The Observer
Famine becomes Mugabe weapon
In a shockingly sinister
act of vengeance, Zimbabwe's dictator is
orchestrating a slow death by
starvation for millions of his opponents
Peter Beaumont, foreign affairs
editor
Sunday November 10, 2002
The Observer
The rains have come to
the undulating pastures of northern Matabeleland. In
the bread basket of
Zimbabwe, the seed should be in the ground by now. But
instead the rural poor
are bracing themselves for a catastrophe on a scale
not seen since the
Matabeleland massacres a generation ago.
Death is stalking the people of
Matabeleland again. Only this time it is a
slow death by starvation -
orchestrated in large part by Robert Mugabe's
Zanu-PF party as a weapon
against his opponents in the Movement for
Democratic Change.
Amid
warnings that more than 6.7 million Zimbabweans are facing starvation,
the
Matabele have found themselves attacked by Mugabe's thugs, who are
refusing
food to anyone suspected of supporting the MDC. They have been
abandoned by
donor countries in the international aid community, who have
judged Zimbabwe
a bad bet; and threatened by forecasts of a strong El Niño
effect on the
country's weather set to bring a season of heavy rains
followed by
drought.
The combination is bad enough for Zimbabwe's hungry rural
communities -
where one in three adults is infected with HIV - but there is
more bad news.
Thanks to drought and the Government's 'fast-track' land
reform policy,
cereal production is down 57 per cent from last year and maize
output by 67
per cent. The international community has raised barely half the
money
needed to bridge that gap.
With inflation rampant and foreign
exchange rates in dramatic decline,
shortages of bread, maize, milk and sugar
are worsening. To complicate the
picture further, Western officials accuse
senior Zanu officials of
profiteering from a black market in food that most
cannot afford.
'Zimbabwe is facing an utter catastrophe,' said one
British official last
week involved in organising the aid effort for
Zimbabwe. 'Countries that
usually give in crises like this don't want to know
because of Mugabe's
reputation. At present funding for food aid is running at
only 40 per cent
of what is needed. If we can't persuade people to give more,
then we are
looking at a disaster.
'Mugabe is playing politics with
aid, but the international community must
not be drawn into doing the same,
no matter how repellent Mugabe's
behaviour. It is the people of Zimbabwe
themselves that matter, and we have
got to help them.'
Britain's
International Development Secretary, Clare Short, has called on
fellow
members of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Develpoment
to
pledge more. Despite deteriorating relations between Britain and the
Mugabe
regime that saw Zimbabwe last week ban scores of British and
European
politicians and impose visa requirements on Britons travelling to
the
country, Britain remains the second largest donor behind the United
States -
providing £36 million since September 2001.
'It is not that
nothing is happening on the ground,' said one British
source. 'The World Food
Programme and other agencies are doing good work; it
is just that no one is
grasping the scale and urgency of the crisis. Unless
the international
community steps up a gear - and now - there is going to be
a
disaster.'
The most recent assessments suggest that the 'coping
strategies' of those
most badly affected will run out early in the new year.
And then people will
start to die.
But it is a message likely to be
unpopular with governments from Scandinavia
to Japan - usually big donors -
which sources say have been reticent about
giving aid to Mugabe's
Zimbabwe.
It is a position that was outlined last week by Denmark's
European Affairs
Minister, Bertel Haarder, speaking at a meeting of European
and southern
African Ministers meeting in Maputo. His comments are unlikely
to encourage
already cautious governments to rush to Zimbabwe's aid while
Mugabe is still
in power.
'We would like to strongly react against the
fact that the Zimbabwe
government is using our aid and our food to put
political and economic
pressure on its own people,' said Haarder last week.
'They use our aid as a
tool in the domestic fight against the opposition to
survive, and that is
not acceptable.'
Haarder's remarks followed
comments by a senior US official earlier in the
week who also accused Mugabe
of politicising famine relief and said
Washington was considering
'interventionist' measures that could challenge
Zimbabwe's
sovereignty.
The elections may be over but, according to one human rights
observer
returned from Zimbabwe, the use of starvation as a political weapon
is
continuing in some of the most hard-hit areas. The human rights worker -
who
asked not to be named for fear of reprisals against witnesses -
described
widespread use of starvation against opposition
communities.
'In Nkayi in Matabeleland North, I interviewed one witness
who had been
planning to stand for the MDC in the district elections in
September but was
intimidated into pulling out,' said the worker. 'He was
threatened into
leaving his home. He told me that 20 families in his
community had been
denied the right to buy food from the government's Grain
Marketing Board
warehouses because of their support of the opposition. They
have also been
denied the right to work. So they cannot eat and they cannot
earn money.'
It is a story being repeated across the country. 'In one
area I actually
witnessed Zanu youth militia running rural food sales with
the instructions
to sell only to Zanu supporters. With the government having
a monopoly on
the warehouses, it can control completely who is fed and who is
not.'
At Murambinda District Hospital, according to the World Food
Programme,
doctors report increasing cases of malnutrition and pellagra,
associated
with starvation. Informal interviews with those queuing for food
aid in
Mutasa district suggest many families are going for more than two days
at a
time without a proper meal. As always, it is the children who are
suffering
the worst.
A Unicef survey last May showed acute
malnutrition prevalence in under-fives
at 6.4 per cent. But when broken down
further, the data show prevalence of
acute malnutrition up to 18.2 per cent
in some areas and alarming levels of
wasting in those aged three to five at
41.6 per cent nationally.
In Silobela, in Midlands province, the local
chief, Malisa, warned last
month that thousands of schoolchildren in his area
were on the verge of
starvation. 'There is no family in the area that
harvested even a bucket of
grain,' he said.
Clare Short told The
Observer: 'This is a very serious crisis. We can't let
the people of Zimbabwe
be punished twice by Mugabe and then by food
shortages. They mustn't be
abandoned. The donor community must step up their
efforts.'
Sunday Times (SA)
Libya ends oil deal with Zimbabwe over
debts
By Methembe Mkhize
The Libyan ambassador to
Harare, Mohammad Azzabi, says the reasons for the
collapsing $360-million
(about R3.5-billion) fuel deal between Zimbabwe and
his country are not
political - but purely commercial.
Azzabi said in an interview this
week that the deal had always been a
commercial agreement between the
Zimbabwe government and Libya's oil giant,
Tamoil, and not a political
arrangement between old allies - Zimbabwean
President Robert Mugabe and
Libyan ruler Muammar Gaddafi - to shore up the
Zimbabwean
economy.
Until the deal collapsed, Tamoil supplied 70% of Zimbabwe's
oil.
Azzabi said: "It's a matter of supply and demand. It's not
political but
maybe it appears semi-political in a way because we are not
taking out the
money which Zimbabwe pays since we are investing it
here."
Mugabe was in Libya in mid-September to try to save the
faltering deal, but
Tamoil insists on a cash-on-delivery
arrangement.
Under the deal, Zimbabwe pays Libya in local currency
and the money is
banked locally for investment purposes.
Libyans
have so far invested in various Zimbabwean economic sectors such as
banking,
tourism, construction, fuel, meat processing and land.
Azzabi said
Zimbabwe had been trying hard to service its debts. He said last
week the
country had coughed up $10-million (about R98-million) and "not
much was
outstanding". But fuel industry sources said the paid sum was a
drop in the
ocean considering that Zimbabwe owed Tamoil - which supplies
about 100 000
tons of oil products a month - about $90-million (about
R882-million).
Zim Standard
Grace lures voters with food 11/10/02
Story
by By Debra Mazango
AS Zanu PF steps up its campaign to win over
the people of Kuwadzana
before the impending by-election there, basic
commodities, reported to be
coming from First Lady Grace Mugabe, are being
freely distributed to
residents of this high density suburb who attend ruling
party campaign
meetings, The Standard has learnt.
A group of
Zanu PF female activists led by a woman who identifies
herself as Comrade
Mutasa, have been holding meetings every Tuesday evening
in Kuwadzana and
then distributing food and other goods to the people.
Items
distributed include mealie meal, cooking oil, cabbages and soap.
Even bags of
fertiliser were distributed at one time.
At the meetings, Mutasa,
who says she comes to Kuwadzana on behalf of
the First Lady, urges people to
vote for the ruling party in the
by-election, whose dates are yet to be
announced, saying the party is filled
with people who care for the
residents.
At last Tuesday's meeting, held in 227 Street in
Kuwadzana 2 and
attended by this reporter, Mutasa told the residents that the
First Lady had
set up a feeding programme in the suburb to benefit those
threatened with
starvation.
Mutasa, who moves around in a green
twin cab vehicle accompanied by
youths, said: "Do you know that Amai does not
sleep, thinking of the welfare
of this country, but you seem not to
appreciate this. Today we have come on
her behalf to show that she has the
welfare of the people of this
constituency at heart. Everyone, whether Zanu
PF or MDC, should come and get
food. The First Lady does not
discriminate."
She added: "The MDC does not care about you because
it only uses you
during elections and then leaves you to suffer and starve
whilst they
preoccupy themselves with fighting for the interests of
whites."
After stressing the importance of giving support to a yet
to be
identified Zanu PF candidate in the by-election, Mutasa later
distributed a
10kg pack of mealie meal and a cabbage to everyone at the
meeting. The
meetings, which started after the death of Kuwadzana MP
Learnmore Jongwe,
have been attended by several residents who are having a
hard time coming by
the elusive basic commodities.
A woman
present at the first meeting told The Standard that she hoped
the First
Lady's generosity would continue well after the election.
"When we
attended the first meeting we each received 10kg of
mealie-meal and cooking
oil. We were also promised a lot more if we
campaigned for the ruling party
in the coming by-election. We had never
imagined that Grace Mugabe would
think of our existence. We hope after the
election, she will still remember
our plight," she said.
Attempts to obtain comment from Grace Mugabe
were fruitless and her
secretary referred this reporter to the women's
affairs section of the
department of information which she said was
responsible for overseeing
programmes conducted by the First
Lady.
However, no senior officials in that section were available
for
comment.
Zim Standard
Sanctions against UK 'cheap rhetoric'
11/10/02
Story by By Farai Mutsaka
AS President Mugabe's
desperation continues to scale new heights,
Zimbabweans have roundly
criticised the embattled leader for wasting time on
peripheral issues instead
of focusing on the country's economic and
political crisis.
Typical of the grandstanding now associated with Mugabe, his regime
last week
slapped British Prime minister, Tony Blair and his cabinet with
travel
sanctions. Britain was also downgraded from category A to B of the
visa
regime, meaning that all holders of British passports have to now
obtain
visas before visiting Zimbabwe.
The Zanu PF regime said the move is
meant to protect Zimbabwe's
sovereignty, purportedly under threat from
British prime minister, Tony
Blair and his colleagues.
However,
the retaliatory sanctions have not gone down well with
Zimbabweans who view
them as a cheap victory for Mugabe achieved at the
expense of the real
problems besetting the country.
They say Zimbabwe needs Britain and
the European Union far more than
they need Zimbabwe. They say with the
tourism industry in the doldrums, the
coming in of British nationals would
help boost the foreign currency
reserves which have virtually dried
up.
Britain is among the 15 European countries that have slapped
Mugabe
and his cronies with travel restrictions for their role in the erosion
of
democracy and good governance in Zimbabwe.
Most of the people
who talked to The Standard yesterday laughed off
Mugabe's retaliatory
sanctions saying they depicted a leader desperate to
grab world attention at
the expense of the starving masses.
"Uku kuita kweashaya, kutsvaga
uta mugate. Honestly, I don't see how
Zimbabwe could benefit from such an
act. I doubt if Blair or his officials
will feel the pinch of being banned
from travelling to Zimbabwe. What would
they want from Zimbabwe anyway?" said
Wilford Muchingami of Mutare.
With the country's economy in
shambles and the majority of adult
Zimbabweans unemployed, many people say
Mugabe's actions show he has nothing
to offer the country save empty
rhetoric.
Said Nelson Chamisa, MDC national youth chairman: "The
unemployed
youths of this country are baffled by it all. What Mugabe should
remember is
that Blair is not the fuel that people are crying for, Blair is
not the food
or basic commodity that people are eagerly awaiting. Mugabe
cannot tell us
that the sanctioning of Blair will result in the closed
factories being
opened. What Mugabe is trying to do is save face. You cannot
save a
collapsing regime through sanctions rhetoric. It doesn't work and the
sooner
he realises this, the better."
As Zimbabweans go through
their worst economic nightmare in history,
Mugabe's regime has chosen to
ignore the fundamental problems, while
focusing blame for the chaos on
Britain, which it says is leading a campaign
to sabotage the
country.
Tendai Buzuzi of Harare says, Mugabe, now bereft of ideas,
is doing
what any sane person would never do.
Contacted for
comment, Sophie Honey, a spokesperson for the British
High Commission in
Harare, said the Zimbabwean authorities were free to
determine the
requirements of British visitors into the country.
Meanwhile,
sources have told The Standard that about 500 000 visa
application forms
which were at the FedEx offices, a special operator
handling the process on
behalf of the UK government were snapped up by
people in Harare on Friday
alone.
"Indications are that thousands of Zimbabweans want to get
out of the
country as soon as possible," said the sources."
Zim Standard
It's raining maize!
overthetop By Brian
Latham
THERE was confusion in a central African country this week
when Zany
party officials geared to defend themselves against an onslaught
from the
sky. Within months, they said, the government of the United States
would
invade the capital armed with food.
Hysterical headlines
in the state-controlled Horrid screamed of a US
invasion and warned that any
breach of sovereignty would be treated
seriously.
Still, the
same day the US government denied it had plans to invade
the troubled central
African nation. The denial worked well, giving the
troubled central African
county's spin-doctors the opportunity to blame
Britain. "UK behind invasion
plot," screeched the following day's Horrid
newspaper. It did not say how the
UK government would manage an invasion
without American
permission.
Still, analysts said the troubled central African
country's reaction
to the threatened invasion spoke volumes. "If intrusive
and interventionist
measures to provide food are a bad thing, then starving
half the population
must be a good thing," said one analyst who pointed out
that at least half
the population supported the opposition.
Citizens of the troubled central African nation, most of whom are
extremely
hungry, have complained that food is available only to Zany party
supporters.
This has been denied by the Zany party which says food is freely
available at
$200 for five kilograms to anyone who can produce a valid
party
card.
Meanwhile the possibility of large American
aeroplanes flying over the
troubled central African country and dropping food
into remote rural areas
was welcomed by everyone outside the Zany party
hierarchy. "We think this is
a splendid idea and I for one will be voting for
George Bush in the next
presidential election," said one rural villager who
said he was chairman of
the "Bush for president of the troubled central
African country campaign".
Meanwhile British spies and saboteurs
masquerading as charity workers
were recently banned from feeding starving
children in a remote and
undeveloped part of the troubled central African
country, that
coincidentally just happened to have voted for a More Drink
Coming council.
The heavily disguised spies and saboteurs, many of whom were
women with
hairy legs and earnest expressions behind their little round
spectacles,
said the banning was an outrage and denied they were
spies.
Still, their denials were dismissed by the Zany government
which the
backward, lickspittle people of the region would never have voted
for the
More Drink Coming party if they hadn't been told to by agents of
western
imperialism. Meanwhile the unlikely looking agents, most of who
looked as
though they would fail a physical entrants exam for preschool
teachers, said
they were surprised by the move, but also welcomed the
prospect of US planes
dropping food,
"Just as long as they're,
you know, careful and don't drop anything on
top of anyone."
While the invasion debate raged on, citizens in the troubled central
African
country's towns and cities said they were too busy to worry about
whether the
Americans were coming. "We have to find queues to join," said
one hungry
person. "There are maize meal queues, cooking oil queues, sugar
queues and
petrol queues, just for starters. I really don't have time to
wait for the
Americans."
Despite the debate raging within the troubled central
African nation,
regional leaders remained curiously silent over the food for
cards issue.
This upset western imperialists who are demanding that people
like "Maybe"
Mbeki take some action, but"Maybe" responded to calls for a
tougher stance
by saying, "Erm."
Analysts believe that within 12
months there could be as few as six
million people living in the troubled
central African country. The other
seven million will have either starved to
death or emigrated -though the
Zany party predicts confidently that its
remaining citizens will all hold
party cards.
Zim Standard
Adding insult to injury
sundayopinionBy Mavis
Makuni
"POWER, like vanity, is insatiable. Nothing short of
omnipotence could
satisfy it completely," wrote philosopher, author and Nobel
Peace Laureate,
Bertrand Russell.
He argued that love of power,
whether petty or otherwise, was
increased by the experience of power and he
gave the example of well-to-do
women whose pleasure in exercising power over
their domestic servants
increases steadily as they grow older.
"Similarly, in any autocratic regime, the holders of power
become
increasingly tyrannical with experience of the delights that power
can
afford. Since power over human beings is shown in making them do what
they
would rather not do, the man who is actuated by love of power is more
apt to
inflict pain than to permit pleasure," Russell said.
If
he were alive today, the philosopher would be amazed at how spot-on
his
description was with regard to the situation in Zimbabwe today.
We
have a regime which after 22 years, is so drunk with absolute power
that it
believes it is not bound by the laws it expects the citizens of the
country
to observe.
Further, this government believes that the laws of
logic do not apply
to it. In this way, the Zanu PF regime is able to turn on
its head every
fact and argument against its bogus claims with regard to the
abuses it
perpetrates against its own people.
I read somewhere
that some despots become so corrupted by absolute
power that they begin to
believe in their own immortality. Not surprisingly,
the suffering and deaths
of their own people, who are mere mortals, mean
absolutely nothing to them.
The Zimbabwean crisis bears this out.
It is a fact that since the
political violence now rampant in
Zimbabwe, began in February 2000, our head
of state has made no pretence of
losing any sleep over it or having any
sympathy for the bereaved families
concerned, despite publication in the
newspapers of horrific pictures
showing the brutal attacks victims are
subjected to.
The end, which is to keep the ruler in power,
apparently justifies the
means.
This is why Mugabe can publicly
boast of having degrees in violence
and then go to sleep at night without any
qualms despite knowing that the
millions he is supposed to embrace as a
national leader are being denied
food aid and subjected to other forms of
discrimination and degradation for
refusing to acknowledge his
omnipotence.
Zanu PF's moral insensibility even in matters which
bear universal
taboos was shown during the funeral wake of young MDC
legislator, Learnmore
Jongwe, last week.
Respect for the dead,
as well as empathy for the bereaved,
demonstrated by a willingness to let
them mourn their loved one with dignity
and in peace are universally accepted
principles. They are what separate
human beings from animals.
But, for Zanu PF, the fact that Jongwe died in such tragic
circumstances was
apparently not thought to have caused enough anguish to
his family. Insult
had to be added to injury when police interfered with the
sombre proceedings
at Jongwe's home in Harare claiming to be looking for
murder suspects. It
says a lot about the competence and professionalism of
the police force that
officers regarded a funeral wake as an appropriate
place to conduct
investigations.
The police stooped even lower when they fired tear
gas at the mourners
who lined the streets as Jongwe's funeral cortege made
its way to the
National Sports Stadium.
Ten years ago, when
Zimbabwe's respected first lady, Sally Mugabe
died, the country got a glimpse
of what magnanimity and generosity of spirit
could mean when President
Mugabe's arch political rival, the late Reverend
Ndabaningi Sithole, turned
up to pay his last respects.
He explained to a television reporter
that in a tragedy such as death,
people had to put their personal differences
aside and mourn together as
human beings. It was a memorable
moment.
Jongwe's talents, his eloquence and maturity far beyond his
28 years,
won him the admiration of Zimbabweans of all walks of life. Many
were
therefore shocked when he died so unexpectedly and in such
controversial
circumstances.
The shameful way in which the
police treated mourners wishing to pay
their last respects to Jongwe suggests
that such normal human emotions as
compassion and empathy are fast being
criminalized by the paranoid ruling
party and government.
Unelected junior minister, Jonathan Moyo's shrill denouncement of the
MDC for
giving Jongwe a rousing send-off was to be expected from a man who
never
shows the slightest twinge of regret, even when caught in the most
outlandish
of fabrications.
The irony that he could, in the same breath, slam
the MDC for
affording Jongwe a befitting funeral and then accuse the party of
ignoring
the young legislator while he was in prison, was lost on
Moyo.
It does, however, underscore the fact that in Moyo's book,
the
opposition can never win, no matter what it does.
Zim Standard
Bob, put on your running shoes
TWO months ago, the pound was worth $1 000. Now it's worth $2 000 and
still
rising. Prices here are being marked up on a weekly or daily basis-the
result
of the Zimkwacha devaluation. How long can the povo afford to live?
The fat cats with nearly 20 bedrooms in their houses, their Pajeros,
their
snouts still firmly in the trough and their new farms safely tucked
away,
still want for absolutely nothing.
How long will the army, the
police, even the pseudo-war vets, continue
to support and protect them? How
long before the povo explode and fall upon
the fat cats-while the police,
etc, standby and let them do so, or actively
join them in bringing the whole
stinking edifice down? Shades of 1789, the
French Revolution, the new Day of
Independence.
Robert Mugabe, got your running shoes
handy?
PNR Silversides
Harare
Zim Standard
Student leaders in hiding
By Loughty
Dube
BULAWAYO-Police harassment has forced student leaders at the
National
University of Science and Technology (Nust) to go into hiding after
a foiled
demonstration on Tuesday afternoon led to police laying siege to
the
institution.
Riot police, wielding baton sticks, descended
on the institution and
arrested the president of the Students Representative
Council (SRC), Isaac
Chimutashu, and four union members.
Nust
students and their lecturers have been on strike for the past two
weeks
demanding increases of their salaries and government pay-outs.
The
lecturers want a 50% salary increment, while students want the
government to
give them an advance of $20 000 to meet expenses for the
current
semester.
The vice president of the Nust SRC, Franco Makwangudze,
told The
Standard that student leaders at the university went into hiding
when police
intensified the hunt for organisers of the
demonstration.
"The police have camped inside our campus and have
identified the
rooms of all the student leaders. They are constantly checking
for us and we
are afraid to go back to campus because we are not sure of our
fate if we do
go back," said Makwangudze.
He said police had
picked seven students up in the dead of night, in
the last four
days.
"We are being hunted down and most of the union leaders have
gone into
hiding. We fear for our lives as most of the students are being
picked up
from their rooms at night and so far, we do not know where they
have been
taken," said Makwangudze.
Nust's student welfare
officer, Benjamin Nyandoro, said the students
would not return to lessons
until their demands were met.
"Even if the law enforcement agents
harass us, we will not go back for
lessons and we will work in solidarity
with our lecturers who are also on
strike,"said Nyandoro.
The
students are alleging that higher education minister Swithun
Mombeshora,
spurned their demands for allowances after initially agreeing
to
them.
"After Mombeshora made us travel all the way to Harare
for discussions
on pay-outs, he made a sudden u-turn saying he was not aware
of the need to
increase our pay outs but as students, we are saying we can
not live with
that kind of hypocrisy from our leaders," said
Makwangudze.
Repeated attempts to get a comment from University
authorities were
unsuccessful.
The Herald
Anti-Zim crusade: UK persecutes businessman over
'sanctions-busting'
By David Pallister and Tania Branigan
THE British
government has launched a formal investigation into the
allegation that a
white Zimbabwean businessman - one of the richest men in
Britain - has broken
UK and European sanctions by supplying aircraft parts
to the Zimbabwean
airforce.
The allegations against the international financier John
Bredenkamp were
made in a United Nations report on the "illegal exploitation
of natural
resources" in the Democratic Republic of Congo, published last
month.
In the past few days, both the foreign secretary, Jack Straw and
the defence
secretary, Geoff Hoon, have confirmed in parliamentary answers
that an
investigation has begun.
In the first answer to the Tory MP
Michael Acram, Mr Straw said: "We are
aware of allegations of past arms
dealing activities by Mr John Bredenkamp.
On Monday Mr Hoon told the
Labour MP Paul Farrelly, who accused Mr
Bredenkamp of sanctions-busting in
the Commons in March: "The government
certainly takes seriously all credible
reports of misuse or diversion of
UK-exported equipment." The UN report says
Mr Bredenkamp, founder of the
Ascot sporting agency Masters International,
"has a history of clandestine
military procurement."
While Mr
Bredenkamp admits he broke sanctions for the Rhodesian regime of
Ian Smith,
he denies any sanctions violations since then.
He said in a statement to
the Guardian that he took "great exception to any
allegation of wrong-doing"
and described the report as "hopelessly
misleading and
inaccurate."
The EU followed suit in February this year. The UN report
says: "Mr
Bredenkamp's representatives claimed that his companies observed
European
Union sanctions on Zimbabwe, but British Aerospace spare parts for
Hawk jets
were supplied early in 2002 in breach of those
sanctions."
The panel cites internal documents, which the Guardian has
seen, from one of
Mr Bredenkamp's companies, Raceview Enterprises, which
supplies logistics to
Zimbabwe's defence forces.
A memorandum dated
May 17, 2001 details aircraft spares worth $3million
(pound sterling
1,9million)
In a lengthy explanation sent to the Guardian, Mr
Bredenkamp's spokesman
agreed that ACS acted as a broker for Raceview, which
reached a general
supply agreement with the airforce in August
2001.
But he said the aircraft spares were legitimately exported from
European
manufacturers and not from BAE Systems or the UK.
The
spokesman enclosed a letter from ACS to the airforce in April this
year
saying that because of the EU embargo two suppliers (whose names have
been
blanked out) had decided to suspend all shipments to
Zimbabwe.
The country has aircraft from Italy, Spain and
France.
Although BAE Systems acknowledge that ACS is "one of our many
advisers in
Africa" it denies supplying Hawk spares in breach of
sanctions.
"We did not supply any spares to Zimbabwe and we do not
believe any were
delivered, because we believe Zimbabwean Hawks are not
flying and have not
been for two years," Richard Coltart, BAE's head of news,
said.
"We investigated these allegations and made sure we hadn't done
anything
wrong even by accident."
Zimbabwe Newspapers have suggested
that the Hawk spares were bought from
Kenya.
In reply to the report's
allegations that Mr Bredenkamp's companies had
improperly exploited Congo's
natural wealth, his spokesman said the
conclusions were "either false or
inaccurate and in context maliciously
defamatory." - The Guardian.
SABC
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Delegates of SA and Zimbabwe to meet
November 10, 2002,
12:15
Delegates from the Foreign Affairs Departments of
both South
Africa and Zimbabwe will meet at the Presidential guest house in
Pretoria
tomorrow.
The discussions will focus on
addressing political and economic
issues of mutual concern. The South African
government delegation will be
led by Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, Foreign
Minister, and Stan Mudenge, the
Zimbabwean delegation by Foreign
Minister.
The delegates are meeting as part of a joint
commission for
Economic, Scientific, Technical and cultural co-operation
established
between the neighbouring countries in 1996.
Zim Standard - Comment
Blair should rethink on
visas
FOR those of us who cherish people to people ties between
Zimbabwe and
Britain, current developments in the stand-off between the two
countries are
particularly painful.
The new policy requiring
ordinary Zimbabweans to fork out $72 000 for
a visa on top of the
prohibitively expensive airfare of more than one
million Zimkwachas is
extremely harsh. Worse still is the equally
prohibitive cost of a $54 000
visa for merely passing through the United
Kingdom on the way to a third
country.
In making the policy change, British Home Secretary, David
Blunkett,
said: "I have decided to bring in a visa programme for Zimbabwe to
deal with
what is a very significant abuse of our immigration controls by
Zimbabwean
nationals-large numbers are refused entry to the UK and returned,
others are
granted short-term entry, many as visitors, but fail to return
home. In
addition, the UK has experienced increasingly large numbers of
unfounded
asylum claims from Zimbabwean nationals."
Ordinary
Zimbabweans are deeply grieved. It is most regrettable that
the people of
Zimbabwe now have to suffer the consequences of Zanu PF's
misrule. There is
no doubt in anybody's mind that President Mugabe and his
government are 100%
to blame for the increasing number of economic refugees
fleeing to other
countries, particularly the UK. We are witnessing the
indifference of the
governing elite to the feelings of the governed. We can
plaintively ask the
Zanu PF regime: What the bloody hell do you think you
are doing to your own
people?
But having placed the problem where it rightly belongs, the
key point
to be made is that the United Kingdom cannot escape responsibility
for poor
Zimbabweans. Whilst the reasons given by the British authorities
to
institute a visa regime on Zimbabwe may appear outwardly reasonable in
that
Britain is trying to protect its national interests, the inescapable
point
is that the British have a responsibility to come to the aid of the
ordinary
people of Zimbabwe who have become victims of a regime whose
policies have
resulted in the destruction of a once fairly strong, vibrant
and promising
economy.
The people of Zimbabwe should be aware
that the imposition of a strict
entry visa regime is not new. They will
recall that the South African
government has imposed similar strict
requirements to stem the tide of
economic refugees as the economy of Zimbabwe
continues to decline. It is
likely that other countries affected by the
potential influx of Zimbabweans
seeking economic and political asylum may
follow suit.
But we have a special relationship with
Britain.
We say Britain has a responsibility towards Zimbabwe
because there has
always been people to people communication between Zimbabwe
and the UK for
historical, educational and cultural reasons. This is the
bottom line. Never
mind the intense hostility between Robert Mugabe and Tony
Blair,
particularly the overheated rhetoric of the former towards the latter.
"Tony
Blair, keep your England and I will keep my Zimbabwe" which has
absolutely
no place in the people to people ties that have been going on
between
Zimbabwe and Britain since time immemorial. In any event, countries
are
never the private properties of individuals, of mere
mortals.
It is not for the sake of it that Zimbabweans try to seek
refuge in
Britain. Zimbabweans feel much more comfortable seeking refuge in
Britain
because of their language and education which is modelled on the
British
system. Most of the things here have their roots in Britain.
Zimbabweans and
the British have and always will be joined together-for good
or ill-by
history and culture.
Smart sanctions by the EU, the
USA and other countries have been
targeted at the Zanu PF leadership in the
hope that the regime may change
course for the benefit of the people of
Zimbabwe. It is not right that
ordinary Zimbabweans are made to pay for the
sins of their leaders. In our
present predicament, we need the goodwill and
understanding of our friends
worldwide, particularly Britain.
Zimbabwe needs the international community much more than the world
needs
Zimbabwe. It is therefore laughable for the Mugabe regime to try to
impose
retaliatory sanctions on Britain. Even more daft is the requirement
for the
British passport holders to apply for visas to enter Zimbabwe. What
this will
do to our tourism industry is too ghastly to contemplate.
The
lesson must not be lost that British Airways is the only remaining
foreign
airline flying into Zimbabwe and introducing a visa regime will
definitely
have a negative impact on tourist arrivals into the country, with
terrible
implications on forex inflows. The government's move to retaliate
is bound to
hurt ordinary Zimbabweans much more than the fat cats
in
government.
The point must also be made that members of the
British government do
not have as much need to come to Zimbabwe as Zanu PF
leaders have. The
frequency with which President Mugabe and cabinet ministers
used to visit
and transit UK is quite legendary-for meetings, shopping and
simply relaxing
'in the mother country'. The evidence is clearly
there.
No useful purpose will be served by meaningless tit-for tat
to and the
feeling that 'we have also done something'.Only diseased regimes
feel this
way.
Not to mention the madness of declaring war on
your own citizens just
because they happen to work for foreign-based radio
stations you disagree
with.
In closing, we would want to
reiterate that the visa regime which has
been introduced by the British
government is rather insensitive. We would
therefore like to appeal through
the good offices of the British High
Commissioner, Brian Donnelly, for a
rethink on the part of the British
authorities either to reverse or relax the
conditions of the visa programme.
In making this appeal, we are
fully cognisant of the fact that it is
incumbent on the present government to
come up with a clear economic and
political blueprint to reverse the ruinous
course that it has set the
country on.
In our view, such a
blueprint would only work in a socio-economic
environment characterised by
good governance, democracy, observance of the
rule of law, correct
macro-economic fundamentals which will lead to the
country's acceptance by
the international community and confidence in
Zimbabwe as an investment
destination.
Zim Standard
Q&A with Tsvangirai
FOLLOWING the
defeats of the opposition MDC in all parliamentary
by-elections held so far,
losses which have seen the party's representation
in parliament slide,
questions have been raised as to the wisdom of the
party's continued
participation in elections in the current environment.
Losses in Insiza and
Bikita West and the death of Kuwadzana MP, Learnmore
Jongwe late last month,
resulted in the MDC's representation in parliament
declining from 57 to
54.
Apart from this, the party is also reeling from reports of
intra-party
squabbling. To seek insight into what is really happening behind
the scenes
of the opposition party, Standard News Editor, Walter Marwizi,
sought an
interview with MDC president Morgan Tsvangirai. Below is a
transcript of the
interview:
Q: Mr President, your party has
over the past three years fought a
difficult battle to transform a political
landscape dominated by the ruling
party since 1980. Are you satisfied with
the way things have gone so far?
A: When the party was launched
three years ago, it sought among other
things to foster a democratic
environment that would enable the people of
Zimbabwe to express themselves in
various forms. Unfortunately, Zanu PF's
response to the advent of the MDC has
been to close down what little
democratic space existed prior to the MDC's
formation. We have witnessed a
relentless attack on the pillars of freedom
such as the judiciary, the
press, civic organisations and, of course,
political opposition parties,
particularly the MDC. We have seen the
deliberate subversion of the
electoral process and a headlong plunge into
fascism. Be that as it may, the
MDC has held its own in this uneven playing
field. As you know, we are in
charge of five municipalities and one town
council. Our rural and urban
councillors, working with MDC parliamentarians,
have demonstrated that given
a chance, democracy can work. The resilience of
ordinary Zimbabweans never
ceases to amaze. Who would have expected people to
risk standing as MDC
councillors in such hotbeds of Zanu PF thuggery as UMP
and Muzarabani?
Q: After the defeat in the March presidential
election, an election
largely regarded as flawed, you took a back seat and
allowed President
Mugabe to consolidate his power at a time when some of your
supporters felt
that something had to be done, such as mass action, to reject
the result.
What was the logic behind your decision?
A: There
was no "defeat" in the March 2002 presidential election.
Mugabe brazenly
stole the election, and in the process, betrayed the
aspirations of the
people of Zimbabwe who yearn for changed circumstances in
their lives.
Contrary to your assertion, I did not take a back seat after
the announcement
of the results. I toured the country, learning more and
more about the
intricacies of the rigged election from our members, and
drumming up support
for the need for a rerun of the presidential poll.
Judging from the responses
of the thousands who turned up at these rallies,
the message was received
with enthusiasm.
I appreciate that there is a feeling among some
political activists
that the party should have led the people into the
streets in protest as
soon as the theft became evident. However, given the
volatility of the
situation and the tensions that were prevalent, it would
not have been a
wise move. Be that as it may, mass action is not frozen in
any time frame.
It remains an active consideration as one of many options
open to the
freedom-starved people of Zimbabwe.
Q: The recent by
election in Insiza was yet another contest which Zanu
PF won after a violent
campaign orchestrated against hapless victims by the
war veterans and Zanu PF
militia. After this election, it emerges that some
within the MDC are now
thinking twice about the party's participation in
future elections saying
they only serve to legitimise Zanu PF's continued
grip on power. What is the
way forward for your party?
A: The choice of words is important in
describing events properly.
Contrary to your assertion, Zanu PF did not "win"
in Insiza. It was yet
another affront to decency, a humiliation of the people
of Insiza and an
assault on all institutions of democracy. The electoral law
that Zanu PF
itself enacted was violated with impunity. People's hunger was
used to
coerce them into voting against their consciences. Violence was
escalated to
levels that nullified the whole contest. I understand those who
urge the MDC
to stop dignifying Zanu PF's fraud by participating in the
flawed electoral
process. This is, however, a decision that should not be
taken lightly.
Intensive and extensive consultations are taking place so that
the party's
position is informed by a through process of
consultation.
Q: In any given political party, especially Zanu PF,
youths play a
crucial role in mobilising supporters and coordinating party
programmes. A
week ago, in your Daily News column, 'MDC On Monday', you
pointed out that
youths in your party had let you down. Can you explain what
you meant by
this and what role the youth do in fact play in your
organisation?
A: You missed the statement about the MDC youth in
'MDC On Monday'.
There is nowhere in the article that reference is made to
the MDC youth
letting me down. The article refers to incidents of
indiscipline which
betray the youth of the party. This means that because of
the party's
"newness", incidents of indiscipline have occurred.
We have a vibrant youth leadership that has done a lot to mobilise the
youth
into playing an active in the programmes of the party. Unfortunately,
the
youth in our party-like youth all over Zimbabwe-have borne the brunt of
the
economic mismanagement which has been the hallmark of Zanu PF's misrule
in
the past 23 years.
The youth suffer joblessness more acutely
because they see their
future shattered as a result of the government's
visionless policies. Unlike
Zanu PF, we in the MDC do not believe in mindless
mobilisation of the youth
which-in the case of Zanu PF-always culminates in
violence.
Q: There have been claims that your party abandoned
Learnmore Jongwe-a
favourite among the youths-in his hour of greatest need
and later
capitalised on his death to whip up anti- Mugabe sentiments. We
have learnt
that you did not visit Jongwe in the three months that he was in
prison,
leading him to feel abandoned by the party he loved so much. What is
your
response to this?
A: I find Zanu PF's harping on the Jongwe
tragedy as tasteless as it
is callous. Prison records will show that Jongwe
received numerous visitors
from the party, almost on a daily basis. The party
sent those visitors with
food parcels. The party is footing his legal bills
and funeral costs. It is
not true that the party abandoned Jongwe. We are
distressed by the untimely
loss of two promising young lives and hope this
matter will come to a speedy
close so that affected families can cope with
their grief.
Q: Turning to the Kuwadzana seat, left vacant by
Jongwe, press reports
indicate that you are trying to impose your colleague
from Masvingo at the
expense of a candidate acceptable to the party. Is this
true and if not,
where do you stand with regard to the selection of a party
candidate?
A: The party is not even thinking about who will
represent the
Kuwadzana constituency in parliament. What is at issue is
whether the party
should participate in a flawed electoral process. Turning
to my perceived
role in the choice of a candidate, I play no role in the
choice of
candidates for whatever constituency. In the MDC, persons seeking
nomination
as candidates submit their CVs to the district and the province,
which then
oversee the nomination process. The national executive is then
presented
with the name of the successful candidate.
Q: Some
members of your party claim that there is a 'Top Six' group in
your party
which is charged with running the affairs of the party and that
this group is
increasingly adopting dictatorial tendencies which are not
befitting a party
determined to remove a dictatorial regime from power. Can
you comment on
these claims?
A: At the MDC National Congress, the delegates choose
six officers who
were to be given specific tasks to perform on behalf of the
national
executive. The team oversees the implementation of the party
programme
between congresses. It is not a policy making entity as policy is
the
preserve of the national executive. In other words, this is a
management
committee accountable to the national executive. It would be
useful if your
informants were to stipulate incidents of dictatorial
tendencies so that
such specifics could be dealt with adequately. Otherwise
these remain
speculative claims without substance.
Zim Standard
Starvation threatens boarding schools
By
Debra Mazango
AS food shortages continue to worsen, pupils from
most boarding
schools around the country are facing starvation as school
authorities fail
to secure basic commodities which are in short supply, The
Standard has
learnt.
The situation is quite serious especially
at those schools tucked away
in remote parts of the country, where pupils are
having to skip some meals
due to the acute shortage of bread and mealie
meal.
This state of affairs has prompted several schools to cut
down on the
quantity and quality of meals offered to their
pupils.
"The situation here is worrying. I must admit that we have
been unable
to provide proper breakfast and at worst we have been forced to
skip lunch.
Supper is what we now consider essential," said one headmaster
who requested
for anonymity for fear of raising alarm to
parents.
Maize meal is mainly obtained on the black market at
exorbitant
prices, which at times cannot be afforded by the schools. Due to
the ever
rising cost of goods, schools have not managed to come up with fees
that
match these increases.
The Standard is informed Bernard
Mizeki college in Marondera is one of
the educational institutions which have
been hard hit by the food shortages.
Students at the school claimed
this problem had, at some point this
term, affected their lessons and
examinations as authorities failed to
secure the hard-to-find mealie
meal.
"On that particular day, we did not eat anything from morning
up to
about 3pm when we were given two slices of bread each and fruits," said
some
form four students at the college.
This problem occurred at
a time when students were writing their
examinations. "How can we read and
sit for our exams on empty stomachs?"
asked the students.
Lawrence Karadzandima, the director of education for the Harare
Anglican
Diocese, which is the responsible authority for the college,
however disputed
the assertions of the students saying they were not
starving.
"The reports made to you by the students are false and maybe they hold
a
grudge against the school authorities. Their aim is to tarnish the image
of
the school in anyway. Their headmaster told me they had enough food
and
hunger is out of the question," he added
Church-run schools
are not the only ones threatened with starvation.
Investigations reveal that
most government schools including tertiary
institutions, especially
polytechnic and teachers' colleges, are finding it
difficult to feed
students.
Over seven million Zimbabweans are facing starvation ,
particularly in
rural areas where some are reported to be surviving on wild
fruits because
of the severe shortage of maize, the country's staple
food.
It is estimated that the country needs over 40 000 tonnes of
maize per
week to see it through to the next harvest in April 2003.
Zim Standard
Sikhala, Musekiwa arrested 11/10/02
Story by
By Farai Mutsaka
POLICE in Harare yesterday arrested two MDC
legislators, Tafadzwa
Musekiwa, MP for Zengeza and Job Sikhala, MP for St
Mary's, on allegations
that they abused the parliamentary vehicle
scheme.
Police spokesman, Inspector Andrew Phiri, confirmed to The
Standard
yesterday that the two had been arrested in the early hours of
yesterday and
were being held at Borrowdale and Marlborough police stations
respectively.
Phiri said the duo had allegedly manipulated the
parliamentary vehicle
scheme in order to import two cars for third parties.
He said the two had
made misrepresentations to the Reserve Bank that the cars
were for use in
their respective constituencies.
According to
the scheme, MPs intending to purchase vehicles for use in
their
constituencies are exempt from the duty imposed on imported cars. The
scheme
can, however, not be extended to third parties.
"I can confirm that
the two were arrested yesterday morning," said
Phiri.
The two
legislators were still in police custody at the time of going
to press and
are expected to appear in court tomorrow.
Sikhala's lawyer, Mande
Baera, said he had been denied access to his
client and therefore was not
able to get full details of the case.
"I have been here since 8:00
am but have failed to see Sikhala. I
understand the investigating officer
gave instructions that my client shall
not receive visitors. Judging from the
information, this is a civil matter
and detaining him is purely a case of
harassment. After all, he has been
denied food," he said yesterday
morning.
Meanwhile MDC President, Morgan Tsvangirai, says he is not
afraid to
confront the Zanu PF regime which is widely accused of practising
violence
against its political opponents.
Addressing over 10 000
supporters who thronged the Zimbabwe grounds in
Highfield yesterday to
commemorate the third anniversary of the formation of
the party, Tsvangirai
said:
"I don't know why people are saying we are afraid when we
have come
all this way in the struggle to be where we are today. You youths
must be
leading the action not to say us the elders should lead the way."
Zim Standard
Nkomo family in farm dispute 11/10/02
Story
by By Chengetai Zvauya
THE family of Dr Joshua Nkomo, the late vice
president and veteran
nationalist leader, is locked in a bitter wrangle with
landless villagers
over the ownership of a prime ranch in Matabeleland South,
The Standard has
learnt.
According to information reaching The
Standard, the family has already
engaged the services of a lawyer to help
them obtain confirmation orders in
the administrative court for the contested
Sipuma Farm.
Sipuma Farm, which measures 1 877 hectares, is part of
the much larger
Sondelami Game Lodge and Safari-one of the biggest farms in
Gwanda measuring
23 719,53 hectares. Sondelani Game Lodge and Safari is owned
by Basil Roy
Steyn who specialised in ranching and wildlife conservation
before he was
served with eviction orders by the government.
At
a meeting in October last year, attended by Matabeleland South
governor
Stephen Nkomo, the younger brother of Joshua, as well as Chombo and
the
Gwanda land committee, it was agreed that Sondelani Game Lodge and
Safaris
should continue to operate as a farm and that Thandiwe be given
Sipuma
Farm.
This agreement said nothing about the settlers who had
occupied the
farm at the height of the invasions and these settlers now
contend that the
farm is theirs by virtue of the fact that they were the
first people to
express interest in it two years ago.
The
villagers, who have set up their own structures, also claim that
the Nkomo
family owns vast tracks of land in Nuanetsi ranch.
Contacted for
comment, Thandiwe Nkomo, the daughter of the veteran
nationalist, refused to
discuss the issue with the press.
"I am not aware of that issue, so
I have no comment," said Thandiwe.
SATURDAY 09/11/2002
Zimbabwe protest in London
Ulster TV
Copyright © 2002
UTV Internet and the UTV plc Group. All rights reserved.
Hundreds of people
gathered outside Zimbabwe's High Commission today to protest against the Mugabe
government's prosecution of opposition leaders.
Organisers said the
demonstrators, who included exiles and torture victims of the Mugabe regime,
numbered around 400 and had come to London from all over England. Police could
not confirm that number.
The group were voicing their opposition to
treason charges Mugabe has laid against opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai and
other senior members of his Movement for Democratic Change, who are due in court
on Monday.
The demonstration began at midday and lasted around two hours,
although the weekly vigil that began a month ago was continuing late this
afternoon with around 50 people remaining.
Police said the protest was
peaceful with no arrests or violence.
The protest came a day after
Zimbabwe banned British Prime Minister Tony Blair and scores of his ministers
from entering the country and imposed visa requirements on Britons in
retaliation for European sanctions.
That move in turn was made a day
after the British government announced that most Zimbabweans will need a visa to
enter Britain.
The New Australian
coming to an end
by Eddie Cross
Bulawayo
TNA
News with Commentary
No. 450 November 2002
Mugabe came to power in
Zimbabwe in 1980 after an 8-year civil war during
which thousands of people
from all walks of life lost their lives. It was a
no holds barred, "low
intensity guerrilla war" to use the US parlance. The
civil war ended 90 years
of white settler government, which had denied the
black majority their legal
and political rights for many years.
Initially the new Government met
expectations - improvements to health and
education systems enabled the
majority of Zimbabweans to secure an education
and health care was widely
acknowledged as being the best in Africa. But
early in his administration,
Mugabe showed no tolerance for any form of
opposition. The first to feel the
weight of his ire were the Ndebele people
in the south of the country who
between 1983 and 1987 suffered constant
harassment and worse from the State.
Eventually after 20 000 Ndebele had
lost their lives and several years of
intense hardship with the widespread
denial of food and government investment
in all forms of services in Ndebele
areas, the leadership of Zapu,
representing the Ndebele gave in and signed a
"Unity Accord" effectively
giving Mugabe a single party state.
In the early 90's, a short-lived
political revolt led by a veteran
nationalist Edgar Tekere, was crushed by a
combined exercise using a
publicly controlled monopoly over the media and the
armed forces. The Forum
Party followed and this challenge led by Enoch
Dumbutshena was similarly
dismissed by Zanu PF using the combined weight of
both Zanu (Mugabe's Party)
and Zapu and the full resources of the
State.
At the same time the governance record of the Mugabe government
was slowly
deteriorating - corruption became more widespread and the use of
the media
to inhibit opposition in any form was intensified. The economy,
after
performing well in the first 5 years of independence lost momentum and
with
state expenditures rising to fund the demands of the government and
a
growing tide of corruption, eventually led to macro economic distortions
in
the economy and the State budget. Living standards fell and the
HIV/Aids
epidemic started to seriously erode life expectancies.
The
Trade Unions which represented about half the working population,
started to
agitate for reforms in 1995, pointing to the excessive power
accumulated by
Mugabe as a result of 17 different constitutional amendments
over the
previous 15 years. They began to demand changes to the
constitution, which
would have challenged the ZANU PF monopoly over power,
and they also demanded
a form of power sharing to influence the course of
economic and social
policy. After an extended period of conflict marked by
strikes and food
riots, the Labour Unions decided in late 1998 to form a
political party and
the Movement for Democratic Change was born in November
1999.
The MDC
was immediately faced with a referendum on a new constitution which
would
have entrenched Mugabe's monopoly on power and when this was held
barely
three months after the MDC was launched, the government lost the
referendum
by a vote of 55 to 45 per cent. It was Zanu PF's first electoral
defeat in 20
years. Mugabe's reaction was to launch a savage campaign of
terror and
violence against those who he saw as being responsible.
Opposition leaders
were killed (150 to date) and imprisoned. A total ban on
any forms of
publicity for the opposition in the state-controlled media was
imposed. The
white farming community and their staff - perceived as being
opposed to Zanu
PF hegemony and holding the balance of power between the
rural and the urban
voters, was specifically targeted.
In the June 2000 elections this
mixture of violence and intimidation and the
use of the state media was
successful in maintaining a small majority for
the ruling party. They won 62
out of 120 seats. Mugabe was able to
strengthen this narrow victory by
appointing 30 non-elected members of
Parliament from the ranks of his own
supporters.
In March 2002 Mugabe was again able to defend his position
when he won the
election for President running against Morgan Tsvangirai -
the leader of the
MDC. However the tactics used (widespread vote rigging,
violence,
intimidation and the use of the state media) led the international
community
to reject the election result and to refuse to recognise Mugabe as
a
legitimate, democratically elected leader.
The MDC rejected the
election result and is challenging the result in the
courts. It remains
committed to a democratic, non violent solution but its
options are being
narrowed all the time by the failure of regional leaders
to act on Mugabe's
delinquency and to force him back to the ballot box or
the negotiating table.
The economy is in deep trouble - GDP is down a
quarter in four years, life
expectancy is down 22 years since independence,
the social services are in a
shambles and food shortages now threaten the
lives of over 7 million
people.
Exports have fallen by two thirds and the shortages of foreign
exchange now
threaten the continued supply of liquid fuels and electricity.
The chaotic
land reform programme designed to basically eliminate the white
commercial
farmer as a factor in the Zimbabwe political and economic scene,
has led to
the near collapse of the industry with serious knock on effects -
the full
extent of which will only be apparent in 2003.
Most recently
Zanu PF was able, by use of the same potent mix of violence,
vote rigging,
voter manipulation, the control of food distribution and the
use of the
public media, to defend its control of all Rural District
Councils. However
their total monopoly over the membership of these councils
was eroded by MDC
victories in many areas. Most Zimbabweans rather than face
the problem of
choosing to vote for the MDC and loose their right to food
deliveries, simply
stayed away from the polls and the actual voter turnout
was the lowest in our
history - at well below 10 per cent of registered
voters.
Isolated
internationally (both the EU and the US have now stated officially
that they
will not deal with the Zimbabwe government in its present form)
and prevented
from travelling to most countries in the West, the Mugabe
regime is unable to
muster the resources it urgently needs to deal with this
crisis. The National
debt is now over 3 times the GDP, foreign earnings are
less than US$1,3
billion a year and falling and they are totally reliant on
donors for food
aid to feed the country and overcome serious food and raw
material
shortages.
At home, despite the victories in 2000 and 2002, he has lost
his much
vaunted "one party state" and his domestic power base has shrunk to
a small
minority of those privileged to subsist on Mugabe's good favour. MDC
has
revived a once dormant democracy and despite the violence and
intimidation
remains overwhelmingly popular in urban areas. 7 Towns and
Cities now have
Councils controlled by the MDC and 35 per cent of the total
population go to
bed each night under a form of MDC administration.
Parliament has become a
nightmare for Zanu PF as the opposition front bench
contains a number of
very capable and well-trained opponents. Debate has
become a daily hazard
for Zanu PF MP's who are used to a rubber stamp House
without any challenge
to what was decided behind closed doors in earlier
days.
On top of this they are staring down the barrel of a legal
challenge to the
recent Mugabe victory which is supported by an overwhelming
dossier of
deceit and electoral fraud. The MDC has gathered an outstanding
legal team
to fight this and the Chief Justice is reported to have warned
Mugabe that
he must not think that he can win the case - even with a loaded
Bench.
Whatever happens in the next few months, we are witnessing the end
of the
Mugabe era. There is no way that he can survive the tread of time
and
circumstances. He is sitting in a leaky boat, with a motley crew and
every
time he has to defend his position in the boat, it sinks lower in the
water.
Any time now we will start to see the crew bailing out and it is only
a
matter of time before the Zanu PF ship of state sinks below the waves.
If
the remaining crew had any sense, they would dump the captain and head
for
the nearest shore, fix the boat and relaunch to again enter the waters
of
real national political competition and pluralism.
Times of India
9 arrested in Zimbabwe demonstrations
AFP [ SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 09, 2002 11:41:25 PM ]
HARARE: Police in
Zimbabwe arrested nine people on Saturday for taking
part in protest marches
in several cities, a civil rights leader said.
Lovemore
Madhuku, the chairman of the National Constitutional Assembly
(NCA), which
called the protests, said that nine people had been arrested
and that teargas
had been used to disperse demonstrators in at least one
Harare
suburb.
Police could not confirm the exact number of
arrests.
Police spokesman Wayne Bvudzijena said that the
demonstrations were
"illegal" and that police permission had not been
obtained, as Zimbabwe's
strict new security laws require.
The NCA, which wants to see Zimbabwe adopt a new constitution, has
called
several demonstrations in recent months and most have been dispersed
by
police.
Hundreds of people participated in Saturday's
demonstrations which
took place in Harare, Bulawayo, Gweru and Mutare, said
Madhuku.
The NCA wants to hold "a mass demonstration" in the
future, he said.
Food and the Fist
What is quite clear now is that Zanu PF has finally resorted to two main
strategies for winning elections in Zimbabwe. These are the use of food and
violence in all its different forms as its primary means of campaigning. First
we had the February 2000 constitutional referendum. In this event the only tool
used by Zanu was hidden manipulation of the vote. They had used this in every
election since 1980 and were confident that by these means they could safely
distort the outcome by about 15 per cent and felt that this was enough to win
the day for the new constitution. It was not enough and they lost the vote 55 to
45 per cent.
Then we had the June 2000 Parliamentary elections. Mugabe was shocked at the
referendum result and this triggered a response within 14 days of the result
being announced. The "graduates of violence" went into action and in the
subsequent electoral campaign, violence was the order of the day against the MDC
and its structures. They also used their tried and tested methods of
manipulating the vote itself and with this element and the use of violence they
thought they would be home and dry. It was not to be and right up to the last
minute, Zanu thought they had lost the vote they were saved by the narrowest
of margins and in fact, overall, the opposition gained more votes than Zanu PF.
Gerrymandering the constituencies and using the constitutional right of the
President to appoint 30 Members of Parliament saved Zanu PF from a humiliating
defeat.
In the March 2002 election campaign for a new President, they were not going
to allow any opportunity for a similar narrow escape. Electoral fraud was more
widespread than ever and then had to be suddenly expanded to dangerous levels in
the middle of the election itself. They threw everything they had at the MDC,
political violence reached new heights and a clamp down on all MDC activities
was ordered. This time they made no mistake they ended up with a result that
gave Mugabe a 400 000 vote victory over Tsvangirai. But they overdid things
behind closed doors and the extent of the vote rigging became known. At the same
time the level of violence that had to be used was unacceptable to independent
observers. In the end they ended up with the MDC rejecting the result, taking
them to court and the western world rejecting Mugabe as the democratically
elected leader of the country. It was half a victory, which might yet be upset
by that court case.
Today they know full well that they have lost the democratic right to govern.
They lost that in 2000 when they had to manipulate the vote to win and then
only by the narrowest of margins. They know that since then their support base
has been further eroded, so what to do? The answer was to turn a disaster into a
new opportunity. This was to be the use of food as a new weapon for political
manipulation.
It must be noted that the food crisis has its genesis in three main events.
The failure by the State to hold sufficient strategic stocks of basic foods, the
collapse of commercial production due to the displacement of large scale
commercial farmers and a mid season dry spell that damaged small scale
production, even though overall rainfall was about average. Whatever the
reasons, we only have about 25 per cent of the food needed to feed our people
until the next harvest due in June/July 2003. Mugabe has now done what he needs
to do to turn this disaster into a useful tool to retain power. To this end he
has: -
- declared that the food shortage was due to "drought";
- gambled on the international community doing enough to prevent real
starvation;
- established a statutory monopoly on all supplies of maize and wheat and
their derivatives, in the hands of the state controlled Grain Marketing Board;
- used a nationwide system of road blocks to prevent the free movement of food
from one area to another;
- extended state control over basic foods down to family level throughout the
communal areas of the country using militia, the army and the police as well as
Zanu PF structures at community level in rural areas and finally;
- as far as is possible, denied MDC support structures in rural and urban
areas access to basic foods.
Just to test this on Friday I personally investigated the system being used
to control maize meal supplies in a small urban center. I found the following
arrangements in place: -
- Maize was being allocated by GMB in Bulawayo to this center.
- The District Administrator (DA) was then allocating the maize to three
approved millers all of which are under Zanu PF control.
- The millers milled and packed the maize meal, which was then sold at a
wholesale price to the elected councilors in each ward.
- The councilors organised a distribution point in each ward (usually a
school) and employed a few people to sell the maize meal at the retail price.
The councilors retained the 20 per cent mark up on these sales.
- Only people who came from each ward and had written approval of the
councilor or the DA were allowed to buy the maize meal.
- The two elected MDC councilors in the district were not included in the
arrangements and all known MDC supporters were being denied food.
Simple, self-financing, with built in incentives and almost totally
effective. The message going out every day to every person in the area support
Zanu PF or you starve. Even the local NGO (World Vision) operating on WFP
supplied foodstuffs was only "allowed to operate" with the approval of the DA
who is a known Zanu PF supporter. The NGO can only supply food to people who are
on lists provided by the DA and his staff - all of who are seen as being Zanu PF
in the eyes of the local people.
This system is being extended to larger urban centres even Harare, where
basic foodstuffs are being confiscated from traders and then concentrated at
distribution centers where the food is sold to Zanu PF supporters. This has the
effect of driving up market prices and denying food at lower prices to MDC
people. Nobody is being allowed to bring in food, which might compete with this
system. The MDC has had its direct imports impounded at the border for the past
6 weeks; the Catholic Church has had its direct imports blocked as has Oxfam and
the UNDP, which proposed funding direct private sector imports. Even travelers
are not allowed to bring in more than a few kilos of food per person. Larger
quantities are confiscated. Police roadblocks do the same to prevent surplus
stocks from one area going to another where there is a deficit.
To round it off you deny access to rural areas where there are problems and
you expel all foreign journalists. No external TV units are allowed to operate
so that no one will see the suffering that is being caused by this denial of
food. For the people on the ground, the message is quite clear and simple
support Zanu or else! From the state of the preparations for the new crop it
would appear as if the government does not care if the present shortage persists
into 2003. In fact, with that pesky court case in mind, they are thinking that
they might have to face yet another test of their democratic credentials sooner
rather than later. They are not taking any chances. For Zanu PF, food and
violence are the keys to future success.
Eddie Cross
Bulawayo, 10th November 2002.
SINGING IN THE RAIN
We thought it would be tough as winter
draws on. Six hours outside the Zimbabwe High Commission in London every
Saturday is some commitment. After a
buoyant launch on October 12, the next two vigils drew a good attendance but
the weather was fair (for the time of year in England!). November 2 was a
different matter: steady drizzle. Would
anyone get out of bed for this? But
that vigil was the best ever. If it
rains, you have to sing and dance to keep your spirits up. And much to the surprise of passers-by, a
party was going on in the rain outside the High Commission.
The vigil has come of age. Make the
most of it it's only going on for a limited period: until there's agreement
on free and fair elections in Zimbabwe. And that can't be far off. All signs
are that Mugabe is finished, despite his pay rise! In one week the Zimbabwe dollar plunged from 950 to the US dollar
to 1800. Oil supplies are again
precarious as bills go unpaid. Let's hope the death rattle is short.
In the meantime we will party every
Saturday from 12.00 to 18.00, singing and sharing food and getting the latest
news from home from the unending stream of refugees --- some the estimated
two-and-half million people who have fled Zimbabwe. Zim House is once again the place to go not just for the joy of
meeting friends but also because we are making an impact. Thousands of
passers-by have signed our petition asking the UN Security Council to send a
team to investigate human rights abuses in Zimbabwe. We reprint the text below.
(Page 3)
We all know the situation in Zimbabwe
is catastrophic. It is up to us to raise awareness in Britain so that the
government here and the European Union in general will be forced to make it a
priority. Why should they lag behind the United States? Initially, our campaign against Mugabe was
hampered by his propaganda over the land issue: that the opposition was working
for white farmers and that Britain was responsible for all Zimbabwe's troubles. (See page 3 for MDC land policy)
The famine changed the perspective a
bit. Surely it was obscene to destroy commercial farming when people were
starving? No, came the answer from Zanu-PF, this was just Blairite
propaganda…But the murders, the torture, the rapes, the brutal suppression of
any dissent? Despite Mugabe's desperate
attempt to muzzle the press, the truth still gets out. Let's make sure everyone knows of the
horrors being perpetrated in Zimbabwe. And that the MDC is about having a
government that respects the constitution and human rights.
PLEASE SUPPORT THE VIGIL EMAIL:
mailto:ZIMBABWEVIGIL@HOTMAIL.COM ZIMBABWEVIGIL@HOTMAIL.COM IF YOU
CAN DO A SHIFT.
ZIMBABWE HUMAN RIGHTS DEMONSTRATION
Hundreds of human rights campaigners
and Zimbabwean exiles are supplementing the vigil and staging a demonstration
outside the Zimbabwe High Commission from 12.00 14.00 on Saturday, 9 November
2002. Buses will bring supporters from
as far afield as Manchester.
The demonstration is in support of MDC
leaders who are to begin appearing in court on 11 November to answer
allegations of treason against the illegitimate Mugabe regime allegations
which they strongly reject. (The party
leader, Morgan Tsvangarai, is himself not expected to face trial until
February.)
The MDC sees the trials as a further
attempt to stifle dissent in Zimbabwe amid growing opposition to the brutal and
corrupt regime. The threat of starvation in Zimbabwe has now become a reality
especially for opposition supporters and their families, who have been denied
international food aid by Mugabe.
People are dying of malnutrition and others are being killed, tortured
and raped by thugs of the ruling Zanu-PF.
One of the latest victims was Learnmore
Jongwe, former MDC Secretary for Information and Publicity, who was murdered by
the authorities last month while being held in custody. Demonstrators will pay tribute to his
memory.
We know that many of our supporters
can't keep up to date with events at home.
Here is a snapshot of some of the latest news.
To mark African Day on Human and
Peoples' Rights on 21 October, Amnesty International's Secretary General, Irene
Khan, wrote to President Thabo Mbeki of South Africa expressing the
organisation's concern regarding the deteriorating human rights situation in
Zimbabwe. Over 13,500 people from 126 countries signed an Amnesty International
petition in support of the call for action from President Mbeki, the current
chairman of the African Union. Here are
some extracts from the letter:
Amnesty International believes that African leaders, including your government,
need to intensify efforts to publicly signal to the Zimbabwean government that
human rights violations, including those perpetrated by "militia"
linked to the state, are unacceptable and to remind them that these acts are in
clear violation of the human rights principles enshrined in the African
Charter.
According to the latest figures released by the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO
Forum, approximately 58 politically-motivated killings and over 1,050 cases of
torture have been reported in 2002 alone. Furthermore, the conduct of the
country-wide local council elections recently held in late September 2002
indicates that the pattern observed in other elections of state-sponsored
threats, intimidation and attacks on opposition supporters in the run-up to and
during elections continues. According to the MDC, approximately half of the MDC
candidates who intended to contest the elections were allegedly unable to,
largely in response to threats, intimidation and violence perpetrated by
government authorities and state-sponsored 'militia'. These events confirm that
conditions for elections free from violence and intimidation do not exist in
Zimbabwe, and that grave human rights violations continue to occur.
In
an attempt to escape accountability for human rights violations, the Zimbabwean
government uses its "militias" to abduct and torture individuals who
are known or suspected supporters of the opposition Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) party, including people who acted as polling agents or stood as
MDC candidates in recent elections. The evidence in cases documented by Amnesty
International as well as local human rights organisations shows a clear link
between the "militia", the government and the ruling party.
(For
more information call Amnesty International's press office in London, UK, on
+44 20 7413 5566 Amnesty International, 1 Easton St., London WC1X 0DW.)
Tony Hall, the special US Ambassador to
the World Food Programme said that he had asked July Moyo, the Minister
responsible for the food aid program in Zimbabwe. "Why do I get the
impression, that I have to beg you to feed your people?"
Amos Mundawarara, a street kid, said
the chaos at the Registrar-General's Office was a financial windfall. "We
sleep in the queue every night and sell our positions for $1,500 to those not
keen to spend the whole night waiting," said Mundawarara. Ordinary
passports for adults and children under 12 years now cost $1,500 and $700
respectively, up from $600 and $300. The executive passport processed within 24
hours now costs $30 000 for adults and $15 000 for children.
In the rape camps of Zimbabwe, young
girls are horrifically abused - often to punish Mugabe's political opponents.
Foreign Correspondent of the Year Christina Lamb meets the victims and reveals
their anguish. 'The game we are about
to play needs music," the Zimbabwean police constable said to the 12-year
old girl. But as he tossed a mattress on to the ground it was clear that it was
no game that he was planning. For the next four hours the girl's mother and
younger sisters, aged nine and seven, were forced to chant praises to Robert
Mugabe and watch Dora being gang-raped by five "war veterans" and the
policeman.
In new legislation being put before
Parliament, Mugabe's regime plans to make it a crime, punishable by up to six
months' imprisonment, for anyone to undertake any act of organised charity -
even on an entirely informal basis
A petition to the UN High Commissioner
for Human Rights and the UN Special Rapporteur for Torture
about human rights abuses in Zimbabwe
We are deeply disturbed at growing
human rights abuses in Zimbabwe. There are daily reports of torture by the
authorities in Zimbabwe, involving the Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO)
and Zanu-PF militia. Now the police themselves are increasingly involved,
reflecting a growing breakdown of law and order.
Independent observers in Zimbabwe (the
Amani Trust) have recorded thousands of cases of political abuse, including
beatings on the soles of the feet and suspected dissidents being burnt or given
electric shocks by electrodes attached to genitalia and inserted in the
ear. Many cases of ruptured eardrums
have been seen as well as evidence of sexual torture, including the rape of
young children.
Please will you draw this to the
attention of the UN Security Council and urge it to send a team to Zimbabwe to
investigate these gross violations of human rights.
SUMMARY OF MDC LAND POLICY
Mugabe's land policy has been
disastrous for Zimbabwe but the idea of redistributing land to the poor has,
naturally, considerable appeal and so it has been difficult to counter the
propaganda impact. The MDC has a
thought-out land policy which can be accessed on their website:
http://www.mdczimbabwe.com www.mdczimbabwe.com. It includes this brief summary which will enable you to counter
misconceptions:
An MDC government will implement an
equitable and economically sound land reform programme carried out within
Zimbabwe's legal framework. This process will resettle landless Zimbabweans on
seven million hectares of land in a peaceful, orderly and open manner.
An MDC land reform programme is based
on 3 key pillars:
1. Independent Land Commission
An MDC government will set up an
independent Land Commission, which will plan, manage and implement land reform.
The Land Commission will be independent and will include all the key
stakeholders involved in the land reform process. These include government, the
landless Zimbabweans, farmers, farm workers, civil society and land experts.
This commission will carry out an audit of the current land resettlement
exercise. It will also oversee all future land reforms in this country. Those
Zimbabweans who have been properly allocated land will remain settled on their
pieces of land and will receive government assistance to ensure that their
resettlement is commercially productive.
2. Comprehensive agrarian reforms
An MDC government will carry out
agrarian reforms that will go beyond the current Fast Track land reform
exercise. MDC's agrarian reforms will give land title to resettled farmers in
order to empower them and to ensure the land allocated to them is commercially
productive. Viable infrastructure including roads, dams, schools and clinics
will be put in place to support the resettled farmers. Agricultural inputs,
tillage programmes, training and financial support will be extended to the
resettled farmers to enable them to become self-sufficient in the long run. The
MDC will also embark on a long-term agro-industrial transformation programme
aimed at massively urbanising the communal lands.
3. Adequate funding, responsibly
administered
An MDC government will adequately fund
the agrarian reforms so that every settler adds value to land. One of the main reasons why government's
Fast Track land reform exercise has failed is because the exercise has been
poorly planned and inadequately funded. Although the government claims that
hundreds of thousands of families have been resettled under the Fast Track
policy, we have only found evidence of 30 000 families having been resettled in
conditions of heightened poverty. An MDC government will make sufficient
resources available through the budget to support the agrarian reforms. Our
domestic efforts will be complemented by support from the international
community.
BRANCH ACTIVITY
South Bedfordshire Branch held their
first forum on 26 October 2002 at the University of Luton Students Union
Complex.
Wales Branch has started to hold
regular Branch meetings again. The last
meeting was held on Tuesday, 5th November at the Flora, Cathays Terrace,
Cardiff. For full details of future
meetings, regularity of meetings and so on as well as directions to get there,
please contact Ade Williams on email: "mailto:adewilliams@saqnet.co.uk" adewilliams@saqnet.co.uk
Central London Branch has run the first
4 vigils (see page 1 for details.)
INTERNATIONAL CONNECTIONS
USA MDC Caretaking Committee: Professor
Solomon Nkiwane, mailto:snkiwane@colorado.edu snkiwane@colorado.edu,
is the Chairman for the whole USA. He
was appointed by Harare. The current
chairs of US branches all automatically become members
Dallas, Texas has a very large
Zimbabwean community. A new branch has
been started. Interim chair: Walter Sithole (sitholew@aol.com)
Chicago also has a branch. Interim chair: Janice Munangatire (
mailto:mnangatire@aol.com mnangatire@aol.com)
Dublin - Contact: Luke Bukharin,
mailto:bukharinluke@hotmail.com bukharinluke@hotmail.com, 00 3538
6315 2597.
FORUMS
The MDC (UK) is encouraging branches to
set up forums. Having a regular weekly
time and venue means it is easy for people to dip in and out as commitments
permit. They are a good base for
forming friendships and disseminating information about Zimbabwe events and
issues. Positive action is a likely
result from these meetings. The
following forums have already been set up:
South Bedfordshire : First forum was
held on 26 October 2002
Central London: Mondays at 7.30 pm at
the George opposite the Law Courts, Strand, London
East London and Becontree: Tuesdays at
7.30 pm at the Princess Alice pub, Romford Road, Forest Gate, London
Southend: Fortnightly from the second
Wednesday of each month, 7.30pm for 8pm start at the Railway Hotel, Clifton
Road, two minutes walk from Southend Central Train Station, opposite the Train
Station Parking.
For further information on forums or
for help in setting one up, contact Paradzai Munangatire: 07870 945 487, email:
mailto:pmunangatire@hotmail.com pmunangatire@hotmail.com.
INFORMATION FOR ASYLUM SEEKERS
Zimbabwe Association a support network
for Zimbabwean asylum seekers and refugees, particularly those in
detention. Important: For general
issues please contact Sidliso Dube; for Asylum and Immigration issues please
contact: Brighton Chireka, Sarah Harland (020 8691 3197), Katrina Phillips or
Alan Wilkinson. ZA is contactable for
information or membership forms at email:
"mailto:zimbabweassociation@hotmail.com" zimbabweassociation@hotmail.com,
151 Bancroft Road, London E1 4ET, fax: 020 7702 7617.
Bank Accounts: Did you know that it is
possible for asylum seekers to open a bank account? Apparently the Co-operative
Bank are opening accounts if you provide a bill and a signed document (letter
from a solicitor also works).
ARE YOU IN LIMBO? Has your asylum case
ground to a halt? You don't know what's happening with it? Are you getting
frustrated at not being able to work? Is there still no answer from
Immigration? Are you a teacher, or a nurse?
If so, try ringing Mark Scott of Bhatt Murphy (020 7253 7766,
"mailto:m.scott@bhattmurphy.demon.co.uk" m.scott@bhattmurphy.demon.co.uk)
Helpline: The MDC (UK) Southend branch
has set up a new hotline (07940 509499) for Zimbabwe asylum seekers in the
Southend and wider area.
WEBSITES
http://www.mdczimbabwe.com www.mdczimbabwe.com
official MDC website
http://www.zwnews.com www.zwnews.com
for a free daily update of Zimbabwe news emailed to you
Websites of Zimbabwe newspapers
http://www.dailynews.co.zw www.dailynews.co.zw
http://www.theindependent.co.zw www.theindependent.co.zw
http://www.fingaz.co.zw www.fingaz.co.zw
financial gazette website.
ALSO
http://www.savezimbabwe.com
www.savezimbabwe.com website of the Save Zimbabwe Campaign
http://www.savannahnotes.com www.savannahnotes.com website of Freedom for
Zimbabwe Campaign
http://www.hrforumzim.com www.hrforumzim.com - umbrella organisation for Zimbabwe NGO
human rights organisations.
"http://www.fidh.org" www.fidh.org International Federation for
Human Rights covering 115 human rights organisations from 90 countries.
"http://africantears.netfirms.com" www.africantears.netfirms.com
Cathy Buckle's website
http://www.britain-zimbabwe.org.uk www.britain-zimbabwe.org.uk Zimbabwe
networking
http://www.free-zim.com www.free-zim.com
http://www.we-online.org www.we-online.org
website of WeZimbabwe
http://www.zawt.org www.zawt.org
website of the Zimbabwe Agricultural Trust.
http://www.e-zim.com www.e-zim.com editor@e-zim.com
"http://www.locata.co.uk/commons" www.locata.co.uk/commons to find
your MP.
"http://www.canoncollins.org.uk" www.canoncollins.org.uk
educational funding for disadvantaged students from SADC countries
http://www.chirundu.com www.chirundu.com
http://www.tearfund.org www.tearfund.org
Christian aid organisation running an appeal for famine in Southern Africa
"http://www.royalafricansociety.org" www.royalafricansociety.org - the Royal Africa Society
http://www.actsa.org www.actsa.org
Action for Southern Africa successor to Anti-apartheid movement.
http://www.learndirect.com www.learndirect.com
free online learning
"http://www.justiceforagriculture.com/" www.justiceforagriculture.com
(JAG) - You can download ZANU-PF land beneficiaries from this site.
http://www.savannahnotes.com/zsuuk/zsuuk.htm www.savannahnotes.com/zsuuk/zsuuk.htm - website for the Zimbabwe Students Union
UK.
The newsletter of MDC (UK) is simply to
provide information about what we are doing and of course contacts. We don't know how long it will take to get
rid of the Mugabe regime. It could be
gone in months or it may take years.
But the MDC must be ready to pick up the pieces. And MDC members in the UK have a vital role
in supporting the struggle. The
newsletter hopes to provide information which will show you how you can
help. We would like to hear from
you. If you have any news of events,
forums, fundraisers etc please email us.
The opinions of the editor do not necessarily represent MDC policy. If there are omissions or inaccuracies in
the information, please let us know so we can update for our next edition.
Email:
mailto:rose@grbenton.demon.co.uk rose@grbenton.demon.co.uk
PLEASE DISTRIBUTE THE NEWSLETTER
WIDELY. EMAIL IT ON TO EVERYONE
INTERESTED AND PRINT COPIES TO DISTRIBUTE TO THOSE WHO DON'T HAVE EMAIL.
Executive Editor: Paradzai Munangatire
Editors: Dennis and Rose Benton
MDC (UK) EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE
Chair: Brian
Bako, "mailto:b_bako@hotmail.com" b_bako@hotmail.com,
01543 361 779/07759 649 242
Deputy Chair: Jennings Rukani, mailto:rukanijennings@hotmail.com rukanijennings@hotmail.com,
01612 269 683/07890 293 088
Secretary: Onismus Manungo, mailto:om_manungo@hotmail.com om_manungo@hotmail.com,
01189 670 040/07787 536
Deputy Secretary: Post vacant
Treasurer/Economic Development: Moses Sithole, "mailto:moses.sithole@southwark.gov.uk"
moses.sithole@southwark.gov.uk, 020 7525 5354, 020 7277 5253, 07947 581 049
Information & Publicity Secretary: Paradzai Munangatire,
mailto:pmunangatire@hotmail.com pmunangatire@hotmail.com, 07870 945 487
Deputy Info & Publicity Secretary: Gidion Mutyiri,
"mailto:gmutyiri@netscape.net" gmutyiri@netscape.net, 07796 791 557
Organising Secretary: John Huruva,
"mailto:john.mukungunugwa@southwark.gov.uk" john.mukungunugwa@southwark.gov.uk
020 8279 2223/07958 409924
Deputy Organising Secretary: Post vacant
Women's Affairs: Flora Todlana,
"mailto:flotodla@hotmail.com" flotodla@hotmail.com, 020 8932
2224/07712 855 068
Deputy Women's Affairs: Rudo Madlayora,
mailto:rmadhlayo@yahoo.co.uk rmadhlayo@yahoo.co.uk , 020 8566 1642/07957 263
179
Security: Taurayi Chamboko
"mailto:chamboko@hotmail.com" chamboko@hotmail.com 07759 248 742
Youth: Post
vacant
Deputy Youth: Post vacant
Member: Harold Ndlovu,
"mailto:harold@ndlovu45.freeserve.co.uk" harold@ndlovu45.freeserve.co.uk.
020 8539 4736/07932 459 142
BRANCH CONTACTS
Bedford Chairman: Aberdinigo
Tapona, 01234 317 299/07867 726 606
Info
and Publicity: Pepukayi Chitakunye, mailto:pchitakunye@hotmail.com pchitakunye@hotmail.com
South Bedfordshire Secretary: Oswald Tavengwa, 07986 378320
Information
& Publicity: Paul Ruwona, mailto:prumona@hotmail.com pruwona@hotmail.com,
01582 896 318
Edinburgh Chair: Brian Chiwara,
mailto:brian@walsallcollegeedinburgh.co.uk; brian@walsallcollegeedinburgh.co.uk;
Essex, Becontree Chair: Paradzai Munangatire,
mailto:pmunangatire@hotmail.com pmunangatire@hotmail.com, 07870 945 487
Essex, Southend Chair: Albert Mutungi, mailto:Amtungi@talk21.com amtungi@talk21.com
Secretary:
Washington Ali, 07967 182 532
"mailto:washingtonali@hotmail.com" washingtonali@hotmail.com
Hertfordshire Secretary: Taurayi
Chamboko "mailto:chamboko@hotmail.com" chamboko@hotmail.com
07759 248 742
"mailto:mdc.herts@onmail.co.uk" mdc.herts@onmail.co.uk
01707 390 677
Central London Chair: Ephraim Tapa,
etapa@postmaster.co.uk, 07901 980 831
Vice-Chair:
Mike Bennett, "mailto:mdc@hypercube.co.uk" mdc@hypercube.co.uk
07721 420 730
East London Chair: Harold Ndlovu, 020 8539 4736/07932
459 142,
"mailto:harold@ndlovu45.freeserve.co.uk" harold@ndlovu45.freeserve.co.uk
Info
& Publicity: Simon Manonga,
"mailto:simon.manonga@bt.com" simon.manonga@bt.com
North London Chair: Flora Todlana,
mailto:flotodla@hotmail.com flotodla@hotmail.com
Secretary:
Leo Lungah, mailto:llungah@candi.ac.uk llungah@candi.ac.uk
South London Chair: Mandla
Nyathi, mailto:mandlanya@yahoo.com mandlanya@yahoo.com, 020 7277
1635/07949 495 149
Treasurer:
Ralph Mguni, "mailto:kayiyamguni@aol.com" kayiyamguni@aol.com,
020 8298 7234
West London Chair: Mispah Mvubu,
"mailto:mispah10@hotmail.com" mispah10@hotmail.com
Manchester Chair: Green Nyoni,
07949 811 137, "mailto:mdc_manchester@hotmail.com" mdc_manchester@hotmail.com
Women's
Vice-chair: Gloria Taruvinga, gloriauk@hotmail.com
Reading Chair:
Onismus Manungo, om_manungo@hotmail.com 07787 536 064
Wales Chair:
Ade Williams, "mailto:adewilliams@saqnet.co.uk" adewilliams@saqnet.co.uk,
01443 206 333
INTERNATIONAL CONNECTIONS
Dublin Contact:
Luke Bukharin, mailto:bukharinluke@hotmail.com bukharinluke@hotmail.com,
00 3538 6315 2597
USA
Caretaking Committee Chairman: Professor Solomon Nkiwane,
snkinwane@colorado.edu
Dallas, Texas InterimChair: Walter Sithole,
"mailto:sitholeW@aol.com" sitholew@aol.com
Chicago InterimChair:
Janice Munangatire, mnangatire@aol.com
ZIMBABWE MDC NEWS
The Newsletter of the UK Arm of the
Movement for Democratic Change
Issue Number 6, 8 November 2002
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