of the
biggest problems, government is not giving me anything. “What am I supposed to
do with land if I can’t do anything with it?”
Speaking to AND, some of the
farm workers believe that the land claims are causing workers to lose their
jobs, and that those who claim land are also bringing hunger with them. Ratabala
said he can’t go to the bank for a loan because he knows he can’t pay it back.
He said, “The stupid man will go loan from the bank, but not me”. He explained
that the money which he gets goes towards soap, food and school fees. Ratabala
says that one needs to be careful with money and should budget for the
unexpected.
Due to the land restitution process that took place in Zimbabwe,
thousands of the Zimbabweans have jumped the border to find employment in
Limpopo. Ratabala and many others have seen the suffering of Zimbabweans and do
not wish to be in their position. Jenke Nagel, attorney representing 10% of the
claimants, told AND that the legal framework for land claims has created a
bottle-neck resulting in continuous frustration from both parties that could
reproduce the Zimbabwe debacle.
South Africa’s land claims commission has a
national budget of 3.3 billion, which is considerably less than the 20 billion
budgeted for Gautrain, a provincial project. Considering the importance placed
on land restitution by government, Nagel believes that the contrasting budgets
of the two projects, signifies hypocrisy from the government.
Johannesburg
Bureau
IOL
Reuters
May 29 2006 at
09:19AM
Graham Rae says he will never go back to Zimbabwe - even if it
meant getting
his land back.
Rae, 48, who now lives in neighbouring
Zambia, is one of several hundred
white farmers who fled Zimbabwe because of
President Robert Mugabe's
campaign to redistribute white-owned farms to
landless blacks.
"I have no intentions of returning to Zimbabwe," said
Rae when asked whether
he would consider a reported offer by Mugabe's
administration to allow white
farmers to submit applications to run farms
under new 99-year leases.
Rae said militants from Mugabe's Zanu-PF party
tried to kill him before he
left in 2001.
"They planned to
cut off my head because they said I was a serpent," said
the farmer, who
owned a 1 100ha farm near Bindura in the north-east.
Rae, his wife
Bernadine and their three children fled under cover of night
after a tip-off
that he could be killed.
Now they live on Penyaonse Farm, perched on a
hilltop north-east of Zambia's
capital, Lusaka.
Land remains an
emotive issue across southern Africa, where despite the end
of colonialism
and apartheid huge ownership imbalances remain with much land
still in white
hands.
In Zimbabwe, once one of Africa's most promising economies, the
government
launched a programme of land seizures in 2000, stripping white
farmers of
their property in a move critics said was partly responsible for
the near
total collapse of the once thriving commercial agriculture
sector.
As Zimbabwe declines, its neighbour Zambia has begun to prosper,
and
authorities say the 300 Zimbabwean farmers who have arrived since 2000
have
played a role.
Rae takes pride in being part of efforts to
expand Zambia's agriculture
sector.
"Since the arrival of the farmers
from Zimbabwe, tobacco output has
increased significantly and more jobs have
been created," says Jewette
Masinja, the head of the Tobacco Association of
Zambia.
Masinja said the farmers had also introduced new farming methods
and
improved soils to enhance yields.
Farm experts say the new
arrivals have helped boost Zambia's total white
maize output to 1,2-million
tons this year from 860 000 last year.
This article was originally
published on page 7 of Pretoria News on May 29,
2006
Mail & Guardian
Harare,
Zimbabwe
29 May 2006 10:52
Zimbabwe and Equatorial Guinea signed
an agreement that will see the two
countries trading energy resources,
Zimbabwean radio reported on Monday.
But the authorities stressed it was
a "purely commercial agreement" and
there was no indication that the deal
might involve the extradition of Simon
Mann, a Briton currently imprisoned
in Zimbabwe over a foiled bid to topple
the government of Equatorial
Guinea.
"Equatorial Guinea and Zimbabwe have signed a purely commercial
agreement
for energy resources, to be bought and sold at market rates," the
report
said without giving details of when the agreement was
signed.
Ties between Harare and Malabo were cemented two years ago when
70 suspected
mercenaries led by Mann were captured at Harare International
Airport,
allegedly on their way to topple the government of President
Teodoro Obiang
Nguema.
Two weeks ago, Equatorial Guinea's Attorney
General, Jose Olo Obono was
quoted as saying Zimbabwe had agreed to
extradite Mann within the next two
months. Zimbabwe's attorney general
claimed to have no knowledge of the
deal.
The deal with Harare "is a
public, fair and legal transaction between two
sovereign countries trading a
global commodity", the report quoted a senior
mines official from Equatorial
Guinea as saying.
Equatorial Guinea is one of Africa's key producers of
crude oil. Zimbabwe
suffers from perennial fuel shortages, but has no
capacity to refine crude
oil.
The radio said that the energy
agreement signed with Malabo "comes at a
convenient time when the country
[Zimbabwe] is on an economic recovery
path". - Sapa-DPA
- May 24,
2006
Email: jag@mango.zw: justiceforagriculture@zol.co.zw
--------------------------------------------------------------------------
THANKS
FROM THE JAG TEAM
Many thanks to all those who have completed their
Damages Survey Forms and returned them to this office it is much appreciated by
the JAG Trustee’s. For those of you having difficulties with this Survey please
contact the JAG office on telephone no 799410 or email direct to request a more
user friendly electronic version or for advice and help. For those farmers who
never received the forms, likewise please request through email from the JAG
office. For those farmers not on email, hard copy versions are available
through the JAG office for collection.
The collection and compilation of
data from the Survey has started and is going well. We would like to press on
with this Survey initiative for advocacy and lobbying purposes as soon as
possible, we are beginning to generate reports and we need to get a good
percentage return from you to improve our credibility and statistical base for
extrapolation purposes.
Please send a few moments filling the Survey
Form in this week if you have not already done so.
Thank you all
The JAG Team
Cape Argus
May 29,
2006
Veteran Zimbabwean opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai yesterday
accused South Africa of preferring stability to democratic change in a
repressive Zimbabwe.
"I see South Africa pursuing a policy of pursuing
stability rather than democracy and, in that case, they are very suspicious
about any change of government," Tsvangirai told BBC television in its London
studios.
Tsvangirai, who heads the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
party, added that President Thabo Mbeki's government had relied on the United
Nations after accepting that "quiet diplomacy" has failed to produce
results.
However, he said, the UN approach may now be "dead in the water"
after Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe poured cold water last Thursday on an
initiative from UN secretary-general Kofi Annan.
A senior UN
official, Ibrahim Gambari, said in New York on Wednesday that it was premature
to talk about a UN plan that would involve Mugabe's departure, as Mbeki backed a
planned visit to Zimbabwe by Annan.
Tsvangirai said the people of
Zimbabwe would pursue mass civil disobedience after their disappointment with
recent elections, that he said were tarnished by fraud.
"The people are
determined to confront the regime," he said.
"They are prepared to take a
step further than just go for elections because of the electoral fraud that
we've experienced. That involves the mobilisation of the people." - Sapa-AFP
The Age, Melbourne
May 30,
2006 - 7:59AM
AdvertisementAdvertisement
South Africa ruled out
imposing "smart" sanctions against neighbouring Zimbabwe, saying similar
measures taken by the European Union had not brought any results, a top minister
said.
South African Foreign Minister Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma told parliament
the issues in Zimbabwe remained a challenge but reiterated that it was up to the
people of that country to solve its problems.
Asked if South Africa should
not take stronger action, such as targeted sanctions against Zimbabwean
President Robert Mugabe's government, she said those imposed by the EU had
failed.
"It may not be a very useful tool to use right now because it doesn't
seem to be yielding results, even in the hands of the most powerful block in the
world," Dlamini Zuma said.
The United States and the EU have imposed travel
and business restrictions against Mugabe and other top government
officials.
Zimbabwe's worst economic crisis since independence in 1980 has
been blamed on the policies of Mugabe and the ruling ZANU-PF. The long-standing
ruler has also been accused of human rights violations and rigging elections to
stay in power.
The veteran Zimbabwean leader denies allegations of repression
and mismanagement, and in turn accuses domestic and Western opponents of
demonising him and sabotaging the economy over his seizures of white-owned
farms.
Dlamini Zuma said no one could force Zimbabwe to change its
policies.
"There is a problem, there is a challenge but I do not have all the
answers about how to solve Zimbabwe. I think equally none of us has all the
answers. The answers do lie in the Zimbabweans' hands," she said.
"Even if we
wanted Zimbabwe to go this way, I don't think we have a tool of forcing them to
go that way."
Critics say South African President Thabo Mbeki's policy of
"quiet diplomacy" towards Mugabe has failed, and have urged the government to
take stronger measures.
© 2006 Reuters
FROM THE ZIMBABWE VIGIL
Scores of Vigil supporters from all over the UK turned out for the
MDC-UK’s London meeting for MDC President, Morgan Tsvangirai on Sunday,
following hard on a meeting he addressed in Leeds on Saturday. It made Vigil
Co-ordinator Dumi’s day when he was greeted by the MDC Secretary-General Tendai
Biti with “You must be Dumi of the Vigil”. No doubt he had seen pictures in the
Zimbabwean of Dumi’s exuberant dancing. Another Vigil Co-ordiinator Rose was
delighted to be remembered by Mr Tsvangirai from the last meeting she helped
arrange for him at the Friends’ Meeting Housing in London in November 2004. By
the time Mr Tsvangirai gave his address the hall was full of expectant faces,
warmed up by the singing and dancing and drumming on the stage led by Patson.
Mr Tsvangirai spoke about the MDC’s recently unveiled Road Map aimed at
resolving the Zimbabwe crisis. The message was that Mugabe must be forced to
the negotiating table for talks about a transitional authority, a new
constitution and free and fair elections. For details see Mr Tsvangirai’s
London press conference statement of 26th May, weblink:
http://www.swradioafrica.com/pages/savezim.htm. He said it would not be enough
to replace Mugabe with Tsvangirai; a complete political transformation was
required with the pillars of repression dismantled. “If Tsvangirai has to die
for Zimbabwe let him be the sacrificial lamb. Nothing is as important as
freedom,” he declared. The MDC leader urged an intensified isolation of the
Mugabe regime and was puzzled by South Africa’s attitude. He said South Africa
must do more to resolve the Zimbabwe crisis and he was going see President Mbeki
to discuss this. Mr Tsvangirai indicated that he was disappointed at the
failure of Zimbabweans in the diaspora to rally more strongly behind
demonstrations such as those organised by the Vigil. “You must contribute,” he
urged, “after all you are part of the struggle”.
The meeting was also
addressed by Mr Biti, who gave an eloquent and comprehensive account of the
situation facing the party, and by Grace Kwinjeh, the Deputy Secretary for
International Affairs, and Elton Mangoma, the Deputy Treasurer General. Key
messages were “If your house is on fire you expect you neighbours to help” and
“Our neighbours are putting up fences as if we are game animals to be kept
out”.
As always it was difficult to get people out of the venue when the
time expired and groups of Zimbabweans could be seen gathering in the area for
hours afterwards discussing the meeting. We are pleased to say that Vigil
supporters helped to make this meeting possible, particularly Addley (who got up
at 5.00 to cook sadza) and her team of helpers: Jane, Elena, Lynn, Valerie and
Wendy; Wiz and Pauline who organised the other refreshments, Moses who was in
charge of ushering, Harris who co-ordinated the food arrangements, (and to Mike
who rescued Mr Tsvangirai’s lost lunch!) Special thanks to Isau and Maria who
missed everything to go and buy presents for our guests.
We have been
asked to pass on a message from Ephraim Tapa, Chair of MDC Central London Branch
who hosted the meeting. “My heartfelt thanks to all those who made this rally a
resounding success and all the branches in southern region and those who came to
support the event from the midlands and northern region. I hope our spirit of
togetherness lives to be seen in future events.”
It was a meeting for all
Zimbabweans and it ended with a great feeling of solidarity and confidence in
the ability of Zimbabweans to deal with whatever is thrown at them.
For
pictures of the rally plus latest Vigil pictures:
http://uk.msnusers.com/ZimbabweVigil/shoebox.msnw.
For Morgan
Tsvangirai’s interview with Andrew Marr (28th May 2006) on BBC Sunday AM, check:
http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/programmes/how_euro_are_you/5024890.stm
Vigil
co-ordinator
The Vigil, outside the Zimbabwe Embassy, 429 Strand, London,
takes place every Saturday from 14.00 to 18.00 to protest against gross
violations of human rights by the current regime in Zimbabwe. The Vigil which
started in October 2002 will continue until internationally-monitored, free and
fair elections are held in Zimbabwe. http://www.zimvigil.co.uk
[ This report does not
necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations]
© IRIN
High
inflation has made essentials unaffordable
HARARE, 29 May 2006 (IRIN) - Cash
shortages have returned to haunt Zimbabweans. Banks started rationing money on
Friday, allowing clients to withdraw only Zim$5 million (about US$49) to avert
crowd trouble, but most ran out of mint-print, prompting desperate clients to
form overnight queues outside.
Last month the government awarded civil
servants hefty salary increases after the opposition Movement for Democratic
Change urged them to join planned future demonstrations. Official sources said
the recent 150 percent pay rise for soldiers, teachers, policemen and nurses had
put a strain on money supply.
Reserve Bank officials told IRIN that plans
to print about Zim$60 trillion (about US$592.9 million) were briefly delayed
after the government failed to secure foreign currency to buy ink and special
paper for printing money.
Inflation has shot to 1,042 percent and is
still climbing as the economic meltdown continues, putting Zimbabwe's rapidly
dwindling working class in an ever more precarious position. Cash shortages were
last experienced in 2003 and only ended after the introduction of high-
denomination bearer cheques.
One bank manager told IRIN: "We don't have
enough money. The best we can do is to share the little money that is there
among our clients," but added quietly, "As the manager I can use my discretion
and assist genuinely desperate cases."
However, his voice was not low
enough and he was immediately surrounded by more than 20 people. "I need to pay
$40 million [US$395] at the hospital, $5 million [US$49] is of no use to me,"
pleaded one man.
Another in his late 20s was equally desperate. "I need
to withdraw $200 million [about US$1,976] by Saturday to pay the bridal price
for my girlfriend, but at $5 million [US$49] a day I will not have enough money
on the day," he lamented.
The manager, sweating profusely, escaped to the
safety of another office.
Margaret Phiri, 36, who teaches at a school
70km east of the capital, was equally devastated.
"I had borrowed a total
of $6 million [US$59] from friends and I was supposed to pay them back this week
after getting my salary from the bank, but as things stand now I am in trouble
because those people expect me to bring them their money, while I also need to
get money to sustain myself," she said.
A soldier who refused to identify
himself could not hide his frustration. "What do you think I will do with this
$5 million[US$49]? It cannot buy much. I usually withdraw all my salary at once,
but now I am being given the burden of coming to the bank again for more
withdrawals," he complained.
The soldier was followed by murmurs of: "The
government has failed," and "This is a sign of poor economic
management."
It took a long wait on the sidewalk in a temperature of 25
degrees centigrade before Given Maramba, a Harare resident, reached the bank
teller. "You really need nerves of steel to endure the torture of those queues -
I queued for a solid three hours before I was finally served," he said,
brandishing a wad of notes.
Reuters South
Africa
http://za.today.reuters.com/news/NewsArticle.aspx?type=topNews&storyID=2006-05-29T161927Z_01_BAN958768_RTRIDST_0_OZATP-SAFRICA-ZIMBABWE-20060529.XML
Mon May 29, 2006 4:01 PM
GMT
By Stella Mapenzauswa
HARARE (Reuters) - Zimbabwe's bourse
entered a second week of paralysis on Monday, losing the government billions of
dollars in revenue, as stock-brokers and tax authorities bickered over a
contentious levy traders say would bankrupt them.
The Zimbabwe Stock
Exchange (ZSE) suspended trade last week after the Zimbabwe Revenue Authority
(ZIMRA) demanded that stockbrokers pay value added tax (VAT) backdated to 2004,
prompting an outcry from investors and broking firms who said the amounts
involved would force them to shut down.
"There's no progress yet and
there was no trading today. Brokers' representatives are expected to hold a
meeting with the finance ministry today," an official at the stock exchange told
Reuters, declining to give further details.
ZSE Chief Executive Emmanuel
Munyukwi was not immediately available for comment on Monday, but has in the
past insisted that brokers are exempt from paying the 15 percent VAT under
Zimbabwe law.
The stalemate has lost President Robert Mugabe's
cash-strapped government billions of Zimbabwean dollars in stamp duty and other
tax revenue amounting to seven percent of the value of all trades.
"I
would say on a daily basis we are looking at the government raking in about Z$10
billion in revenue from the stock exchange on a good day," one broker told
Reuters.
The 80-counter strong bourse, southern Africa's second largest
after South Africa, has thrived in recent years in defiance of an 8 year
economic recession. ZSE statistics show that 4.6 trillion local dollars worth of
shares were traded on the exchange in April.
Last August a stalemate over
a 10 percent withholding tax on all shares stopped business on the bourse for
over a week, forcing the government to halve the levy.
In an editorial on
Monday, the state-controlled Herald newspaper urged finance authorities and
brokers to find a resolution to the dispute, which it said was hurting the
economy and had resulted from "a lack of clarity on issues to do with the tax
law governing stock market transactions".
"By allowing it (the impasse)
to drag on, it will scare away investors and does not augur well for our
economy," the paper said. Zimra has not collected any stamp duty or withholding
tax, while stockbrokers have lost on commission."
© Reuters 2006.
All Rights Reserved.
|
London & Washington 26 May 2006 |
Following Harare's rejection of a proposed United Nations intervention in the country's long-running political and economic crisis, a leading figure in Zimbabwe's opposition said he wishes the U.N. and the international community would expand their roles.
Morgan Tsvangirai, founding president of the Movement for Democratic Change, told reporters at a news conference at Britain's House of Commons, says not only the U.N. and the West, but other Southern African nations should become more involved.
Correspondent Sandra Nyaira of VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe reported from London.
Meanwhile, the Zimbabwean state-controlled Herald newspaper quoted presidential spokesman George Charamba as saying Harare would rather engage diplomatically with Britain than the U.N. President Mugabe's director for public affairs, William Nhara, said U.N. Secretary Kofi Annan had no business in Zimbabwe whereas Great Britain had a historic role as former colonizer and outstanding obligations to Harare.
At Zimbabwean independence in 1980, Britain pledged to fund the reimbursement of white farmers whose land might be redistributed to blacks, but later ceased financing the program citing mismanagement and misuse of funds. Since then, Harare has accused the British government of reneging on its financial commitment.
Development and governance expert Ross Herbert of the South African Institute of International Affairs told reporter Blessing Zulu of VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe that he believes South African President Mbeki is getting frustrated with Harare.
African News Dimension, South Africa
http://www.andnetwork.com/index?service=direct/0/Home/recent.titleStory&sp=l36473
May 28, 2006, 19 hours, 38 minutes
and 39 seconds ago.
By ANDnetwork .com
The Government of
Zimbabwe plans to increase the country's police force from the current 23 000 to
about 50 000 and the Ministry of Home Affairs has already received $15 trillion
to finance the operations of the force.
The Ministry of Home Affairs
had applied for about $21 trillion to finance the operations of all its
departments, to ensure a successful policing of the nation, but only $15
trillion was released.
Speaking during the tour of Hwange Police Station in
Matabeleland North province, the Minister of Home Affairs, Cde Kembo Mohadi,
said part of the allocated $15 trillion would be used to improve and strengthen
the police force.
"We have since sought for $15 trillion (from the
Government) for the upkeep of officers and 100 percent expansion of the force
through recruitment of officers," Cde Mohadi said.
He said that for the
police force to fully combat all forms of crime, including high profile ones in
the country, there was need to meet the internationally accepted police
officers-people ratio.
Cde Mohadi embarked on a tour of all police stations,
immigration offices and Registrar General offices in Matabeleland North province
last week.
His tour started with immigration offices, police stations and
registry offices in Victoria Falls on Wednesday. On Thursday, Cde Mohadi visited
Kazungula immigration offices, the horn of the country where Zambia, Zimbabwe,
Botswana and Namibia meet, before proceeding to Kazungula Police Station.
The deputy national police spokesperson, Chief Superintendent Oliver
Mandipaka yesterday said Zimbabwe's force was short-staffed as it stood at
slightly above 23 000. He said the recommended police to people ratio
internationally was 1:500 yet in Zimbabwe, the figure stood at around 1:2 000.
"The recruitment of police officers is an on-going process and I cannot
disclose when it will close. We are just recruiting as long one comes with the
appropriate qualifications, proof of identity and other necessary details.
Normally, the standard ratio recommended is one police officer to 500 people and
in Zimbabwe the ratio stands at 1:2 000 or more, which serves to tell that the
police are being out-numbered by the people," said Chief Supt Mandipaka.
According to latest census figures, Zimbabwe's population is pegged at
around 12 million.
The inadequate number of law enforcers in the country has
resulted in massive workload and ineffective carrying out of duties by the
depleted force, resulting in numerous crimes and criminals going undetected
especially in small towns and growth points.
Cde Mohadi said part of the
funding would go towards the purchase of high-powered vehicles and other
equipment, a move aimed at improving mobility and efficiency in carrying out of
duties. He said that there was need for the force to broker a deal with a
reputable car manufacturer for the purchase of reliable and durable vehicles.
He, however, could not disclose how many cars were going to be purchased
immediately to boost the current fleet the police have.
"We have noticed
that police stations throughout the country are experiencing problems of
mobility and we are looking forward to acquiring durable vehicles for the force
to carry out its duties effectively," said Cde Mohadi.
The minister,
however, hailed the force for managing to stabilise the rate of crimes despite
various difficult challenges the officers were facing that included the
unavailability of sufficient resources for the law enforcers to fully carry out
their duties.
Cde Mohadi said the force should strive to uphold their
relations and co-operation with neighbouring countries in a bid to avert the
rate of crimes committed by different nationalities.
This comes in the wake
of rampant cattle rustling and poaching activities instigated by Zambians in
Hwange over the years and cases of Zimbabweans illegally crossing borders to
South Africa and Botswana.
The disbursed funds would also enable the
Registrar General acquire stationery for passports and other modern equipment
meant to assist the department in the speed processing of identification
documents.
The department is currently facing an an acute shortage of
foreign currency to purchase material to print passports resulting in delays in
the issuing of the document. Unconfirmed reports say the Registrar General
Office has since stopped issuing out ordinary passing except emergency ones due
to shortage of materials.
On Friday, Cde Mohadi visited the Registrar
General's offices in Hwange, the local museum and ended his tour at Hwange
police station.
Deputy officer commanding Hwange District, Superintendent
Harry Musiiwa told the Minister that there were over 110 000 people in the
district against a 300 strong police force. He said the major problem the police
were facing was cattle rustling by mainly Zambians, adding that on average, 283
cases were reported every month.
"The major problem we are facing is cattle
rustling by some armed bandits who are coming from Zambia. However, the
situation is under control now because there is good response from the Zambians.
In most cases, the affected areas are Binga and Jambezi. Some people from
Zimbabwe have positively identified 30 cattle and we have managed to bring into
the country 26 and the other four could not fit in the lorry that we used.
"The other problem we face is that the villages in Zambia are widely spaced
and in some cases we fail to identify all the cattle. Some cattle have only V
brands and they can be changed to M. If we were to take the villagers to Zambia,
chances are high that we would bring in more cattle," he said.
IOL
http://www.int.iol.co.za/index.php?set_id=1&click_id=68&art_id=qw1148856127132B256
May 29 2006 at 02:41AM
Harare - Fourteen people, including three children, were killed on
Sunday in central Zimbabwe when the vehicle they were travelling in collided
with a bus, state radio reported.
"The collision occurred after the front
tyre of the bus burst, resulting in it encroaching into the opposite lane, and
ploughing into the Botswana-registered SUV carrying the 14 people," the report
said.
The bus was only carrying three people. None were injured in the
collision, which caused both vehicles to overturn, the report added.
The
accident occurred 12km outside the mining town of Kwekwe, the report
said.
The month of May has seen fatal car accidents. Two weeks ago, 35 people
were killed in a spate of accidents around the country.
Fatal road
accidents are a regular occurrence in Zimbabwe because of poor driving and lack
of vehicle maintenance. - Sapa-dpa
IOL
May 29 2006 at
09:25AM
London - Zimbabwean opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai has
lashed out at South Africa.
"I see South Africa pursuing a policy
stability rather than democracy (in Zimbabwe), and in that case, they are very
suspicious about any change of government," Tsvangirai said in London on
Sunday.
He added that the South African government was relying on the
United Nations after accepting that "quiet diplomacy" had failed to produce
results.
However, he said, the UN approach may now be "dead in the water"
after President Robert Mugabe poured cold water last week on an initiative from
UN secretary-general Kofi Annan.
Tsvangirai said the people of Zimbabwe
would pursue civil disobedience after their disappointment with recent
elections.
"The people are determined to confront the regime,"
he said. "They are prepared to take a step further than just go for elections
because of the electoral fraud we've experienced. That involves mobilisation of
the people... putting people on the streets and making sure they express their
discontent." - Sapa-AFP
This article was originally published on page
7 of The Star on May 29, 2006