Zimbabwe election body says runoff "within 12 months" - observer

Monsters and Critics

May 7, 2008, 16:25 GMT

Harare/Johannesburg - Zimbabwe's Electoral Commission (ZEC) said a runoff
presidential election between President Robert Mugabe and opposition leader
Morgan Tsvangirai would likely not take place within 21 days, as required by
law, but within 'the next 12 months,' an African election observer said
Wednesday.

Marwick Khumalo, head of the Pan-African Parliament observer mission to
Zimbabwe's March 29 elections, said the election commission told him
'logistical' issues would make it difficult to organize a runoff within
three weeks of the election results.

The state-controlled ZEC released the results on May 2 after a more than
month-long delay that stoked tensions in the southern African country. The
results showed Tsvangirai taking 47.9 of the vote against 43.2 for Mugabe,
with former finance minister Simba Makoni trailing a distant third.

In cases where no candidate gets more than 50 per cent of the vote the law
calls for the two top vote-getters to enter a runoff.

ZEC told him the runoff would take place 'at the earliest possible time,'
not 'beyond the next 12 months,' Khumalo told Pan-African parliamentarians
meeting at Midrand in South Africa.

Khumalo himself said the climate of violence in Zimbabwe was 'not conducive
to a free and fair election.'

ZEC's delaying of the results and its agreement to recount some the votes
before the results were released showed it had 'long lost control of the
election process and its constitutional obligation has been gravely
compromised,' Khumalo said in a report on the polls.

His sentiments were echoed by the head of a regional election observer team.

'You cannot have the next round taking place in this atmosphere,' Kingsley
Mamabolo, head of the Southern African Development Community team of
observers to the elections, said in Pretoria.

While warning against a hasty runoff, Khumalo said a political solution
hashed out behind closed doors was also 'dangerous.'

Both Mugabe's party and Tsvangirai have talked of a unity government, but
have disagreed on which of the two presidential candidates should lead it.

Meanwhile, Tsvangirai, who insists he won at least 50.3 per cent of the
vote, has yet to announce whether he will participate in a runoff.

MDC sources say he will partake but only with assurances that the vote will
be free and fair and that Mugabe supporters cease attacking opposition
supporters for 'voting wrongly.'

The party says 25 of its members have been killed by youth militia loyal to
Mugabe's Zanu-PF and members of the military since the elections, in what it
calls a bid to pacify people into voting for Mugabe in a second round.

Zanu-PF has accused Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change of attacking
its members.

Rights groups have confirmed attacks on both sides but accuse Mugabe
supporters of the far greater share of the violence.

A high-level delegation from South Africa, whose President Thabo Mbeki is
southern Africa's appointed mediator in Zimbabwe, held meetings north of the
border this week with all parties to the impasse.

Zimbabwe parties challenge parliamentary results

Reuters

Wed 7 May 2008, 16:26 GMT

By Nelson Banya

HARARE (Reuters) - Zimbabwe's ruling party and the main opposition have
challenged half the results of the March 29 parliamentary election, state
media said on Wednesday, extending a political stalemate that has triggered
deadly violence.

Official results showed ZANU-PF lost its parliamentary majority for the
first time since independence in 1980, while the Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) and a breakaway faction together secured enough seats to
control the assembly.

The state-run Herald newspaper said ZANU-PF and the MDC had lodged 53 and 52
petitions respectively with the electoral court, citing irregularities they
believed affected the results. The challenges come after a recount of
original results in 23 constituencies confirmed ZANU-PF's defeat.

The parliamentary vote challenge will have no impact on a parallel
presidential ballot, in which MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai won 47.9 percent
against President Robert Mugabe's 43.2 percent, triggering a run-off since
neither candidate won an absolute majority.

The MDC has not said whether it will participate in the run-off. It believes
Tsvangirai won the election outright and has ended Mugabe's 28-year rule
over the once prosperous country whose economy is in ruins. If Tsvangirai
does not contest the run-off, Mugabe is automatically declared the winner.

Western countries have called on African states to do more to end the
turmoil, which has taken its toll on the region. South Africa's chamber of
commerce said on Wednesday the crisis was contributing to a decline in
business confidence.

The African Union and regional grouping SADC sent teams to Zimbabwe this
week to meet Mugabe and others. They called on all sides to participate in a
free and transparent run-off.

But an official in a regional election observer mission said holding a
run-off amid rising tensions due to political violence could plunge the
country deeper into crisis.

The MDC has accused Mugabe's supporters of mounting a violent campaign to
scare Zimbabweans into voting for the veteran leader in the runoff. ZANU-PF
says the opposition has carried out political attacks.

"The fact that both of them attribute the violence to the other means that
there is an acknowledgement that there is violence taking place on all
sides," Ambassador Kingsley Mamabolo, head of the South African delegation
to the SADC election observer mission, told reporters in Pretoria.

"If that is the case, clearly something needs to be done. Indeed you cannot
have the next round of elections taking place in this atmosphere. It would
not be helpful."

ELECTION CHALLENGE

The court has six months to rule on the parliamentary complaints, which put
in dispute the results of half of parliament's 210 seats.

The challenge the two biggest parties could shift the balance of power in
the new parliament. The assembly can be sworn in during an electoral court's
review of contested seats, but the court can remove deputies later if it
overturns results.

The delay is a further setback for Zimbabweans, who had high hopes the
election would usher in a new era of peace and prosperity, but are now
victims of a protracted political logjam and post-election violence.

On Wednesday police arrested a lawyer and charged him with insulting Mugabe.

Harrison Nkomo is said to have remarked that the veteran leader was to blame
for the country's economic crisis while in the presence of one of the
president's nephews, said Beatrice Mtetwa, a senior partner in Nkomo's law
firm.

Tsvangirai left Zimbabwe shortly after the vote and has been touring African
countries seeking support from leaders to help push out Mugabe, 84. He has
left more junior party leaders in charge at home, where food and fuel
shortages and hyper-inflation are affecting millions.

Mugabe faces growing pressure to resolve the crisis.

U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon said he was talking to African states
about how the world body could help make a run-off credible and expressed
concern about the violence.

SADC, which has the best chance of influencing Mugabe, may be ready to press
him to accept U.N. monitors. But Mugabe has not budged.

(Additional reporting by MacDonald Dzirutwe; Writing by Caroline Drees,
editing by Michael Georgy and Mary Gabriel)

Parliament results challenge signals more Zimbabwe vote turmoil

Reuters

by Fanuel Jongwe Wed May 7, 12:44 PM ET

HARARE (AFP) - Zimbabwe, already facing a presidential run-off, hit new
electoral turmoil on Wednesday after the ruling party and opposition filed
legal challenges to half of the parliamentary results from March's polls.

State media said President Robert Mugabe's ZANU-PF party, which lost its
majority for the first time in the March 29 election, was now contesting the
outcome in 53 of the 210 constituencies while the opposition was disputing
52.

Meanwhile the African Union urged all sides to shun violence in the build-up
to the presidential election run-off as the opposition claimed 25 of its
supporters had now been killed since the original polling day.

The Herald newspaper, the government's mouthpiece, said the volume of
petitions filed with the electoral court had prompted the country's chief
justice to appoint 17 more judges there.

Given that the electoral court can take up to six months to rule on the
petitions, the latest development is likely to increase a power vacuum at a
time when the outcome of the presidential contest is still up in the air.

Master of the High Court Charles Nyatanga, effectively the chief legal
administrator, was quoted as saying his office had "received 105 petitions,
which have to be determined within six months in terms of the Electoral
Act."

The legislative election saw ZANU-PF lose its majority in parliament for the
first time since the former British colony's independence 28 years ago, with
the MDC taking 109 seats against 97 for Mugabe's party.

Opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai also beat Mugabe in simultaneous
presidential elections but fell short of an overall majority needed to avoid
a second round.

The country's electoral commission is yet to announce the date for a second
round of the presidential polls which Tsvangirai is threatening to boycott
after insisting he passed the 50 percent threshold in the original ballot.

The period since election day has seen rising levels of violence which
international and local human rights groups say is taking place with the
connivance of the security forces.

According to the MDC, the five latest victims were beaten to death by
suspected ZANU-PF supporters during a Monday night raid on several villages
in a farming area north of the capital.

"We think the actual (overall) death toll is even higher because there are
some farming areas that have been cordoned off by militias and vigilante
groups," party spokesman Nelson Chamisa told AFP.

The African Union urged all sides to shun violence in the countdown to the
run-off, as British Prime Minister Gordon Brown noted the key role to be
played by the organisation and the Southern African Development Community.

"I think it's important that ... the African Union and SADC and all those
who have an interest in the future of Zimbabwe put pressure, so that any
elections that take place in Zimbabwe are free and fair," he said.

An AU statement issued at its Addis Ababa headquarters urged "all the
Zimbabwe political actors to conduct their activities in a free,
transparent, tolerant, and non-violent manner to enable eligible Zimbabweans
to exercise their democratic rights."

Meanwhile a high-ranking SADC delegation met Mugabe in Harare where they
urged him to take part in the presidential re-run but insisted that the law
must be observed.

"The message of the chairman of the organ is to urge the political parties
in Zimbabwe to participate in the run-off in full observation of the law,"
said Tomas Salamao, executive secretary of SADC.

The electoral commission, which did not declare the results from the first
round until last Friday, should in theory organise the run-off by May 24 but
its chairman has dropped a strong hint that a further delay is on the cards.

Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change party has consistently accused
the electoral commission of being biased towards Mugabe, believing the
delays are designed to buy the president time after his electoral reverse.

Regarded as a regional model in the first decade and a half of Mugabe's
rule, Zimbabwe has been in economic meltdown since he embarked on a
controversial land reform programme at the turn of the decade which saw
thousands of white-owned farms expropriated by the state.

The official inflation rate stands at 165,000 percent -- the highest in the
world -- but analysts say the real figure is several times higher.

ZEC has lost control of the Zimbabwe polls: PAP

SABC

May 07, 2008, 17:00

The Pan African Parliament (PAP) says the Zimbabwean Electoral Commission
(ZEC) has lost control of the election process in that country.

PAP's observer mission says that judging by the mystery surrounding the
outcome of presidential results and the unorthodox recounting of ballots, it
is evident that the ZEC's constitutional obligation has been gravely
compromised.

The observer mission has recommended that the situation in Zimbabwe be
closely monitored and called for an intervention by the African Union (AU)
and the South African Development Community (SADC) before the situation gets
out of control.

The PAP observer team to the Zimbabwe elections says that country has failed
to meet both the AU and SADC principles on election observation.

The 20-member team tabled its report at the ninth ordinary session of the
PAP in Midrand today. PAP also received the report on the Kenyan elections.

Post-election violence death toll soars

IOL

    May 07 2008 at 02:42PM

Harare - At least 25 followers of Zimbabwe's main opposition Movement
for Democratic Change have been killed in violence since elections on March
29, according to a new toll given by the party on Wednesday.

"We had recorded 25 by Tuesday but we think the actual death toll is
even higher because there are some farming areas that have been cordoned off
by militias and vigilante groups," the party's chief spokesperson Nelson
Chamisa said.

The MDC previously said 21 of its followers had been killed by
supporters of Zimbabwe's veteran President Robert Mugabe since the general
election which saw the ruling Zanu-PF party lose control of parliament for
the first time. - Sapa-AFP

AU Urged to Intervene As Death Toll Rises

SW Radio Africa (London)

7 May 2008
Posted to the web 7 May 2008

Lance Guma

The Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa (OSISA) has launched a
campaign aimed at mobilising the African Union to intervene in the
Zimbabwean crisis.

This comes on the back of news that over 25 MDC activists have now been
killed in the wave of post-election violence sponsored by the losing Zanu PF
regime.

OSISA prepared a letter addressed to the AU, which civil society groups in
21 African countries are expected to endorse. According to group
spokesperson Roshnee Narrandes, 'the letter sets out certain demands
regarding an election run-off in Zimbabwe.' They believe a post election
environment characterised by organised violence, harassment and intimidation
of people assumed to be MDC supporters will require urgent leadership from
the AU.

OSISA said the AU should go beyond 'expressions of concern' and take more
concrete steps to address the political crisis. Under its proposals the AU
should begin by calling for an immediate cessation of violence and the
protection of innocent citizens. This would be followed by the deployment of
an exploratory mission of experts to assess the electoral environment. 'This
mission should be composed of people with electoral experience and skills
and have credibility to speak with authority and compassion on the
Zimbabwean crisis,' OSISA said. The group said the mission should be large
enough to enable its presence countrywide to serve as a deterrent against
state sponsored violence. Reports from the mission will then provide grounds
for an extended election observer team.

Last week over 200 civil society organisations met for this emergency
conference in Tanzania, where they agreed to use any available opportunities
to highlight the Zimbabwean crisis. The conference which was organised by
OSISA chapters in Southern and Eastern Africa, with help from the East
African Law Society, urged the AU not to recognise Mugabe as the legitimate
leader of Zimbabwe. The groups pledged to pressure their respective
governments to take a much more stronger and critical approach towards
Mugabe's regime. Harun Ndubi from Kenyans for Peace with Truth and Justice
said; 'The AU has the capacity to establish a fact-finding mission on the
human-rights violations. The SADC has been a disappointment. We must start
naming and shaming these countries and organisations who are unable to deal
with the situation.'

Meanwhile the MDC says the death toll from political violence continues to
mount with many deaths going unreported. Although the party has 21 confirmed
death certificates the figure now stands at 25 recorded deaths. Many more
are being killed in remote villages that have been sealed off by the army
and Zanu PF militants. State security operatives are said to be blocking
post-mortems and forcing families to bury their loved ones secretly. On
Wednesday, Bulawayo Agenda issued a report detailing the violence in
Matabeleland. It said soldiers and war veterans have been deployed in
various rural areas to intimidate the electorate ahead of any run-off. An
MDC youth chairman Nigel Dube was beaten to death on Saturday by war
veterans in Shurugwi. He was buried on Tuesday.

Areas like Lupane, Gwanda, Ntepe, Mathambo, Kezi, Matopo, Nkayi North,
Hwange, Bulilima and Mangwe have all been affected. In the Jambezi area near
the Victoria Falls holiday resort ten families have fled the violence and
taken refuge at Catholic churches in Hwange. The Crisis Coalition in
Zimbabwe also reports that 5 MDC supporters were killed by war veterans in
Chiweshe (Mashonaland Central). Four of the deceased were identified as Davy
Mapuranga, Joseph Maguranhende, Tapuwa Meda and Alex Chiriseri. Members of
the church have also not been spared. An Assemblies of God church in the
Dola area of Bubi District was closed down and its pastor tortured by war
veterans. The pastor is reported to be receiving treatment at a secret
location and is highly traumatised.

Remaining White Commercial Farmers Given 24 Hours to Leave

SW Radio Africa (London)

7 May 2008
Posted to the web 7 May 2008

Tererai Karimakwenda

We received reports on Wednesday that hundreds of farm workers and their
families have appeared by the roadsides near commercial farms outside of
Harare.

This coincides with reports from around the country that remaining farmers
are being given 24 hours to vacate their properties.

Farmer Ben Gilpen from Justice for Agriculture, which represents evicted
farmers, told us that many farmers and farm workers have been evicted in the
Concession and Greendale areas outside Harare. The farm workers have nowhere
to go and most are in hiding by the roadside without shelter, food or
running water.

Gilpen said there has been an increase in the number of eviction orders in
the last couple of days. Out of the 300 commercial farms left in the
country, he believes that about 200 have had incidents since the March 29
elections.

Most of the evictions are linked to a so-called 'political re-education'
campaign that is being carried out by the government. Gangs of ruling party
youths, soldiers and resettled farmers are being used to target those areas
where the opposition parties defeated the ruling party in the elections. The
affected farms have not all being re-occupied. Gilpen said that it appears
the government is making way for some political activity and they are making
sure there is no one in those areas to witness or report on it.

Other reports on Wednesday came from Chegutu and Masvingo, where more farm
workers were displaced. On a farm in Chegutu workers are being stopped from
feeding the livestock or providing water. Many animals are dying in terrible
conditions. Cows on a dairy farm in the area are not being fed or milked.

Our correspondent Lionel Saungweme also reported that a group of so-called
war veterans, led by a thug named Kicker Ncube, invaded a farm in Figtree
owned by a Mr Knot. Saungweme said Ncube works for Obert Mpofu, the MP for
the Nyamandlovu area, where farmer Wayne Munroe and his family were
barricaded and farm workers were beaten last week.

It appears the government has intensified their campaign to evict the
remaining white farmers, and are combining this with their campaign of
political intimidation ahead of the presidential runoff that they are
pushing for.

Chihuri Orders All Police Officers to Vote Mugabe in Run-Off

SW Radio Africa (London)

7 May 2008
Posted to the web 7 May 2008

Tichaona Sibanda

Police Commissioner Augustine Chihuri has reportedly embarked on a
countrywide campaign to ensure that all serving officers vote for Robert
Mugabe in any second round of the presidential election against MDC leader
Morgan Tsvangirai.

On Wednesday, Chihuri summoned all commissioned officers from the rank of
inspector and above based in Harare and the three Mashonaland provinces, to
a briefing at the Morris Depot Academy sports club.

A police officer based in Harare told us officers were instructed to be
ruthless towards MDC activists, but should not arrest or detain Zanu-PF
supporters for any political disturbances committed in the coming weeks.

The police officer, who asked not to be named for fear of reprisals, said
senior officers with the rank of assistant commissioner were tasked with
visiting police stations in every district in the country, instructing
anyone living in a police camp to vote for Mugabe in the anticipated
run-off.

The first of such meetings was held at the Mbare police camp in Harare on
Tuesday.

'At each police camp, anyone above 18 years of age, including wives of
police officers, are being told to attend these meetings. We are being told
bluntly to vote for Mugabe and that our postal ballots will have serial
numbers to flush out anyone who votes otherwise,' the policeman said.

Our source identified by name senior assistant commissioner Pfumbvuti, a war
veteran, as the leader of a terror group of police officers tasked with
'making life difficult' for leading MDC officials, including recently
elected councillors, senators and MPs.

'I will tell you that this campaign has raised a lot of eyebrows in the
force. Not only are the officers against it, but also a lot of our close
relatives have been caught up in this post election violence,' said the
police officer.

Zimbabwean lawyer arrested for Mugabe 'insult'

africasia

HARARE, May 7 (AFP)

Police in Zimbabwe on Wednesday arrested a leading lawyer over allegations
that he insulted veteran President Robert Mugabe, the attorney's colleague
said.

Harrison Nkomo was detained by police after he was said to have remarked to
a senior prosecutor whose surname is Mugabe to tell his "father" to step
down as the country was suffering under his rule.

"They said he uttered words that are insulting to the president," Beatrice
Mtetwa, Nkomo's colleague in a Harare law firm, told AFP.

"They said those words undermined the authority of the president and were
insulting Mugabe," said Mtetwa.

Nkomo allegedly made the remarks last Friday while waiting for a judge at
the high court where he sought bail for a freelance journalist, Frank
Chikowore, who was arrested during an oposition general strike last month.

The lawyer has defended a number of high profile clients in recent weeks,
including a New York Times correspondent who was arrested for covering the
recent general election without accreditation.

There are regular reports of people arrested for slandering Zimbabwe's
long-time president and breaching the strict Public Order and Security Act
which make it an offence to insult a head of state.

Usually those found guilty receive light jail sentences, fines or are
ordered to do community service.

Mugabe came second in a presidential election on March 29 and faces a
run-off against opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai on a date yet to be
decided.

Zanu PF overlooks MDC run off conditions

Africa News, Netherlands

  Posted on Wednesday 7 May 2008 - 11:10

  Mugadza Munyaradzi, AfricaNews reporter in Harare, Zimbabwe
  Former deputy information minister Bright Matonga has said that Zanu PF
will not listen to Movement for Democratic Change-Tsvangirai's run off
conditions because the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) has the
constitutional right to conduct elections.

  Matonga said ZEC would conduct the presidential run off constitutionally
without taking orders or without giving in to “senseless conditions” from
Tsvangirai’s (MDC) party.

  "ZEC has constitutional mandate to run elections in the country without
taking orders from either party”, he said.

  ZEC has been widely criticized for serving the interests of Zanu PF to the
extent that its credibility has come under scrutiny.

  The poll results showed that none of the four presidential candidates
managed to surpass the required 50 plus one which means a second round of
the elections has to be conducted within a period of 21 days. Tsvangirai won
by 47, 8 and President Mugabe 43, 2 percent while the two independents Simba
Makoni and Langton Toungana shared the difference

  MDC formation which united recently to have a majority in parliament has
said they will only participate in the run off if the Southern African
Development Community (SADC) verify its results and explain how they got
their figures in the first round.

  In consecutive meetings last week following the announcement of the
presidential results, MDC national executive resolved that “Tsvangirai can
only contest in the run-off if the government forthwith stops politically
motivated violence by state security agents, ruling Zanu PF party militia
and war veterans against opposition supporters”.

  Secondly, Tsvangirai’s party further said there should be strong
international observation of the poll  thereby ensuring that the environment
becomes conducive for a free and fair election.

  The MDC however pose a very difficult threat if they decide not to
participate in the presidential run off because President Mugabe will be
automatically enthroned as the president of Zimbabwe in the coming six
years.

  Meanwhile, President Mugabe met with the chairman of the African Union's
executive, Jean Ping, for talks on the country's electoral crisis.

  "The meeting allowed us to look at all the scenarios for the coming weeks,
notably what is being done to ensure a satisfactory second round in the
coming weeks," Ping said.

Cross-Border Fuel Lifeline Cut

UN Integrated Regional Information Networks

7 May 2008
Posted to the web 7 May 2008

Bulawayo

In the latest blow to Zimbabwe's wounded economy, the Botswana government
has banned the export of bulk fuel to the neighbouring country. Scanty
parallel market supplies are quickly running dry and transport is grinding
to a halt across Zimbabwe.

Botswana's authorities began turning back Zimbabwean fuel buyers last week
at the border posts in Kasane, in the far northeast, and Maitengwe, about
130km north of Francistown, Botswana's second city, but the main Plumtree
border post, about 100km southeast of Bulawayo, Zimbabwe, was still allowing
single drums through.

"The move by the Botswana authorities is surprising, and as it is [being
implemented] right now, I only managed to bring in a single drum of fuel,
which will only give me 200 litres of petrol [gasoline], Nhanhla Sibanda, a
fuel dealer on the informal market, told IRIN. "My clients need far more
than that." He said the decision by the Botswana government would heavily
dent Zimbabwe's already crippled economy.

Industry in Zimbabwe is estimated to have shrunk by more than 60 percent
since 2000, unemployment tops 80 percent and inflation has reached a world
record high of 160,000 percent and is still rising. Around 80 percent of the
population lives on less that a dollar a day.

The move is part of a worldwide fuel problem and Botswana is looking after
its own interests: record-breaking global oil prices, which climbed to just
over US$122 per barrel on 6 May, and Botswana's currency, the Pula, falling
against the dollar, have sent fuel prices in the country shooting up. The
latest fuel price hike, on the back of increases in March, saw petrol prices
rise by around seven percent in April.

Before the ban, trucks laden with drums and large plastic containers of fuel
used to be a permanent feature along the Bulawayo-Francistown highway, the
main road linking Zimbabwe to Botswana.

The state-owned National Oil Company of Zimbabwe (NOCZIM), plagued by
allegations of widespread corruption and mismanagement, has had its problems
compounded by foreign currency shortages and rocketing inflation, leaving it
unable to meet local demand since 2000.

Since then Zimbabwe has been forced to rely heavily on the entrepreneurial
spirit of cross-border traders and their parallel imports from bordering
countries like Botswana. This illegal but thriving parallel market has been
the only source of fuel for most Zimbabweans.

"Botswana was driving this economy through fuel supplies and if they ban
large fuel imports, cars will come to a standstill. NOCZIM is only supplying
fuel to government ministers and those linked to the ruling party," Sibanda
said.

"The only options left will be to buy the fuel from Zambia, Mozambique or
even South Africa, but the distance between Zimbabwe and the other three
countries is too much, and with South Africa I will always need to have a
valid visa," he said.

Scarce and expensive

As a result of the ban, petrol prices shot up from Z$150 million (US$1.36)
per litre to Z$200 million (US$1.18) over the weekend, while a litre of
diesel went from Z$160 million (US$1.45) to Z220 million (US$2). In a
knock-on effect, minibus-taxi fares jumped from Z$40 million (US$0.36) for a
single trip into town to Z$60 million (US$0.45).

"Already, fuel is scarce. The fuel that is being sold right now is fuel that
was sourced by the dealers last week... as a result of this ban we expect
fuel prices to jump tenfold, and this will further worsen things in the
country," said Themba Moyo, who sells his fuel in an alley in the city
centre of Bulawayo.

This is a hopeless situation - now we are forced to buy petrol for Z$200
million (US$1.81) a litre on the black market. If the Botswana government
completely stops supplying us with fuel, then we are doomed

"The country has been operating for years now, using fuel sourced from the
black market, and after this move by the Botswana authorities we will then
see serious fuel shortages on the market," said John Robertson, an
independent economist based in the capital, Harare.

He warned that the impact would have implications beyond the transport
sector: "The few remaining industries and markets in the country have been
operating using the black market - the shortages of fuel will have a serious
impact on everybody."

Essential services such as ambulances have long been paralysed because the
government has said it had no funds to purchase fuel; now the operations of
private clinics, which purchase fuel on the parallel market, have come under
pressure.

"This is a hopeless situation - now we are forced to buy petrol for Z$200
million (US$1.81) a litre on the black market. If the Botswana government
completely stops supplying us with fuel, then we are doomed," said Martha
Shumba, a medical practitioner at a private clinic.

Eric Bloch, an economist based in Bulawayo, said the burden would ultimately
fall on the ordinary Zimbabwean, because "Fuel dealers will factor in the
cost of transporting the fuel from distances further than Botswana, and the
costs of transporting goods will also be higher. Manufacturers, too, will
carry the cost on to consumers."

[ This report does not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations ]

ZESN cannot validate ZEC results

The Zimbabwean

Wednesday, 07 May 2008 08:47

Harare - 6 May 2008 - The Zimbabwe Election Support Network (ZESN), a
network of 38 non-governmental organisations, which was observing aspects of
the electoral process of the 29 March 2008 harmonised elections informs its
members, stakeholders, partners and the general public that it does not
substantiate the exact figures given by the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission
(ZEC) as presidential results.

There have been calls for ZESN to verify the presidential results that
were announced by ZEC on 2 May 2008. Taking cognisance of the fact that the
ZEC National Command Centre was closed on the 6th of April and only to be
open on the 1st of May for tabulation of Presidential results, ZESN cannot
substantiate ZEC figures as the network is not aware of the chain of custody
of the ballot materials during the aforementioned period.  In addition the
delay to announce the results was a major concern, not only to ZESN but the
general public as well and this obviously undermined the impartiality,
credibility and transparency of ZEC.

ZESN is also aware that there was no transparency in the verification,
collation and tabulation of Presidential results, as party agents who are
required by the law to be present were not invited to witness the process.
The Second Schedule of the Electoral Act, section 2 (2) and (3) provides
that verification, collation and tabulation of constituency returns should
be done in the presence of candidates their chief election agents and
observers.

In addition ZEC failed to avail information on the final number and
distribution of polling stations, distribution of postal votes, distribution
of registered voters at close of inspection on 14 February 2008, which again
makes it difficult for the network to ascertain and analyse the overall
distribution of results.

ZESN identified a total of 11 808 observers to participate in the
March 2008 Harmonised Elections.  These were drawn from the country’s 10
provinces and member organisation submitted names from 210 constituencies.
Owing to logistical challenges, only 8 667 observers were accredited and
subsequently deployed to observe the election in the 9 107 polling stations
announced by ZEC giving a potential percentage coverage of 95%.

ZESN did not have observers at all the announced polling stations but
managed to collect most of the results posted outside polling stations using
mobile observers deployed in the 210 constituencies.  Rural and bigger
constituencies had 2 mobile teams of observers that visited each of the
polling stations to collect information and results. However the ZEC results
are within the range of ZESN projected percentages.

ZESN anticipates that it will freely continue observing the election
process, particularly the run-off of the Presidential elections.

African ministers meet Mugabe over political crisis

Mail and Guardian

Harare, Zimbabwe

07 May 2008 05:14

A high-ranking delegation of Southern African ministers met
Zimbabwe leader Robert Mugabe on Wednesday to discuss the country's
political impasse ahead of a pending presidential run-off, state media
reported.

Two ministers and a top official from the Southern Africa
Development Community (SADC) met Mugabe in Harare, where they urged him to
take part in the presidential re-run but insisted that the law must be
observed.

The delegation was headed by Angolan Foreign Minister Jose Joao
Bernardo Miranda, who is in charge of the SADC ministerial troika on
politics and security.

"The message of the chairperson of the organ is to urge the
political parties in Zimbabwe to participate in the run-off in full
observation of the law," said Tomas Salamao, executive secretary of SADC.

Salamao told state television that the delegation also met with
the Zimbabwe Election Commission (ZEC), which is yet to announce the date
for the run-off.

"The mission met the ZEC chairperson and also one of the
candidates, President Robert Mugabe," Salamao said.

"We intended also to meet the other candidate, Mr Morgan
Tsvangirai, but it came to our attention that he is not around. But in view
of that the troika is still keen to get hold of him and we will still try,"
he added.

Others in the delegation included Swaziland Foreign Minister
Mathendele Dlamini and a Tanzanian ambassador who were in Zimbabwe to assess
the political situation ahead of the run-off.

A Zimbabwe Foreign Ministry source said the three left Harare on
Wednesday for Lusaka to brief Zambian President Levy Mwanawasa, who is SADC
chairperson.

Later the delegation will proceed to Pretoria to meet South
African President Thabo Mbeki, SADC's chief mediator on the Zimbabwe crisis.

'A wounded tiger'
Meanwhile, a run-off will not solve the impasse in Zimbabwe and
may exacerbate the situation, the Pan-African Parliament (PAP) said on
Wednesday.

Leader of the PAP's election observer mission to the country,
Marwick Khumalo, said a political solution was now required.

"We are dealing with a wounded tiger here ... when we approach
the election, it won't be child's play," he said.

The situation in Zimbabwe now was "not conducive to a free and
fair election [run-off]".

After a discussion with the head of the ZEC, Khumalo learned
that a run-off was not likely to take place within the required 21 days.

The leader of the ZEC cited "logistical" problems in organising
the run-off election within the legal time frame.

Khumalo said the PAP was assured that the run-off would take
place at the "earliest possible time", which would not extend "beyond the
next twelve months".

In the meantime, he said, Zimbabwe's legislature remained
paralysed until a new president was sworn in.

While Zimbabwean law required an election to resolve the
impasse, Khumalo said he doubted a run-off was the answer.

In a report presented to the PAP, Khumalo said the ZEC had also
"long lost control of the election process".

"Judging by the mystery surrounding the outcome of the
presidential results and the unorthodox recounting of the ballots even
before all the results of the harmonised elections are known, it is evident
that the ZEC long lost control of the electoral process and its
constitutional obligation has been gravely compromised."

Whatever the outcome of the elections at this stage, the result
would be disputed by political parties, said the report. -- Sapa, AFP

Police Raid and 'Loot' Mbare Musika

Zimbabwe Gazette

By Lee Shungu, on May 07 2008 17:58

Favoured : None

Zimbabwean police raided and 'looted' the much popular Mbare
Musika retail section in the capital, Harare during the weekend, in a
suspected political move, The Zimbabwe Gazette has learnt.

Eyewitnesses say it took the police the whole weekend to clear
the goods that were being sold and stored in the market place, and took them
to an unknown destination.
“Surprisingly, no one was arrested. The police came in trucks
and ordered everyone out of the market place.”

“They took away large quantities of rice, salt, mealie-meal and
cooking oil, among other things that were stored in the market place.”

“It remains a mystery where they took all that stuff to,” said
an eye witness who preferred anonymity.

In the country, it is public knowledge that the ruling ZANU PF
party uses council property such as vending stalls, especially at various
market places to lure supporters. For an individual to be allowed to rent a
stall, he or she has to be a ZANU PF supporter.

This is mainly common with large market places such as Mbare
Musika and Mupedzanhamo market, in Harare.

The eyewitness said all the traders in the Mbare Musika retail
sections stored their stock at the same place, as security is provided.
  “Everyone who had stock inside lost everything, as the police
did not allow any room for negotiations with anyone.”
“Some market traders went to the extent of crying as for
example, one lost hundreds of kilogram’s of rice,” he said.

Many of the policemen who raided the place, and were loading the
trucks were cleanly shaven young men clad in new uniforms- probably from the
notorious youth militia.

In the recently held March 29 parliamentary poll, the Mbare
constituency was won by the opposition, Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC) - Tsvangirai. However, the senatorial seat for the
Harare-Mbare-Hatfield constituency went to ZANU PF's Vivian Mwashita.

One trader in the retail market said he lost 300 kgs of salt.

  “Usually when major ZANU PF rallies take place, the burial of
a liberation war hero, or there is a ruling party function where the
country's president Robert Mugabe will be attending, the police, soldiers
and the youth militia come and close down the Mbare market.”
“After instantly closing down our business, they order us into
buses and trucks which take us to the ruling party function venues,” he
said.

The trader said some senior market officials have been
constantly threatening a number of traders, especially when the Mbare
parliamentary seat went to the opposition.

“During business hours, we are constantly reminded we shall go
do our business at MDC leader, Morgan Tsvangirai's home.”

“More than 100 people do their business here as we cannot find
jobs anywhere. We feed our families through buying and selling commodities.
Now, we do not know where to begin as the police took all you stock,” he
added.

Meanwhile, on Tuesday state radio reported the National Incomes
and Prices Commission (NIPC) also raided the warehouse of ZANU PF politician
and Chitungwiza businessman, Christopher Chigumba.

Large quantities of commodities were found in which the NIPC
says it will monitor the selling of those goods.

A couple of years back, Chigumba also fell victim to the
political game as one of his shops was petrol bombed by suspected 'MDC
thugs'.

Pressure mounts on Mugabe

The Crisis Coalition Alert

06 May 2008

Harare- The post 29 March 2008 retributive violence which has claimed more
than 25 lives of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) supporters have
drawn the attention of the regional leaders and international organizations
such as United Nations, African Union (AU) and the Southern African
Development Community (SADC).

Today 6 May 2008, around 1305 hours the Angolan Foreign Affairs minister,
Joao Bernardo de Miranda and head of the SADC observer mission jetted into
the country to talk to President Robert Mugabe on the deep seated crisis
which has engulf the country, specifically the post election violence that
have claimed more than 25 lives. Miranda is accompanied by SADC Executive
Secretary and Swaziland Foreign Minister. The three form the SADC Troika on
Defence and Security responsible for security matters in the region.

On Monday the chairperson of the African Union Commission, Jean Ping arrived
in the country and held private talks with Mugabe and the chairperson of the
Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC), George Chiweshe. On the same day,
Sydney Mufamadi, the Minister of Provincial and Local Government of South
Africa and head of the SADC mediation team on Zimbabwe arrived in the
country to talk to Mugabe on the need to have law and order in the country
ahead of the presidential election run-off.

Mashonaland Central

Five MDC supporters were allegedly killed by the war veterans in Chiweshe
(Mashonaland Central). The Catalyst team could only identify four names of
the deceased who include:

Davy Mapuranga

Joseph Maguranhende

Tapuwa Meda

Alex Chiriseri

This brings to 25 MDC supporters have so far killed by ruling party thugs
supported by the military and secret agents deployed in the rural areas to
campaign for Mugabe after lost to MDC President Morgan Tsvangirai in the
first presidential round held on 29 March 2008.

MDC Youth Chairperson for Shurugwi buried today

The MDC members are gathered today in Shurugwi for the burial of Michael
Dube, the Youth Chairperson for Shurugwi who died on Saturday 4 May 2008
after being beaten by ZANU-PF youth militias.

The deceased’s body arrived in Shurugwi today from Bulawayo where it had
been taken for a post mortem.

Violence on the rise

Reports reaching the Catalyst team from Mvuma today, 6 May 2008, are that
Zanu PF supporters aligned to Emerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa, the Minister of
Rural and Social Amenities are going on a door-to-door campaign warning MDC
supporters that they will pay heavily if they vote for the MDC in the runoff
election the way they voted in the just ended election.

Mnangagwa has been associated with numerous cases of arson, murder and
organized violence since the country gained independence from Britain in
1980. The worst incidents took place when he was the Minister of State
Security in the 1980s when over 20 000 Zimbabweans in the Midlands and
Matabeleland provinces were killed for opposing ZANU PF. He accused them of
being dissidents and supporting dissident activities in the regions.

Uzumba Maramba Pfungwe

Two MDC activists, Jonathan Mapisiwe and James Jekete of Uzumba Maramba
Pfungwe and Mudzi South constituency respectively are hospitalized at
Murehwa Center Hospital nursing broken left arms.

The two were attacked by more than 300 war veterans under the leadership of
Daniel and John Kapanga.

Twenty more injured people are stuck in Uzumba Maramba Pfungwe due to
logistical problems, whilst five people have ‘disappeared’ in Mudzi South
Constituency. The eight people who disappeared in Mudzi include:

Uzumba Maramba Pfungwe

Tichazvitya Kuzvinzwa

Sidney Musvai

Janet Mango

Tinashe Mango

Mudzi South

Tawanda Simbi

Bob Chawanda

Robert Muchenga

The eight were taken from their homes by a mob of soldiers, Zanu PF youth
militias and war veterans.

Mberengwa West

In Mberengwa West, a group of 30 Youth Militia loyal to Jorum Gumbo the MP
elect for ZANU PF on Monday 2008 led a violent campaign of displacing MDC
supporters from the constituency arguing that they should go to London since
their party is a creation of the west.

Eight people have since fled from their homes. The eight including a two
year old baby are temporarily staying in Zvishavane in the open grounds.
Their names are:

Kemami Mpofu

Precious Hove

Joab Gumba

2 Year old baby

Witness Chawadawada

Valg Munatsa

Jeremah Zhou

Chasanagu Zhou

Zimbabwe Election Support Network (ZESN) Post-Election Update No. 1

30 March to 7 May 2008

Introduction

Zimbabwe Election Support Network (ZESN) observation of electoral processes
continued in the post-election period. ZESN deployed 210 long-term observers
in the 210 constituencies to observe the post-election environment after the
conduct of the historic harmonized March 29 polls of 2008. This report
covers the period beginning 30 March to 7 May 2008.

The post election period evoked different emotions in Zimbabweans, which
include hope, anxiety, exasperations and helplessness all at once. The slow
trickle of house of assembly and senatorial election results resulted in
anxiety and outright anger at the election management body Zimbabwe
Electoral Commission (ZEC). The electorate became impatient in the manner in
which results were announced. The complete information blackout on the
release of presidential results resulted in helplessness on the part of many
Zimbabweans, as they were eager to know the person who had been victorious
in the election. A number of speculations came to the fore with regards to
presidential results. The anxiety worsened as talk of recounts emerged yet
there were still no presidential results two weeks after the election. The
presidential results were announced five weeks after the polls.

The post election events have unfolded in an interesting and captivating
manner. Expected and unexpected events took place in the post–election era.
Since election results had been posted outside polling stations they became
public information and people in the various polling stations and
constituencies were able to collate them and predict the winner in the
elections. Hence the celebrations began in most constituencies and people
were barred by police from celebrating. A state of despondency set in when
they were informed that only ZEC will announce the immediate winner and they
should desist from celebrating prematurely.

In addition to the delay in the release of presidential results, incidence
of post–election violence increased and became more pronounced in rural
areas especially in provinces such as Mashonaland Central, Mashonaland East,
Mashonaland West and Manicaland which exacerbated the already bad situation.

Methodology

ZESN utilized primary and secondary data as a basis for this report. Primary
data was gathered by the 210 long-term observers as well as observations
from the secretariat. Secondary data emanated from reports retrieved from
print and electronic media.

Announcement and Publication of Election Results

Election results for the house of assembly began to trickle 36 hours after
the polls. The manner in which house of assembly and senate results were
announced perplexed the electorate and other stakeholders such as political
parties. House of assembly and senate results were announced in a haphazard
manner which did not make sense to the electorate. Furthermore ZEC would
announce the winners of the two major parties, MDC and ZANU PF
interchangeably such that at any given time after each batch was announced
the two parties would have a difference of only one or two seats. The slow
manner in which results were announced was a source of worry for the
electorate. After four days, the announcement of house of assembly results
was finished and senate results began to be announced. ZEC announced
publicly that results had been released late due to the verification process
that was being done meticulously hence it took time.

The tables below show the distribution of House of Assembly and Senate
results before the recount among the political parties that participated in
the March 29 polls:

Election petitions

Failure to agree and accept election results resulted in candidates filing
election petition. Election petitions emerged from both MDC and ZANU PF
losing candidates. In terms Section 167 of the Electoral Act any candidate
may file an election petition with the Electoral Court complaining of the
undue return or election of any candidate for various reasons including
corrupt of illegal practices.

The Herald of 7 May 2008 reported that ZANU-PF was challenging results in 53
constituencies ` while MDC (Tsvangirai) was contesting results in 52
constituencies. In its petitions, ZANU-PF alleges, among other issues, that
MDC bribed election officials.

Hoewever, sources within the MDC (Tsvangirai) revealed that the party had
filed election petitions with the Electoral Court challenging the election
results for 68 House of Assembly seats won by ZANU PF. In these challenges,
the MDC accuses ZANU PF candidates and supporters of vote-buying,
intimidating and interfering with presiding election officers and other
election malpractices as well as miscounting its votes in the Parliamentary
election. Constituencies in which petitions have been filed include Mutoko
South, Bindura North, Umguza, Zvimba North, Murehwa North and Masvingo
South.

In Mutoko East, there were allegations of ballot – stuffing at All Souls
Mission Command Centre and as a result the losing candidate for, Abel
Samakande refused to sign the V23 form. He subsequently filed a petition
where he alleges that the number of ballot papers counted exceeded the
number of registered voters.

There were also allegations that ZANU PF candidates brought ballot boxes to
various centres. For example, in Masvingo South, Walter Mzembi delivered a
ballot box to the command centre, which he claimed had the postal vote. This
raised concerns among opposition party agents as well as observers.

Section 182 of the Electoral Act states that an election petition must be
decided by the Electoral Court within six months from the date it is filed.
Section 172 states that the judgment of the Electoral Court is final in
matters of fact but an appeal on questions of law can be made to the Supreme
Court. Appeals must be decided within six months after being lodged.

Following reports that were sent by ZESN observers during recounting of
votes in Chiredzi that some ZEC officials failed to account for a number of
votes cast, the Herald of 7 May 2008 also reported that five presiding
officers who took part in the March 29 harmonised elections in Chiredzi were
on Monday fined between $12 billion and $30 billion or jail terms of between
three and 16 months for electoral fraud. “Chiredzi magistrate Mrs Judith
Dudzai Zuyu gave the four up to June 2 to pay the fines. Charges against
Simon Sithole (42), a teacher at Jerezi Primary School in Mkwasine, arose on
April 23 after he failed to account for 11 votes during a recount exercise.
Jeremiah Takayambirwa (45), a teacher at Kushinga Primary School in
Mkwasine, was fined $20 billion or three months with labour for failing to
account for 16 votes during the recounting exercise”, says the report.

The third teacher to be convicted and fined was Topnice Mtombeni (42) of
Village 2 in Ruwanga Ranche, who was fined $18 billion or 13 months in
prison with labour for a similar offence.
Isaac Tizirai (48), a headmaster at Ruware Ranche Primary School where he
was also the presiding officer, was fined $30 billion or six months in
prison for miscounting 163 votes. Lovemore Mungenge (40) of Gudo Primary
School was fined $12 billion or two months in prison for failing to account
for 12 votes.

Considering the pay teachers are getting one wonders how the aforementioned
persons would get the fines mentioned above.

The Release of Presidential Results

The release of presidential results in Zimbabwe has been a bone of
contention for the electorate. While the house of assembly and senate
results were being announced, the electorate was curious to know the
presidential outcome. ZEC informed the electorate that presidential results
would be announced in due course but before this came to pass, the
electorate was baffled to hear ZANU PF claims of election being rigged by
the opposition MDC. It has never happened in the history of any polity that
an opposition party rigs elections. This has been the prerogative of the
incumbent and these claims left the electorate bewildered as to the plans
being hatched.

MDC filed a petition with the High Court demanding that ZEC releases
presidential results. What MDC got in response was that ZEC had authorized a
recount in the constituencies were ZANU PF claimed it had been prejudiced of
victory as a result of electoral fraud. SADC convened an emergency meeting
in Lusaka on Zimbabwe seeing that a crisis was brewing. The withholding of
presidential results has increased tension in Zimbabwe and exacerbated the
reign of terror being experienced in rural areas. As the electorate waits
for the presidential and recount results, there has been a general lethargy
and disillusionment with the efficacy of voting and the whole electoral
processes in Zimbabwe. International pressure has been mounting, as the
international and regional community demands the release of presidential
results. There have been cries that withholding results has been a violation
of Zimbabweans’ democratic right to choose a leader of their choice. However
on 2 May 2008, ZEC announced the results of Presidential elections as
follows:

Presidential Poll Results – 29 March 2008 Harmonized Elections
Candidate Number of Votes Actual Percent Vote
Makoni, Herbert Stanley Simba 207 470 8.3%
Mugabe, Robert Gabriel 1 079 730 43.2%
Towungana, Langton 14 503 0.6%
Tsvangirai, Morgan 1 195 562 47.9%
Total Valid Votes 2 497 265 100%
Spoilt ballots 39 975
Total votes cast 2 537 240
Percentage Poll 42.7%

After the announcement of the presidential results by ZEC, ZANU PF was quick
to accept the results and MDC have been silent on the issue.

ZESN however could not verify the presidential results that were announced
by ZEC on 2 May 2008. Taking cognisance of the fact that the ZEC National
Command Centre was closed on the 6th of April and only to be open on the 1st
of May for tabulation of Presidential results, ZESN cannot substantiate ZEC
figures as the network is not aware of the chain of custody of the ballot
materials during the aforementioned period. In addition the delay to
announce the results was a major concern, not only to ZESN but the general
public as well and this obviously undermined the impartiality, credibility
and transparency of ZEC.

ZESN was also aware that there was no transparency in the verification,
collation and tabulation of Presidential results, as party agents who are
required by the law to be present were not invited to witness the process.
The Second Schedule of the Electoral Act, section 2 (2) and (3) provides
that verification, collation and tabulation of constituency returns should
be done in the presence of candidates their chief election agents and
observers.

In addition ZEC failed to avail information on the final number and
distribution of polling stations, distribution of postal votes, distribution
of registered voters at close of inspection on 14 February 2008, which again
makes it difficult for the network to ascertain and analyse the overall
distribution of results.

However following the announcement of presidential results, there is a
confirmation that ZESN projections were accurate especially when the margins
of errors are taken into account. It should be noted that ZESN projections
had +/- 2.4% and +/-2.6% margins of error for Tsvangirai and Mugabe
respectively.

ZESN identified a total of 11 808 observers to participate in the March 2008
Harmonised Elections. These were drawn from the country’s 10 provinces and
member organisation submitted names from 210 constituencies. Owing to
logistical challenges, only 8 667 observers were accredited and subsequently
deployed to observe the election in the 9 107 polling stations announced by
ZEC giving a potential percentage coverage of 95%.

ZESN did not have observers at all the announced polling stations but
managed to collect most of the results posted outside polling stations using
mobile observers deployed in the 210 constituencies. Rural and bigger
constituencies had 2 mobile teams of observers that visited each of the
polling stations to collect information and results.

ZESN under siege

Following the outcome of the senate and house of assembly results as well as
speculations around the presidential results, some ZESN observers have been
beaten, some had their houses torched, some have been harassed and
intimidated.

The ZESN National Director, Rindai Chipfunde-Vava was detained for 45
minutes at the Harare International Airport on the 15th of April 2008.
ZESN's national offices were also raided by the police on 25 April 2008.
Armed with a search warrant allowing them to look for subversive material
that seeks to unconstitutionally unseat the government. The police ordered
all staff members to vacate their offices, sit in the boardroom and comply
with their requests like giving passwords for computers, unlocking all
offices that were locked and giving all the information that they wanted.
After thorough perusal of ZESN documents, files and scanning computers the
police confiscated a number of ZESN's documents and took its Programs
Manager, Tsungai Kokerai, who was subsequently detained at Harare Central
Police Station for 6 hours by the police for questioning. The home of ZESN's
National Director, was also raided by the police on the 25th of April.
ZESN's Chairperson, Noel Kututwa and Chipfunde-Vava were required for three
days running (28 to 30 April) to make themselves available at Harare Central
Police Station to answer questions and furnish the police with statement
explaining a number of issues.

The two were also questioned extensively specifically on ZESN’s election
monitoring and observation of the ongoing 2008 harmonized elections.
Particular focus was on the Network’s projections of the Presidential
results. Police further requested written statements and supporting
documents from the two explaining their duties and roles, ZESN’s
relationship with ZEC before, during and after the election, ZESN’s
relationship with the National Democratic Institute (NDI). They were also
asked to submit ZESN financial statements and vouchers, actual number of
ZESN’s accredited observers, list of ZESN members, list of ZESN funding
partners amongst a plethora of other things.

Various statements were subsequently made by politicians and members of ZANU
PF, including Patrick Chinamasa and Emmerson Mnangagwa, and quoted in the
media alleging that ZESN is a pro-MDC organisation and was used to bribe ZEC
officials during the 29 March 2008 harmonised elections as well as
campaigning for the opposition under the guise of voter education. These
allegations are unfounded and seem bent on discrediting and intimidating
ZESN.

The attacks on the organisation have been strongly linked to the
announcement of projections of the presidential election results on 31 March
2008 by the organisation. These projections clearly showed that Morgan
Tsvangirai secured more votes than Robert Gabriel Mugabe.

Post -election intimidation and violence

There was a marked escalation in incidents of inter-party post-election
violence and intimidation especially between MDC Tsvangirai and ZANU PF.
ZESN observers witnessed altercations between MDC and ZANU PF in Manicaland,
Mashonaland West, Mashonaland Central, and Mashonaland East. In Mashonaland
East, particularly in Mudzi North, inter-party violence increased against
opposition MDC supporters as they were attacked for voting on the “wrong
place.” A number of youths have been injured and many families had to seek
refuge at the MDC headquarters in Harare. Threats of repercussions and
negative consequences were made by supporters of ZANU PF and MDC should they
manage to clinch the presidential win. MDC supporters were threatened with
exclusion in government programmes if ZANU PF won the presidential elections
and MDC supporters also promised ZANU PF supporters the same fate should
they win the presidential election.

An incident was witnessed where Brian Zondo, an MDC activist was assaulted
in a politically motivated incident by Gift Silumba, a war veteran in
Masembura Village in Mudzi. The victim sustained head injuries and was
hospitalised. The secrecy of the ballot was violated when ZANU PF supporters
in Mudzi North informed the electorate that they were aware of the people
that had voted for MDC and they would deal with them accordingly. In a
related incident some villagers at Lot Business Centre in Mutoko were
force-marched to a political meeting at the centre where alleged MDC
supporters were told to lie on the ground until the end of the meeting. They
were told not to vote in the wrong place next time. They were told that
Morgan Tsvangirai would never rule this country and they needed to repent
before they were killed. Post-election retribution has followed all members
of the public who attended MDC rallies in Mutoko as follow ups are being
made to their homes and they are taken to “bases” where they are disciplined
and forced to identify other opposition MDC supporters.

Apparently Mashonaland East and Manicaland provinces became hotspots after
the election. On the 11th of April, ZANU PF unleashed its reign of terror on
MDC supporters in All Souls Mission area in Mutoko. Some victims sought
refuge in nearby mountains and watched as their house hold goods were being
looted and their houses torched. Those that failed to escape were physically
assaulted, those that needed medial care where denied as some hospitals had
been instructed not to admit them. In a political motivated incident yet to
be confirmed Tapiwa Muronza was fatally assaulted in Mudzi North in Vhombozi
Village on the 13th of April 2008.

Intimidation occurred indirectly as Zimbabwe National Army helicopters were
seen hovering in Mutoko constituency and this was meant to invoke in the
electorate fear of the war. A ZESN observer noted that in Mutoko a
helicopter flying low, had a loud speaker and a voice could be heard warning
people that war would be experienced if they voted for MDC’s Morgan
Tsvangirai.

Incidents of violence were also witnessed in Manicaland Province, as Headman
Matambudziko Musuki of Ward 26 was assaulted by youths for supporting
opposition MDC. The incident was reported at Chisumbanje police stations but
no arrests were made. MDC youths attacked the ZANU PF Branch chairperson
Mrs. Gwama of Ward 24 in the Chimamba area for allegedly diverting maize
meant for the community to ZANU PF members only. She was taken to hospital
and the youths were arrested. This incident shows selective application of
the law. On the 30th of March 2008, two ZANU PF members, Morris Mukwe and
Roy Bhila of Chisumbanje were assaulted by ZANU PF youths on allegations of
defecting to and supporting MDC. Mr Bhila sustained knife injuries.

In Checheche, celebrations by MDC supporters were abruptly halted when the
Reserve Police unleashed violence on them. This was one the most violent
scene ever witnessed in the area since the 2002 elections. It is interesting
to note that in the areas where ZANU PF won the election such as Mwenezi
West, there have been no reports of violence compared to areas where MDC had
won elections especially in the rural areas. In Zaka Central, youth militias
called back to Harare after the elections, returned back to their rural
homes invigorated to purge MDC supporters. They claimed that they wanted to
eliminate the MDC syndrome among the people before the run-off.
Post-election violence was also witnessed in Chipinge West. In Harare, ZESN
observers noted inter-party violence in Chitungwiza when supporters of the
winning candidate were attacked by supporters of the losing candidate Job
Sikhala during their celebrations.

In Mabvuku-Tafara, the losing candidate in the local authority elections
demanded that people return the goods that they had received from him in the
campaign period since they did not vote for him. Some bar patrons in the
area were also assaulted by youths. There have been increased incidents of
violence in Chitungwiza as youths have been attacked by police and soldiers.

In Mashonaland West, people in Makonde were asked after the elections who
they had voted for, a move which violated the secrecy of the ballot. In
Chinhoyi town of Chikonohono, people were assaulted after the MDC Tsvangirai
house of assembly candidate was declared the winner.

War veterans’ activities in the post-election era

While there had been a semblance of sanity in the pre-election era, the
activities of war veterans scaled up in the post-election period. The
rhetoric about white people seeking to re-colonize the people began soon
after the 29th of March 2008. Incidence of fresh farm invasions began in
Masvingo, Mashonaland West and Manicaland provinces. In Masvingo, soldiers
with heavy amoury were deployed to rural areas in Masvingo and this has made
rural residents anxious and afraid. A ZESN observer noted that soldiers were
staying in the mountains. There have been allegations of military training
for ZANU PF youths at Renco Mine Stadium. In Zaka Central, the electorate
was threatened by war veterans that they would be crushed if they continued
to support opposition. In Masvingo, war veterans invaded Mr. Goddard‘s farm
and they were instructed by senior government officials to vacate the farm
immediately, which they did. This has left the few remaining white
commercial farmers living in fear of the unknown given the unpredictability
of war veterans.

ZESN observers in Mashonaland West, observed farm invasions in Kadoma when
war veterans invaded a farm belonging to Van Kirk. War veterans were later
instructed to leave the farm which they did. In Muzvezve, Clevelshay farm
was invaded by war veterans.

Role of traditional leaders

While ZESN was critical of the role of traditional leaders in the
pre-election, ZESN still calls for a neutral traditional leadership, as
intolerance in the rural areas impacts negatively on democratic
entrenchment. Traditional leaders continued to intimidate and threaten
people in their jurisdiction. They persist in informing the electorate of
retribution if they voted for MDC Tsvangirai‘s party exclusion in government
relief programmes. In Zaka West, traditional leaders threatened villagers
that those that support MDC would not receive food aid. In Bikita West,
Headmen were assigned to write down the names of all people they thought
belonged to MDC. This demonstrates the partisan nature and non-neutrality of
traditional leaders in the politics of the country.

Recommendations

Based on the above observations ZESN makes the following recommendations:
• ZESN calls for the holding of the presidential run-off within the confines
of the law, particularly regarding the timeframe and electoral process.
• In future elections ZEC is encouraged to release results in a timeously so
as to avoid wide spared speculations that result from delays.
• ZEC needs to desist from giving certain parties privileged information
especially regarding election outcomes before they have been released to the
electorate as this negatively affects the integrity of election results.
• The violence that has besieged the country’s rural areas needs to be
halted as this violates the human rights and freedoms of the people of
Zimbabwe. It is important for political parties to desist from acts of
violence and publicly denounce such acts as well as ensuring compliance
within their structures.
• Recounts need to be done in a transparent manner in order to protect the
integrity of election processes in Zimbabwe.
• Respect for civil society and the work they do is important for democratic
principles to take root in Zimbabwe, ZESN condemns the attacks on civil
society organizations in Zimbabwe as a violation of the right of Zimbabweans
to have a voice.
• ZESN also calls for the authorities to ensure the security of independent
domestic election observers.

Conclusion

ZESN remains committed to promoting democratic elections in Zimbabwe and
continues to diligently observe Zimbabwe’s post-election environment so as
to bring relevant information to all stakeholders.

PROMOTING DEMOCRATIC ELECTIONS IN ZIMBABWE

FOR COMMENTS AND FURTHER DETAILS CONTACT
Zimbabwe Election Support Network
+263 (04) 250735/6 or 703956 zesn@africaonline.co.zw / info@zesn.org.zw or
visit www.zesn.org.zw

Zimbabwe - “We have degrees in violence”

Mens News Daily

May 7, 2008 at 8:32 am

Mugabe is famous for many sayings - including the above where he was openly
acknowledging that Zanu PF not only used violence as a weapon but actually
boasted that they were violent people. He also once said he admired Hitler
for his ruthless establishment of a dictatorship in Europe that nearly
dominated half the world.

There was a time when violence was perhaps the only way to achieve change -
when all other avenues has been exhausted and no alternative route seemed to
present itself. The people who make up the Zimbabwe nation are not by nature
violent people, the majority are Christians and would not espouse violence
in any form under normal circumstances. In the early 70’s there was probably
no real alternative - partly because nationalist leaders had themselves
decided that they wanted more rapid change than the then settler regimes
were prepared to grant. Whatever the merits or demerits of the case, the
fire of war started in earnest in 1972 and went on until it was finally put
out in 1980.

Mugabe and many of his cohorts are a product of that period. Had Mugabe got
his way he would have gone on fighting until the then regime collapsed and
he was able to march into Harare at the head of a victorious army in the
same way that the Vietnamese took over Saigon when that war effort
collapsed. But he did not get his way because the Americans and South Africa
decided that they had to intervene and get regime change under way. The
local leaders conveniently forget that part of our history.

The transition in 1980 was nearly as miraculous as that which took place in
South Africa in 1994. To my knowledge only one shot was fired during the
whole process and that was by a soldier who ran amuck in Harare. It did not
take long however for the demons of the past to come back and haunt us.

There was a short lived rebellion among Zipra troops - suppressed mainly by
elements of the former Rhodesian Army now under Mugabe control, then came
the South African inspired and managed destabilization programme that saw
more white farmers killed in Matabeleland than had been killed in the war.
This was followed by the effort to destroy the only effective opposition in
the country in the form of Zapu under the leadership of the father of
nationalism in Zimbabwe, Joshua Nkomo.

A secret campaign, known as Gukurahundi - a “storm” got under way and in a
period of three years some 40 000 people were murdered, perhaps 400 000 were
injured or displaced and their homes destroyed. The leadership of Zapu was
imprisoned - some for years, and others fled. In the end they capitulated
and were absorbed into Zanu PF.

What is not widely known about this period is that the actual violence was
accompanied by political control of all resources and food and the denial of
opportunities to the Ndebele population. Specific sanctions were implemented
targeting any person who spoke Ndebele or had Zapu connections.

After the subjugation of the Ndebele and the elimination of Zapu from the
political scene, peace returned to Zimbabwe and Zanu simply targeted the
various political formations that came into existence to try and influence
Zanu PF and secure changes in the way the country was being governed.

The campaign against these smaller parties was just as unrelenting as the
one that had been used against Zapu. Its leaders were targeted and
humiliated or driven into the wilderness. Poorly funded and resourced they
were easily brushed aside and posed no real threat to Zanu PF hegemony. That
is until the MDC came on the scene in 1999.

When the MDC proved to be more than a match for the Zanu PF machine, the
machine resorted to its roots and resumed the use of physical violence to
get its way. The targets were anyone who stood in the way or helped MDC in
its campaigns and activities. The business persons who funded our first
Congress were forced to flee the country, supporters and activists were
targeted and killed.

In the ensuing 7 years and three national campaigns later, it is difficult
to estimate the numbers killed and injured in acts of political violence.
The main target has been the MDC although other groups have been also on the
receiving end. What is unusual is the extent to which the regime in Harare
has been prepared to go to achieve its objectives.

Operations such as the one launched against the large scale commercial
farmers is one example - they destroyed the productive capacity of some 4000
farms, in the process reducing food production to less than 20 per cent of
our needs and in the process displacing the entire population of farm
workers and their families - nearly 1,5 million people.

In the Murambatsvina campaign in 2005, 300 000 homes were destroyed, 1,4
million people displaced and all in a period of three months. They have
systematically destroyed what is left of a once diversified and vibrant
economy, in the process driving out of the country millions of people who
otherwise would have voted MDC. The fact that in doing so they have
undermined the security and stability of the region was never of any
consequence, that they have destroyed thousands of families is also of
little consequence.

Then came this final effort to crush the MDC and its structures. It started
in March 2007 and continues today. In all at least 1500 people have been
murdered, several hundred thousand beaten and displaced. There has been
widespread use of torture and beatings. In the most recent episode some 8000
people have been injured in the past two weeks and ten times that many
displaced. The theme used in almost all cases is that “we have come to teach
you how to vote”. I wondered why so many have broken hands and then
discovered that these thugs are saying to people - you used your hands to
vote wrongly - we will teach you how to vote or stop you voting.

Will it work for Zanu PF again, or is this their final fling before
oblivion? All we want to know is who will ensure that when we win this time
round - clearly and decisively, who will ensure that we are allowed to take
over and form the next government?

Eddie Cross
7th May 2008

Margaret Kriel's story

http://www.morningmirror.africanherd.com

PAVEMENT BLOCKERS AND SHOP LIFTERS

Such fun we had in our tiny cell,...... 20 "pavement blockers" , shop
lifters, ladies of the
night .... and one small wannabee journalist !!

As I was pushed into the pitch dark cell at 10 p.m. at night.... I heard the
hiss "makiwa" !!!

I slid silently down into a diminutive space on the concrete floor next to
the foul smelling
toilet, and tried desperately to get my eyes used to the terrifying
darkness..... then a soft
hand reached over and shook my knee "Welcome Makiwa" what are you here for ?

When I mentioned my "Crime" there was an instant excited hullabaloo and
space was made
for me further away from the stench of the toilet....

Little did I know that the din was keeping fellow Journalist Jonathan
Clayton awake in the
cell next door !!

My Cell Mates were delightful if  excitable, some of them had spent several
nights on the
cold concrete floor and were dressed accordingly. There were 21 of us in a
cell measuring
5 meters by 3 meters and we had 4 blankets between us !!

April nights in Zimbabwe can be extremely chilly to say the least. When the
dawn
eventually broke, I noticed that most of the ladies were wearing their
clothes turned inside
out -  a simple explanation if you are a "pavement blocker ? "

Once your fine has been paid in the morning, you turn your clothes the right
way round,
and go straight back to work as clean as a whistle .

One is allowed just two articles of clothing, no bra, no knickers, no shoes
and no socks !
What was more alarming was that were were not allowed toilet paper of water
either !!

Just a top article and a bottom article. HeeHoo had brought me a warm jacket
and a track
suit bottom, but my feet froze ....... the ladies were much cleverer than I,
a warm top and a
voluminous wrap around skirt  that can serve as a blanket is much more
sensible and a tip
I will remember !!

Now a "pavement blocker" , I learned amidst much mirth, is a forex dealer
.....  but one
cannot  be convicted as a forex dealer as the Reserve Bank of the country
often buys forex
from these very same ladies,  and of course  then it is not a crime !!!!

It was a long, long freezing night where only ten of us could lie down and
the other eleven
would sit, however we all swopped at most civilized intervals. It reminded
me of that
kiddies song I used to sing to my babes.....

There were ten in a bed
And the little one said
"Roll over, roll over"
So they all rolled over
And one fell out

However we kept each other warm, except that Memory on my left had pneumonia
and
Mercy on my right had what sounded suspiciously like Tuberculosis !!

Morning was a joyous affair, the guards chased us out most rudely at 6 am to
count us
and then chased us in again until 8 when food arrived. Now the only food one
gets in a
Zimbabwe prison is what the relatives bring, and so if you have no one you
get no food, it
is as simple as that !!

However I had already decided not to drink or eat as this would necessitate
the use of the
loo which was open to all to view and also I had nothing on my feet and the
area around
the loo was awash !!

At eight they let us out again into a small sunny pen along with the inmates
from the next
door cells, and I met fellow Journo Jono Clayton from the London Times, as
well as an axe
murderer from the cell at the end !!

Through the wire  I saw the sweetest sight.....  at the gate to the Central
Bulawayo Police
Station was HeeHoo,  surrounded by a throng of folk, craning his neck to see
if his wife
had survived the night , waving a plastic bag of food excitedly.

No one went without,... the Haves shared with the Have Nots ....

Jonathan Clayton was most popular as his goody bag contained the items he
had bought
at the Johannesburg duty free shop and contained delicacies which his fellow
inmates
certainly did not appreciate, possibly caviar and smoked salmon !!

We were allowed to visit a tap near the over flowing dust bins in the
courtyard for
ablutions, after breakfast ..... and then we were instructed to throw a
bucket of water at
our lavatories and to hang our four blankets in the sun for ten minutes
(lice apparently do
not like the sun ! )

Pushed rudely back into the cells, if I had thought the night long, I found
out the days
were just as long.... Although I had company the sweet girls soon tired of
speaking in
English and I am ashamed to say my Shona and Ndebele is pretty sketchy. But
as the day
wore on and people came and went I learnt a lot about prison life ... the
longer one's
incarceration, the further one is allowed away from the stinky toilet !!

By Noon I was sitting on top of the concrete bed the very furthest corner of
the cell. like
the queen of the Bastille !! Most of my friends had been remanded and
released except for
the two "ladies of the Night" who were by now standing on the toilet looking
out of the
tiny barred aperture hoping to pick up some custom !!

By lunchtime my darling friends had arranged a feeding roster and Hee Hoo
was bringing
in tantalizing treats and delicious cups of hot steaming tea !! And so it
continued for the
next four days .... my favorite meals were the salmon fish cakes that Phill
Macdee cooked
personally and a tray of food, including a tiny vase of flowers and her best
silverware, sent
in my MacMish complete with a delicately fragrant butternut soup !!

5 Days and 4 nights melted into long sessions of  interrogation (with no
lawyer allowed to
be present), where the men from the CIO (Central Intelligence Organization)
and the scary
men from Presidents Office joined forces with the much nicer local Law and
Order
detectives, to ascertain that I was not after all, really Emma Hurd from Sky
News....  !!

The second, third and fourth nights HeeHoo successfully negotiated a
Private En Suite Cell
at Sauerstown Police Station for me where I was kept in solitary confinement
but only
because there were no other women in the cells ..... The poor male felons on
the other
side of my cell wall would bang messages on the wall to comfort me, my fists
were pretty
sore after a couple of days !!

Such bliss, the cell was the same size but much cleaner although the
blankets were stiff
with dirt, and there was a gap of about four inches broken off the bottom of
the door .....

Numerous ants came in to visit me, the droves of mosquitoes were convinced
that my
blood was the best thing they had tasted this year and and I could lie on
the floor and look
out into the court yard for entertainment.

HeeHoo attempted to bring me books, loo paper and water but all were
refused.....

I did not dare go to sleep sleep in case a snake or a rat or worse came in
to eat me while
my eyes were closed !! Solitary confinement is actually pretty scary and
when one of the
male guards called me "Sweetie" I nearly had a heart attack ....

HeeHoo did manage to negotiate my very own blanket for the last two nights
!!

And so I languished happily on my concrete floor while HeeHoo took over the
running of
the house, not having to think about meals for four days was bliss !!

Poor HeeHoo however was not having such a delightfully enforced rest, he
moved
mountains literally to keep everyone else in our lives safe and secure.

Somehow, as only HeeHoo can do, he managed to safeguard the lives of several
vulnerable
people and got them into safety and away from the claws of this strange,
manic, demented
society in which we are forced to live at this time in Zimbabwe.

How can I ever forget the love, warmth, prayers and support the whole world
has shown
me and my family over the past horrid 4 weeks.

Watch out for the unabridged version of this missal after we have gone to
trial ..... and
hopefully these spurious charges have been dropped.

God Bless you all and thank you so much for caring for the brave and
selfless folk who are
trying so hard to save our country.

The SADC Tribunal -- an avenue for redress

The SADC Tribunal is an avenue that remains open for redress for the
survivors of political violence and those being targeted for reprisal,
in Zimbabwe following Zanu-PF's defeat in the March 29 election.
Obviously, those who have been killed are beyond redress or
compensation, however, not so their surviving family and heirs.

Although the Tribunal was established in 1992 in terms of the SADC
treaty it was only inaugurated and sworn in on the 18th of November 2005
and is seated in Windhoek, Namibia.

The Tribunal's protocols, among others, state that it has "jurisdiction
over disputes between states, and between natural or legal persons and
states."

Further, in article 4, the protocol states "SADC and Member States are
required to act in accordance with the following principles in -- (c)
human rights, democracy and the rule of law."

The implication here is that the SADC as an entity as well as the
individual member states are under a legal obligation to respect and
protect human rights of SADC citizens. They (the organisation and the
member states individually) have to ensure that there is democracy and
the rule of law within the region.

According to article 28 of the protocol, the Tribunal or the President
may, on good cause, order the suspension of an act challenged before the
tribunal and take other interim measures as necessary."

According to the article 15(2) of the protocol, the applicants can only
bring an action against a member state in the Tribunal when they have
exhausted all available legal remedies or are unable to proceed (with
the action) under the prevailing domestic jurisdiction (of the state
concerned).

Very clearly, when one considers the number of court orders that have
been obtained by the legal representatives of political detainees and
victims of political violence in Zimbabwe which have simply been ignored
by the military, police and other quasi-government organisations, the
Tribunal is the only legal recourse the victims still have left.

While legally, the powers of the Tribunal are largely virgin territory
as it has never been fully tested in a political dispute, one would
think that a ruling in favour of a complainant, where it is not
enforceable in the country of origin because of political intransigence,
could be enforced in neighbouring states in terms of international
treaties and protocols, such as for instance the New York Convention
(1948) on international dispute resolution.

It would be interesting to see what the opinion of someone with legal
expertise (concerning international arbitration) is on the matter.

Possibly, the Tribunal would also be an avenue to settle disputes about
the recounts of votes from the March election and would also have the
authority to rule on the interpretation of various of the SADC
guidelines as to what constitutes free and fair elections in terms of
press freedom, the freedom to canvas and organise and also the rights of
political parties to invite observers for the elections, etc.

Incidentally, the Tribunal is currently considering an application from
Zimbabwean farmers over land disputes.

While there is no guarantee that the MDC, or any other political party,
or person, which may be dissatisfied with the March election, would win
a case in the SADC Tribunal, the mere motion of lodging the case along
with presenting credible evidence of wrongdoing and brutality would once
more highlight internationally the alleged improprieties which took
place during the election, making things uncomfortable for the
government in Harare as well as Mugabe’s sympathisers among the SADC states.

Gerald Cubitt

7 May 2008.

Zimbabwe chaos affects education

SABC

May 07, 2008, 14:15

John Nyashanu
As cases of violence in Zimbabwe escalate, school teachers in rural areas
(most of whom were election agents) have become targets, prompting many to
flee and schools to shut down.

The Progressive Teachers Union of Zimbabwe estimates that over 1000 teachers
have been beaten up and more than 100 schools closed. This as the ruling
Zanu PF and the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) are still to
compete in a runoff election for the presidency. They fear a crisis in the
country's education.

Raymond Majongwe, Secretary General of the Progressive Teachers Union of
Zimbabwe says: "What is most regrettable is that we are approaching June and
some children are set to write exams. They will definitely fail because
there are no teachers, 2008 will be the worst year for Zimbabwean
education."

Most victims accuse militia linked to the ruling party for the violence, but
the police disagree. Augustine Chihuri, Police Commissioner General says:
"We all know who is behind the violence, it's the MDC. They are the ones
calling for mass stay away, for violent removal of the president. They are
just a violent party."

Making big money in Zimbabwe

 

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'Zim can nationalise farms'

News24

07/05/2008 19:22  - (SA)

Pretoria - It is not wrong for a sovereign state such as Zimbabwe to
nationalise the property of its own nationals and South Africa could not
interfere, the Pretoria High Court heard on Wednesday.

Counsel for the SA government, Patric Mtshaulane SC, argued that an
application by Free State farmer Crawford von Abo to force the government to
take steps to compensate him for the millions he lost when his Zimbabwean
farms were seized should be dismissed.

Von Abo accused the government of ignoring his repeated requests for
diplomatic protection and is seeking a court order to establish his right to
such protection.

He also wants the court to order the SA government to become a party to the
International Convention on the Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID),
so that he could pursue a compensation claim against the Zimbabwean
government through international arbitration.

R80m as compensation

Should the SA government fail to comply, he wants more than R80m as
compensation for his losses.

Mtshaulane argued that the properties confiscated belonged to Zimbabwean
entities, which had no claim for diplomatic protection from the SA
government.

He argued that the conclusion of international agreements was the
prerogative of the Executive and the court could not force SA to become a
party to ICSID.

He said there were other means, such as the Bilateral Investment Treaty,
through which the dispute could be resolved.

Mtshaulane argued that even if the government was forced to join ICSID, von
Abo would still have to obtain Zimbabwe's consent to the arbitration, which
was clearly not forthcoming.

Such a court order would therefore be an academic exercise, he added.

Mtshaulane denied that the government had ignored von Abo's requests for
protection, although he conceded that the diplomatic steps that were taken
"did not yield the desired results".

"The applicant was arrested, charged and imprisoned (in Zimbabwe). In
respect of these wrongs, The Republic of SA acted promptly... The applicant
cannot seek diplomatic protection in order to pursue a damages claim," he
added.

The application continues before Judge Bill Prinsloo.

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Tracking down a massacre

BBC

 

07:11 GMT, Wednesday, 7 May 2008 08:11 UK   By Farai Sevenzo Harare How do people make money in Zimbabwe - a country believed to have the highest inflation in the world - 165,000%? The figure is an awesome one by any standards - it means whatever money people make is losing its value overnight. So is the capital, Harare, bereft of the rich? Hardly. Are the streets empty of the latest luxury vehicles that are on display at the Paris motor show and elsewhere? No - every new class of Mercedes Benz is negotiating Harare's potholes with ease. What about petrol? "Those who say there is no fuel in this country," a famous politician is reputed to have said, "should try and lie down on the roads and see if they won't get run over." Frontier economy The lack of international traders, the scarcity of foreign currency to import basic goods has opened up the markets to anyone with a calculator and the patience to ride the Zimbabwe dollar and its falling value. The black market is the place to make serious money Like a frontier town 100 years ago, locals have been enriched by the scarcity of fuel, soap, spare parts, and cosmetics. From the hawker selling you toothpaste by the traffic lights, to the commodity broker importing large consignments of wheat for the bakers, money is available to those who seek it. George supplies supermarkets with canned beer from Namibia and other neighbouring nations. He employs people who employ people, the middle-man charges for his introductions and his couriers, the money is calculated by the fortunes of the American greenback, transferred to the parallel market value, and trillions are then paid to those who have crossed the borders to supply the individual and the markets. Millionaires Clifford Mugadza has been running his own business for a while, he is a commodity broker and supplies local industries with materials from as far afield as South Africa, Europe and the Far East. I make my money on the black market rate M, currency dealer The thing one notices at once about Mr Mugadza is his immaculate sense of style - hand made shoes, monographed shirts bearing his initials or simply "Cliff". He deals with tailors who fly over from Hong Kong for his sartorial pleasures. I ask him if he's a dollar millionaire, in the American sense of the term. "No I'm not, but there are plenty about. Fuel and its supply has created many dollar millionaires." And what is the business environment like for him? "It's like everywhere else, but timing is the key thing. With the Zimbabwe dollar in freefall, if someone pays you late, then you may have to start all over again." But it is cash itself that is the source of much wealth. In the last three weeks, the Zimbabwe dollar has gone from 45m or so to the US$, to around 120m. Those who invested in buying the greenback three weeks ago have nearly tripled their investment. Of course, it goes without saying that this activity is illegal, but the US dollar economy is amongst us to stay. Everybody knows that the Fourth Street Bus Terminal, with long-haul journeys to Johannesburg, Lusaka and Gaborone starting from there, is the hub of foreign currency deals. The Reserve Bank is reputed to buy from the streets too, so we can pay South Africa and Mozambique for our electricity, so travellers can afford the restrictive visa fees to South Africa and beyond. M is 24 years old and has been dealing in foreign currency for the last two years. I ask him how he makes his money. "I makemy money on the black market rate. They are many of us who stand on the corner of Nelson Mandela and Fifth Avenue, with specific instructions from our buyers to buy at a certain rate, say Z$120 million; we buy at Z$110m or Z$100m. We make our money on the difference." And how much cash does he get from his buyers? "Businessmen who want to import fuel, agents of the Reserve Bank can leave me with Z$200bn a day and simply say: 'I want to raise US$5,000.' And I see if I can find that for them by buying from lots of different people until the money is raised." Riches But this middle-man stuff is not the only source of funds. In the last eight years, Zimbabwe has seen a new crop of farmers who have been getting a bad ride from the press for their ineptitude at feeding the nation. The controlled prices of maize meant that many of them have gone into the more lucrative horticultural businesses - selling Valentine's Day flowers to international supermarkets. Police struggle to stem the tide of goods sold without authorisation Those with large gaming concessions on their new stretches of land can charge up to US$10,000 to idle Americans who have a fantasy about shooting wild animals. New stocks of diamonds in eastern Zimbabwe created their own millionaires, and mining rights owned by Zimbabweans should mean a steady flow of riches into the country's coffers. But the Governor of the Reserve Bank, Gideon Gono, has been fighting the illegal exports of Zimbabwe's minerals for some time. The gold panner will sell to the man with ready cash, he smuggles the stuff to South Africa and tops up his foreign currency account in another city, another country, and another economy. The rich are not paying their dues, the scarred and raped earth around new mining places attest to the frontier-style gold and diamond rush which has been robbing the state of its share. Moreover, the evidence of new wealth is all around us. Beverly Hills-style mansions are spouting up, with no shortages of cement or Italian marble for bathrooms. And if the immigration department were to release the figures, we would learn that the Lebanese have been arriving, that aid workers, whose time is up, are still among us, their children paying billions per term because there is no better place to raise children. But these are at the top of the ladder. The workers are scrounging on a meal a day and walking to work, the civil servants are resorting to selling muffins at receptions. The money is there, but it will take some time to trickle down.

16:31 GMT, Wednesday, 7 May 2008 17:31 UK

By John Simpson World affairs editor, BBC News, Matabeleland The terrible wounds which Robert Mugabe's Fifth Brigade inflicted on Matabeleland in the early 1980s still show. The countryside is under-populated, there is even less employment in the towns than there is in the rest of Zimbabwe, and people are scared to talk. One witness to the killings said the memory was painful Not all of them, though. We slipped into Matabeleland with the help of local people, and gathered evidence of some of the massacres carried out there between 1982 and 1986. It began as an attempt by Robert Mugabe, who was then prime minister of Zimbabwe, to deal with about 500 dissidents. These were followers of his rival, Joshua Nkomo, and mostly belonged to Nkomo's militia, Zipra. Mr Mugabe ordered the Fifth Brigade, which had been trained by the North Korean army and had a number of North Korean officers serving with it, to root them out. It soon turned into something much worse. The Fifth Brigade, like Mr Mugabe's government and administration, was mostly Shona-speaking; Matabeleland is populated mostly by Ndebeles, the descendants of Zulus who came to the area in the 1830s. 'Genocide' Nowadays, many in Matabeleland describe the campaign of murder as genocide. To find out how many people died, we went to the quiet precincts of the Catholic cathedral in Bulawayo to meet Joseph Buchena Nkatazo. He co-ordinated an investigation carried out some years ago by the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace. Mr Nkatazo told us that in the areas where they had been able to investigate, they had found evidence of more than 20,000 deaths. He was sure there must have been many more elsewhere. We drove south of Bulawayo to a place marked on the maps as Antelope - "Balakwe" in Ndebele. In the past, there was a lot of gold mining there. The Fifth Brigade set up a concentration camp in Antelope, where they systematically killed their prisoners. An eyewitness whom we interviewed had been a young girl of 11 when she was taken to the camp. She saw people being shot, beaten and burned to death. "When I remember now, my heart is so painful," she told me. The bodies of the dead were thrown down the nearby mine shafts. Executioner's tale We interviewed a man in late middle-age who had been one of the Fifth Brigade executioners. He confessed to his part in the killings, and said he had also helped dispose of the bodies. "We were taking them [to the mine-shafts] every day in the morning and evening," he said. My colleagues and I drove to the Antelope mine. Our aim was to film the human remains at the foot of the mine shaft. The soldiers told me Mugabe had sent them to kill. So I believe it Henri Karlen Former Catholic Archbishop of Bulawayo It was difficult to get close: a militia group loyal to Robert Mugabe is camped all round the mine. Still, we managed to get there, and our cameraman lowered his camera down the shaft. But the mine was empty. It turned out that the bones had all been cleared away about three years ago, to hide any evidence of the massacre. An old man who lived nearby watched some soldiers dig two mass graves, and throw the bones into them. He led me to the graves: just mounds of earth and stones. One day the remains will be properly exhumed. But not while Robert Mugabe is still in power. Did he give the orders for the massacres at Antelope and elsewhere? The former Catholic Archbishop of Bulawayo, Henri Karlen, is certain he did. Monsignor Karlen, who is Swiss by origin, confronted Mr Mugabe (who is himself a practising Catholic) and told him the murders must stop. Nowadays Henri Karlen lives in a quiet compound in Bulawayo. "Who brought the North Koreans in to train the soldiers for killing?" he said. "And the soldiers told me Mugabe had sent them to kill. So I believe it."

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Zimbabwe: Mugabe Held at Gunpoint, Says Exiled Writer

 

allAfrica.com

INTERVIEW
7 May 2008
Posted to the web 7 May 2008

Charles Cobb, Jr

In Chenjerai Hove’s novels and poetry one finds deep passion for ordinary people under the lash of oppression and struggling against poverty. That very passion has forced him into exile from Zimbabwe, where as both newspaper columnist and novelist he butted heads with the government of President Robert Mugabe.

In a wide-ranging conversation with AllAfrica’s Charles Cobb Jr., Hove, now a visiting fellow at the Watson Institute for International Studies at Brown University in the United States, discussed the failure of regional leaders to respond meaningfully to Zimbabwe’s ongoing turmoil, as well as his thoughts on why the 84-year-old Mugabe clings to office. Excerpts:

Tell us a little about your background. You’re a native Zimbabwean. You grew up there?

I started as a teacher, a high school teacher during the liberation war, in the countryside in 1977.

Where in the countryside?

In the southern parts near Masvingo, in an area called Bikita. We didn’t teach much because that was the height of the war and so we were always in the mountains, taking food or carrying messages from this guerrilla group to another one and that sort of thing. When the school was closed in 1978 I got a job teaching in the Lowveld in the sugar cane plantations, in a school owned by the [sugar] company, and of course the war was there also. So it didn't quite stop. Then after independence I decided to leave teaching because when we went on strike to ask for equal pay...

The teachers went on strike?

Yes, black teachers went on strike because there was a teacher’s college for whites, coloureds [people of mixed race] and Asians, and a teacher's college for blacks who were studying the same curriculum – education, English, languages and all that – and then when we went to teach, the white teachers would get four times our salaries. So we wanted Mugabe to regularize these salaries in 1981. The transitional government of [Abel] Muzorewa in 1978 had done a little to try to improve the situation but didn't go the whole way.

So when we went on strike to demand that these salaries also acknowledge our years of experience where we were underpaid – we went on strike the same time as black nurses – Mugabe came out on television and radio and said these teachers and nurses contributed nothing to the liberation movement.

Now when I was teaching in the countryside, there was a month for example, when I remained with 23 cents because my whole salary had gone to buying shoes, shirts, trousers for the fighters – some of them wanted sunglasses and things like that too. And then the man stands up and says we contributed nothing! I was so annoyed, I decided to leave teaching.

So I got a job as editor at Mambo Press in the Midlands in the town of Gweru. I worked there as a senior editor until 1985 when I went to Zimbabwe Publishing House. We had political differences with the owners so I left and became a journalist, because at Mambo Press I had also been editing the magazine called Moto, which was a monthly.

After Mambo, in 1985 I went to Zimbabwe Publishing House as senior editor in charge of literature, education and training of younger editors. Then because of ideological differences – the owners relied and depended on the patronage of the Minister of Information – I refused to continue because when the minister, Nathan Shamuyarira, was removed to be foreign minister we were concerned about our books because he was the one pushing the books, especially political books.

So I left and became a journalist for Inter Press Service. I was the regional editor for Southern Africa in charge of culture. From there I was appointed writer-in- residence at the University of Zimbabwe from 1991 to 1994, after which I went as visiting professor at Lewis and Clark College [in Oregon in the U.S.]. Then later on I went to teach at Leeds University [in Britain] and I was also a guest writer for the whole of the Yorkshire region. When [Prime Minister Margaret] Thatcher closed the coal mines, [trying] to weaken the trade union movement, there was a lot of unemployment. People were just sitting there so I would go and try to help them [use] their potential skills in writing poetry or short stories or essays and things like that.

Would it be correct to say you’re in exile from Zimbabwe or can you go back?

I’m in exile but I have not been sent out. I left on my own. I had a column in the newspaper called The [Zimbabwe] Standard and after the parliamentary elections of 2000 [amidst] the violence which was happening, I was writing, satirising the political system and how some people like President Mugabe were so power hungry that they didn’t care whether people were being butchered.

Then we were heating up [ahead of] the presidential elections in March 2002, I was continuing to write [and] began to be informed by friends who were in the secret police that there was no way they could arrest me because that would draw a lot of international public attention. They could only find a way, like an accident.

Assassinate you? Accidentally!

So there was a lot pressure from my friends, like Wole Soyinka. Wole would say “Listen, why are still sitting there? Do you want to be another Ken Saro Wiwa? Do you want to be a dead hero? Get out of that place.” And I remember they sent me a ticket, and said, “Okay, this is an open ticket, don't give us the excuse that you didn't have any means.”

So when things were bad I called Wole Soyinka and [American writer] Russell Banks and I said, “Listen I am now going to leave. Where should I go?” They said, “We’ve found a place for you in France. There's a town there just outside Paris which wants a guest writer.” So when I left, of course I left on a 10-day ticket... but I knew I was not going to go back. I can’t go back. It would be suicidal.

I wrote an article in which I said the president has ruled the country through the use of fear and force, now the tragedy is that he fears even himself because he has frightened others so much that he fears himself. If you look at his motorcade, there’s is no president I have seen with such a motorcade. It's such a performance – over 45 cars, motorcycles, now it includes a mobile clinic.

He [Mugabe] responded. He said, “There’s a writer who says I am afraid of myself. I don't hear anybody. That writer is the one who is afraid. He's outside the country.” I wouldn't go back.

As somebody who is native to Zimbabwe, who joined the war for liberation, who was among those celebrating independence of Zimbabwe, is the way things have turned out today surprising to you? Could you have imagined this in 1981?

I could have, yes, especially because I was in the countryside at the height of the war in 1977-78. And I saw, you realised, you know, [guerrillas] murdering people. They used either to say you are a sell-out, or you are a witch, and then they would get villagers and say okay get sticks and bash their heads. Or just take bayonets and kill...

For what reason?

They would say you are a sell-out, giving information to the Rhodesians. A lot of people died... That's why Mugabe didn't want to have some kind of truth and reconciliation commission. And of course at the same time I also saw the brutality of the Rhodesian Army, just coming to a village at night where the guerrillas had been and burning down the whole village with people inside. I saw all that.

Then I got worried about the behaviour of the guerrillas and also the intimidation. In the 1980 elections the people who were actually put in the transition camps [in terms of the agreement which governed the independence election] were not the real fighters. They took villagers, girls and boys, and said you just go in there. The real fighters remained in the villages and said to villagers, “If you vote for Bishop Muzorewa” – who was put there by the Rhodesians – “if you vote for him, we are going to kill you.” So people in 1980 did not vote because they liked Mugabe or Joshua Nkomo – especially Mugabe. They voted to stop being killed, to stop the war. They wanted somebody who could stop the war.

[In 1980] we didn’t worry about the programme of action too much. We didn't. We just said: “We are fed up.” People in the villages had no chickens left, no goats left, one or two cows left, because the guerrillas did not eat vegetables. They ate chicken, they ate meat, so the villages now had nothing. They didn't have oxen to pull the plough and work the fields. They couldn't. When the elections came and then they took power, I got very worried, I hoped they were going to move from the mentality of the bush.

But Mugabe was speaking of reconciliation in those first days?

He spoke of reconciliation at gunpoint... what is happening now.

The Joint Operations Command (JoC), which is now in charge, was formed by... the head of the [Rhodesian] secret police. It was all the commanders of the armed forces, intelligence, police services, there were four or five of them, they were running the country, keeping close control.

This is exactly what is happening now. The same Joint Operations Command, which Mugabe did not dismantle, is now saying to him, “You cannot go because we ourselves will be vulnerable if you go.”

For war crimes, I guess?

For war crimes – some of them were in charge of the operations in Matabeleland [in the early 1980s, in which Mugabe’s forces crushed opposition in the province, killing thousands]. They are known and the cases are there, and witnesses. Human rights organisations have compiled this information.

So Mugabe made that reconciliation speech because there was a lot of movement of diplomats negotiating with the [Rhodesian] generals... They were ready to kill Mugabe and take over and so diplomats were busy negotiating with them. And the generals said, “Okay, we can only accept him [Mugabe] if he promises reconciliation.”

He made the reconciliation speech before the results were announced. When the British [transitional governor] Lord Soames saw that the results were leaning towards Mugabe's victory, and the army – the white generals – were prepared to take over that night, he told them, “You guys have to work under this guy.” They said, “No, we don’t work under a communist. We are going to take over.”

So he had to go to Mugabe and say, “Hey listen, you have to make a statement [on reconciliation] even if the results are not out...” ... So [Mugabe] made it at gunpoint.

So you don't find this to be a new Mugabe at all? Now that he's out from under the gun we’re seeing the real Mugabe – is that what you are saying?

Yes. That’s why he didn’t fire the head of the secret police, the generals of the army – he asked them to stay on, all the white generals. Then he just made the Zipra and Zanla [guerrilla leaders] deputies because he knew that they might re-group. If he's nasty with them, they might re-group and remove him from power. So he made that statement at gunpoint and now he's at gunpoint again with his own people.

His own military people?

His own military people are saying, “No, we won't allow you to leave.” I suspect that [after the March 29 elections this year] he must have negotiated his own exit package, then the army discovered it and said, “You are going to leave and negotiate your own package. How about us? Because you sent us to do a lot of things when you were prime minister and minister of defence.” So he is a hostage really.

The latest news reports say two things. One, that the Movement for Democratic Change will retain a majority of the actual vote count. And that the police and military are engaging in an ever-intensifying crackdown –raids on MDC offices, raids all across the country, particularly in Manicaland and some other places. Is this going to accelerate? Does this mean that the Mugabe government will not accept the vote? And we don’t really know yet about the presidential race. Who is President of Zimbabwe?

Of course we have the President… Before another one is sworn in, he remains president. But we don't have Parliament…. I understand that he has re-instated some ministers... who lost constituencies. None of the opposition MPs [or] his own MPs and senators … have been sworn in. So we have no MPs. We have MPs-elect. So they are powerless because they know that they are not members of Parliament. Even if they won the elections – some of them won [their constituencies] – they have not been sworn in so they can't qualify to be ministers.

Are we looking at the beginning of real civil war?

Now, some army and police officers just go to a region and declare a state of emergency in the district. And then they torture people and nobody arrests the torturers. The sad thing is that the opposition is saying, “No, we cannot have this anymore,” because they have their own youth as well who fight back.

So we’re almost on the verge of a civil war; civil war which will be totally chaotic in the sense that if you suspect that your neighbor is Zanu-PF, you just take a stick and try to hit him, and he or she tries to take a stick to hit your head and crush it.

So it's not a civil war where you are going to have one side coming from over the other side... It’s just chaos, probably even worse than what happened in Kenya. So the next few weeks are very dangerous for the country.

Do you have any expectation or hope that African nations – particularly those in the region that would have a direct interest in stability in Zimbabwe – will act in any way to ameliorate this conflict or to assure fairness?

No, in fact I met the former President of Botswana. Festus Mogae, and he said to me in a joking manner, “Your President has some sort of mystical power. You go there thinking that you are going to challenge him and then when you get there you get so weak.”

Speaking of himself? Or other African leaders?

Of other African leaders, because he said, “We call each other and say, okay this time we have to tell him this and that. This can't go on. We agree. And when he appears everybody is congratulating him for non-successes.”

The same thing with [Thabo] Mbeki [President of South Africa]. Mbeki is currently trying to resolve the situation and when he goes there, he's mediating. He's seen walking around hand-in-hand with Mugabe and smiling broadly. No negotiator does things like that.

Of course the other issue is... an African problem, that he is the oldest, probably the oldest African leader and definitely the oldest and the longest-serving in the whole of Southern Africa.... So they respect him as an elder statesman and do not want to challenge him to say okay this more than enough.

The other side to it also is that some of the leaders know that Zimbabwe's economy is very well balanced normally without this distraction that has happened. Investors who could have been going to Zimbabwe [now] choose neighboring countries. So they [the neighbors] are lukewarm in solving the problem and say, “We'll get the investment. Zimbabwe is not on the agenda as an investment destination.” So they have their own economic interests.

Another thing is that there is this liberation party mentality. Mozambique is the same. There is the liberation war party which led the liberation struggle. Botswana is the same. South Africa is the same. (Zambia changed. Malawi changed.) So they want to make sure that the liberation movements are not disrespected by removing their so-called hero as a villain. So there will be a soft, soft, soft approach.

[Also] the trade union movement and the civil rights movement removed [Hastings] Banda [the founding President] in Malawi. They went on with [former President Frederick] Chiluba to remove [founding President Kenneth Kaunda] in Zambia.

Now the MDC is a movement just like the movement in Zambia. So they are thinking, for example, in South Africa where the government is a marriage between the trade union movement, Cosatu [the Congress of South African Trade Unions], the SA Communist Party and the ANC [African National Congress], if this labour movement continues to take over in these countries—

The strong guy of the trade union movement in South Africa is called Zwelinzima Vavi [general secretary of Cosatu]. He’s threatening the... South African Government, the ANC, that this marriage might break up... So the labour movement tradition of taking over from the liberation movements, this is what some of these leaders fear.

And of course there are personal matters, like in Mozambique, [former President Joaquim] Chissano is still very influential. But who is Chissano? Chissano was Mugabe’s best man at his wedding. So he cannot go and say, “Hey, my friend, you have to leave office.” He can't do that. So he's talking nice conversations with Mugabe.

You said Mugabe was held hostage by his own military people, and that earlier he had been held hostage by white military leaders. Does that mean Mugabe actually wants to leave office and cannot? And why don't people like Mbeki and other leaders of the region have dialogue with those military leaders?

Mugabe wants to leave I think. Because I have been told he has been under immense pressure from his wife, who, I’m told, has already taken the children to Malaysia because they were being divided [from other children] at school to say, “Oh no, it's your father causing us all these problems. We don’t get pocket money anymore.” So they were taunting them.

So I think he has made enough money, he has built his mansions, [in] his village, with his one in town. I understand there are a lot of properties in Malaysia. So he wants to leave and enjoy his last days, spending money on holidays and all that.

The regional local leaders, I suspect, would not want to negotiate with the army, the military people in Zimbabwe, because they are not supposed to have any direct contact with them. The negotiations will have to be between the opposition... and the military. But the military will say we are not authorised to negotiate.

That’s a public position but there's some precedent for back-door, back channel discussions?

My suspicion is that even if they negotiate to have Mugabe leave and they have their own safe package—there are similar experiences, like in Zambia when Chiluba negotiated his own exit... and then they found a warehouse of shoes and bank accounts and properties all over the place... Then [President Levy Mwanawasa], whom Chiluba sort of nominated, made Parliament change the law three months after getting into power and established an anti-corruption commission.

So the [Zimbabwean] army generals don’t trust that [anyone] can guarantee their safety. [Opposition leader Morgan] Tsvangarai has a majority in Parliament and almost the same in the Senate.... The generals know that whatever pledges they are given, the first sitting of Parliament just comes and they [can reverse the deal]. So they are afraid and they are wont to say we can't take a risk.

What do you predict as a Zimbabwean looking ahead? What do you see in the immediate future?

In the next year or two I think we going to go through a period of real chaos –  political, economical, social disintegration – before we start rebuilding.

If you look at the institutions which have been personalised... In every institution where [Mugabe] had power to appoint somebody, including the national parks, national railways, the oil companies, there are brigadiers, colonels, lieutenants, military guys. He has militarised all the institutions – prison services, secret police. Everywhere is military. You are looking at the whole structures of these institutions which have to be depersonalised to make them state institutions again.

These guys are not going to allow themselves to be pushed out easily. They’re going to fight. And that will take a lot of chaos. Even if they don’t get removed they will try to make sure that the new government doesn’t function. They can put in another chief executive and sabotage all the work that is supposed to be done. So that might take us quite a little bit of time.

The central bank is now a personal bank. Mugabe just withdraws money whenever he wishes, millions to go to Malaysia on holiday. He takes the airline, it’s run by some military guy, he just leaves passengers stranded and he goes on holiday.

So to clean all that up and renovate the whole system and make sure the state institutions are once more state institutions, not personal institutions, will take us quite some time.

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