Los Angeles Times
With hyperinflation at 7,900% and people using up their savings
just buying
food, life has been reduced to the queue.
By Robyn Dixon, Los
Angeles Times Staff Writer
8:18 PM PST, November 12, 2007
HARARE, ZIMBABWE
-- We have been waiting for bread for nearly two hours in a
rubbish-strewn
lane behind a supermarket. It is midmorning, the sun already
blazing down on
the 50 or so people in line, when three policemen stroll to
the
front.
A low rumble of discontent rolls along the line, like
thunder.
Then a stranger named David Kaodza materializes behind
me, out of nowhere.
"I was right behind you, remember? You saw me before."
He has a ready smile
and the ingratiating patter of someone jumping the
queue.
In Zimbabwe, where hyperinflation has reached 7,900% and people
have used up
their entire savings just buying food, life has been reduced to
this: the
queue. Go to any Zimbabwean town these days, and you'll find lines
everywhere, like an invasion of giant pythons slithering into every
supermarket door.
Kaodza, a hustler in a country where the flour has
all but run out and bread
has become a luxury, gives a quick tutorial on how
to get ahead in a queue.
You don't just line up and wait to buy. There is an
unspoken etiquette, with
subtle rules. Only those in a police or army
uniform get to ignore the queue
entirely.
For people such as Kaodza,
queuing is no mere dull necessity; it's become a
business. They are master
queue tacticians, managing to be in line in three
or four places. They
reserve themselves a place at the top of the queue,
scamper to the end and
reserve themselves a place there by making a deal
with the last person to
let them back into line later. They wait for the
queue to build up a little
more and scurry to grab another place at the end.
According to local
etiquette, you can leave the line, but never for long. To
rejoin, you need
the recognition of the person you made an agreement with.
But if you neglect
to pay the guard in charge of the queue, you still won't
be able to creep
back to your place, Kaodza says.
"It's every man for himself. Sometimes
you say you were in the queue and you
just came back and someone says, 'I
didn't see you.' And you're just
canceled from the queue."
Kaodza
always carries a few old newspapers to read. His mantra: Trust no
one. And
develop a thick skin. He is used to insults.
"There are people in the
queue who hate me because I manage to get four
twists [loaves] and they
can't even manage to get one twist. It's do or die.
One has to win. The
other has to lose."
Misleading newcomers about the length of the wait,
and even what the queue
is for, is a common ploy to minimize the
competition, Kaodza says.
Not everyone in line is as lucky or pushy as he
is. Many are hungry, tired,
desperate to get food for their family, and
spend all their days waiting.
"That woman behind you, she came a long
way," says Kaodza, who knows
everyone in the line. "She was dirty, that
woman, because where she comes
from there is no electricity and water's a
problem.
"She wakes up very early, and by the time she's walked to town
she is all
dusty."
He says some people collapse in the queue but
others are afraid to help, for
fear of losing their place.
"It's
better not to be a witness for anyone who's sick in line, because if
they
die, the police will take you away to the next of kin and you will have
to
explain what happened," Kaodza says in a matter-of-fact tone.
As we wait,
several women wearing the uniforms of city street cleaners trawl
by, loudly
proclaiming that they should join the front of the line because
they have to
work all day. At first people guffaw at their clumsy attempts
to queue-hop.
But when the smell of freshly baked bread begins to waft out
the doorway,
there are shouts of indignation. The women manage to squeeze
inside the door
just as the first loaves are handed over.
The first batch runs out. The
doors close. The line grows restless.
"People are prepared to fight in
the queue," Kaodza says.
The security guard at the door starts throwing
his weight around,
threatening to beat some people who are trying to rejoin
the queue, while
apparently failing to notice others sneaking
through.
As I huddle close to the wall trying to look unobtrusive, the
guard suddenly
points his finger at me. All eyes swivel in my
direction.
"Look at that white woman there -- she's queuing up. And
you're asking me to
let you go to the front!" he shouts. White people, it
seems, rarely queue.
Behind me, Kaodza laughs.
"Those people
obviously didn't pay the guard," he whispers.
Kaodza usually gets six to
eight twist loaves. He cuts each in half and adds
a smudge of margarine and
a couple of slivers of sausage and sells them. He
makes up to 3 million
Zimbabwean dollars, or $6, a day on sandwiches, and in
five days earns more
than most teachers did before their recent pay raise.
*
In another
queue at another supermarket, an unlikely friendship was born.
The two men
were essentially rivals for bread. One of them, Shane Johnson,
35, hoped to
get a few rolls for his wife and two children; the other was a
profiteer,
determined to get hundreds to resell at an inflated price.
They saw each
other most days in the bread queue. A few weeks back they
found themselves
next to each other. They struck up a cautious conversation.
"You have to
be so careful who you talk to. You should have the freedom even
in a queue
to say what you are thinking, but you can't because you're too
afraid,"
Johnson says, fearful that the queues are full of "dodgy
characters" and
police informants.
But long hours slowly wore down their
reserve.
"Eventually, we started becoming very close," says Johnson's
friend, a
27-year-old who gives his name only as Nicholas, afraid of
repercussions
from the authorities if his full name is published. "If he has
to go
somewhere, I'll go and wait in the queue for him. Or if I can't wait
in the
queue, he'll wait for me. We look out for each other."
The
main bread factory ran out of flour weeks ago: Now the only bread is
found
at small bakeries in supermarkets.
As shortages bite deeper, the
Brussels-based International Crisis Group
warned in a September report that
Zimbabwe was "closer than ever to complete
collapse."
President
Robert Mugabe, who has ruled Zimbabwe since its independence from
Britain in
1980, blames the West for the catastrophy. But each measure
adopted by the
ruling ZANU-PF party seems to have made things worse.
By printing money,
it triggered hyperinflation. Its remedy was to set prices
in Operation
Dzikisa Mutengo (Operation Reduce Prices) in late June, which
emptied the
supermarket shelves of basic goods and ran some small businesses
into the
ground.
"We all line up for bread, for milk, meat, for cooking oil and
sugar,"
Johnson says. "You talk to the guys in the queue, and they all feel
the same
way: There's nothing you can do."
People also queue for
hours for cornmeal, a staple known as "mealie meal,"
or for matches,
candles, and even plastic buckets to catch rainwater.
Johnson, softly
spoken, thoughtful and polite, is not a hustler. "I hate
queuing. I
absolutely hate it, because I don't like to be pushed around," he
says.
But Nicholas has undergone a transformation, thanks to the
bizarre economic
conditions. In late August, he quit his job as a truck
driver, giving up a
wage that was being gobbled up by inflation, and
discovered he had an
unplumbed talent for trading.
In August, his
wage was $3.20. Now he makes about $70 a week selling drinks.
Selling rolls
is a sideline that earns him $5 a day. For comparison,
teachers earned as
little as $4.80 a month until the government raised their
wages last month
to a minimum of $28.
The people who struggle most are workers who don't
want to give up the
security of even a meager salary for the uncertainties
of profiteering.
"There are a lot of people who don't know how to do it,"
Nicholas says.
"They have it worse because they don't know how to go out and
buy and sell.
They wake up a bit late. They don't know where to go and who
to see. They
don't know how to talk to people."
Johnson's path could
not be more different from his friend's. He had owned a
thriving electronics
repair business since 1995. But rents kept going up and
customers
evaporated. In a decision he likened to a painful divorce, he
closed down in
March.
Between trips to queue up, he does a few freelance repairs for old
clients,
while his wife works.
When he is in line, he frets about his
children. There is his little girl:
He always dashes out of the line to pick
her up from nursery school. He
knows he can't afford a decent school for her
next year. There is his
3-year-old son, who has asthma. With hospitals
unaffordable, no
transportation and the family savings gone, what happens if
he has an
attack?
*
If there is one main conversation piece in
the queue, it is the queues
themselves. Rumors fly about how a fight broke
out in one somewhere, or how
a supermarket fridge or window was broken when
tempers got frayed. Then
there are the inevitable stories about another,
better queue nearby, for
sugar or mealie meal, stories no one is sure
whether to believe.
There is always wariness and distrust. Fears of
"dodgy characters" and
plainclothes secret police loom large, though it is
impossible to know
whether they are in the queue.
In Zimbabwe, people
live with fear all the time. Even so, most days the
conversation in the
queue eventually drifts to politics. People blame
Mugabe, whom they call
"our father" or madala (old man) or "Bob," for the
chaos.
"They're
too scared to talk about him as the president. Most people wish
that he was
dead," Nicholas says.
"They say he's killed our country," says Charles
Moyo, 45, a night-shift
worker who queues every day for bread for his four
children.
Although people often share their anger, most find it difficult
to break
through the layer of distrust. There are many passing friendships
in the
queues, but most don't exist outside the line.
Johnson and
Nicholas drop by each other's house and socialize whenever they
can. But
just as the friendship was born out of the economic crisis, it
might die
that way too.
Although Nicholas is something of a success in today's
Zimbabwe, earning
enough to save a little and even lend cash to friends,
Johnson realizes that
he will never have the aggressive edge that makes his
friend such a talented
trader. After losing his business, he knows he is not
made for Zimbabwe's
dog-eat-dog economy.
"I'll be honest with you,
it's not for me," he says. "To buy and sell? I
don't do that. I prefer to
work for a living."
Ten years ago, he considered leaving for a job
possibility in another
country, but decided against it. "You say to
yourself, maybe it will get
better. It just gets worse and worse and
worse."
Now, within the month, he plans to seek a better life in South
Africa or
Britain.
"If there was some sort of hope, I'd stay," he
says with a resigned smile.
The low mutter of gossip is interrupted as
trucks chug along the supermarket
lane, emitting foul black fumes into our
faces, the wheels a foot from our
toes.
Then all at once there's a
sudden surge forward, a whiff of exhilaration.
Finally, I shuffle through
the back door of the bakery with the crowd and
exchange my 80,000 Zimbabwean
dollars -- about 16 cents -- for two small
twist loaves, still hot when they
are placed in my hands.
As I leave the bakery, I find another queue
inside the supermarket: the fast
queue, where police and friends of the
supermarket manager get their bread.
The smell of baked bread is
intoxicating.
People carry their loaves carefully, as though holding a
small and fragile
creature. They walk out with smiles of victory.
robyn.dixon@latimes.com
IOL
November 13 2007 at 11:52AM
By Peta Thornycroft
A
handful of Zimbabwe's evicted white farmers are inching towards
receiving
compensation from President Robert Mugabe's bankrupt
administration in an
international tribunal.
Five years after their homes and
livelihoods were stolen by Mugabe's
cronies, a group of 10 Dutch citizens
who farmed in Zimbabwe and considered
it home, have presented their case for
compensation to a tribunal in Paris.
Lands minister Didymus Mutasa,
who continues to seize some of the few
hundred remaining white-owned farms,
mostly for his relatives or associates
from his home province, Manicaland,
appeared in the Paris court, even though
there is a European Union visa ban
on him and all senior members of the
ruling
Zanu-PF.
The ban was lifted for Mutasa to give
evidence at the tribunal in
Paris 10 days ago. The hearings were closed to
the media and the public.
More than 4 000 white far-mers and
hundreds of thousands of their
workers lost their only homes and incomes and
jobs during the land seizures,
which began in 2000.
The 10
Dutch/Zimbabwean farmers took their case to the
Washington-based
International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes,
calling for
Mugabe to accept liability for breaches of a bilateral
investment treaty
with the Netherlands.
Mutasa admitted in court that the treaty had
been breached. The court
is expected to present its rulings and the amount
of compensation the
farmers should receive before March next
year.
Sources within the farmers' group say the total amount
claimed by the
10 farmers was about ?25 to ?33-million (about R242- to
R320-million).
If Mugabe's administration, which is unable to raise
enough foreign
currency to import food and electricity fails to pay
compensation decided by
the tribunal the farmers would have the right to
seize any Zimbabwean
government property outside the country.
This would include loans from the World Bank and export earnings.
And Zimbabwe would not be eligible for any funding from the World Bank
or
International Monetary Fund until the debt was paid.
Another 50
former farmers, citizens of Switzerland, Germ-any and
Denmark, countries
which all had bilateral treaties with Zimbabwe, are also
preparing to go to
the tribunal.
Zimbabwe has ducked and dived over signing treaties
with South Africa
and the United Kingdom. However, some South African
farmers went to Zimbabwe
to invest in agriculture and bought farms the
government did not want under
the Zimbabwe Investment Act, which should
protect them from the loss of
their property.
Zimbabwe ignored
this obligation. Most of the nearly 11 million
hectares seized by the
government from white farmers since 2000 is now idle
and fallen into
disrepair. - Independent Foreign Service
This article was
originally published on page 2 of Daily News on
November 13, 2007
MEDIA RELEASE FOR
IMMEDIATE RELEASE
13 November
2007
The SADC Tribunal will hear its very first case on 20
November 2007 in
Windhoek, Namibia. The applicant is a 75-year-old farmer,
William Michael
Campbell of Mount Carmel Farm in Zimbabwe. The respondent
is President
Robert Gabriel Mugabe and the Government of
Zimbabwe.
In the case Campbell seeks relief for himself, his family
and all of
his employees from the continued onslaught of invasions and
intimidation on
his farm.
He is currently facing
criminal charges in the local Chegutu
Magistrates’ court for still being on
his farm and could face up to two
years in prison for this
offence.
This week he was given a brief reprieve as the
magistrates and
prosecutors in Zimbabwe are on strike.
The SADC
hearing in Windhoek on the 20 November is to seek an urgent
interim
interdict from such interference pending a full hearing on the
fundamental
legal issues at stake in the Zimbabwe land seizures.
The SADC
tribunal was established in April 2007 to ensure that the aims
and
objectives of the SADC treaty are upheld. These include human rights
and
property rights which have been under siege in Zimbabwe for seven
years.
The SADC tribunal members are serving judges in SADC
countries. The
Zimbabwean tribunal member is cited as the recipient of a
farm along with
other judges, cabinet members, senior members of the armed
forces and top
civil servants in Campbell’s home district of
Chegutu.
A full list of these beneficiaries appears in his
founding affidavit.
Campbell's farm was bought by his company after
a certificate of no
present interest was issued by the Zimbabwe government
in 1999.
From the year 2000 it has been the subject of
numerous illegal and
sometimes violent invasions and acquisition
attempts.
Campbell, believing in the rule of law, applied to the
Supreme Court of
Zimbabwe for relief. The hearing took place in March
2007. The five
Supreme Court judges who heard the case are all recipients
of farms.
Even though the matter was fully argued and concluded
in March 2007,
judgement has still not been handed down nearly nine months
later.
Despite the pending judgement, the Government of Zimbabwe
has proceeded
to arrest and prosecute Campbell - the prosecution will
automatically fail
if judgement in the Supreme Court is granted in favour of
Campbell.
"What we have in Zimbabwe is rule by law, not the rule of
law," says
Campbell.
"Our laws now prevent us from even
approaching a court if our property,
at the stroke of a pen, is acquired.
They can now put me in prison for
being on land and in a home that I spent
my life work paying for. The rule
of law is vanishing in Zimbabwe and
someone has to do something about it."
The legal challenge centres
on the fact that no constitutional
democracy anywhere allows the basic
powers of the Judiciary to be eroded as
it has been through Zimbabwe's
seventeenth amendment.
It also challenges the failure to
compensate in the acquisition process
as well as the exclusively racial
basis on which land seizures have been
implemented.
The legal
representatives for the case include leading advocates in
Africa and
Europe.
Professor Jeffrey Jowell QC, Advocate Jeremy
Gauntlet SC, Advocate
Adrian de Bourbon SC and Mr David Drury are the
backbone of the team.
ENDS
Submitted
by: For further
information:
Mr Matthew
Walton Mr Matthew Walton
Walton
Jessop Attorneys Walton Jessop
Attorneys
Tel: (021) 702 0541
Tel: (021) 702
0541
Email: matthew@barefootattorneys.co.za
Email:
matthew@barefootattorneys.co.za
Cape
Town, South Africa Cape Town, South
Africa
Or:
Advocate
Jeremy Gauntlett
SC
1114
Huguenot
Chambers
40
Queen Victoria
Street
Cape
Town, South
Africa
Tel:
(021) 424
9340
E-mail:
gauntlett@mweb.co.za
------------------------------------
MEDIA
RELEASE
BACKGROUND INFORMATION FOR IMMEDIATE
RELEASE
13 November 2007
Zimbabwean farmer
lodges landmark test case with SADC Tribunal
Facing renewed threats
of eviction, one of Zimbabwe’s few remaining white
commercial farmers has
lodged an application for his case to be heard by the
Southern African
Development Community (SADC) tribunal in the Namibian
capital,
Windhoek.
The Notice of Application cites Mike
Campbell (Private) Limited
as the First Applicant, William Michael Campbell
as the Second Applicant and
Robert Gabriel Mugabe, N.O., in his capacity as
President of the Government
of the Republic of Zimbabwe, as the
Respondent.
Michael Campbell, who farms in the
Chegutu district, has
suffered a barrage of threats, invasions and
incidences of violence
throughout the past six years but has refused to
leave the land he purchased
legally in 1999.
His
farm workers have also been the target of unrelenting
violence and abuse
during Mugabe’s so-called “land reform” programme, which
has in reality
proved to be a mechanism for rewarding and enriching loyal
ruling Zanu-PF
party elite.
Campbell’s application calls for the tribunal to
rule that the Government of
Zimbabwe is in breach of its obligations as a
Member State of SADC through
its purported implementation of the
Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment (no.
17) Act.
The
draconian amendment, forced through parliament in 2005 by Zanu-PF MPs,
seeks
to remove the court’s right to adjudicate in any way in relation to
the
acquisition or confiscation of land.
Highly contentious, the
amendment is without parallel in modern
constitutional democracies, placing
Zimbabwe out of line with SADC, the
Commonwealth and African Union (AU)
member countries.
Although the Civil Challenge Fund (CCF)
challenged Amendment 17 in the
Zimbabwean courts and a Supreme Court action
was mounted in March this year,
judgement was reserved.
It is
a rule of the SADC tribunal that cases can be brought before it only
after
all domestic remedies have been exhausted.
This would therefore
mean that the CCF challenge may be brought before the
tribunal only after
the Supreme Court of Zimbabwe has ruled against the CCF.
However,
if the Supreme Court delays indefinitely in giving judgement, it
can be
argued that it would, in effect, be denying the CCF the remedy of
approaching the tribunal.
According to Campbell’s lawyers,
the Supreme Court has already delayed
unreasonably in handing down judgement
and has failed to respond to
enquiries regarding the case, which implies it
has declined to exercise its
jurisdiction.
The CCF legal team was
therefore briefed to prepare papers for an
application to the tribunal on
the basis that all domestic remedies had
indeed been
exhausted.
This is the first case to be brought
before the tribunal since
it was set up in 2000, and is being described as a
test case for the rule of
law in the SADC region.
The tribunal was established through a protocol attached to the
SADC treaty
and is empowered to adjudicate disputes between member states as
well as
between individuals and member states.
Campbell’s
application contends that the land acquisition
process is racist and illegal
under a number of legal instruments, notably
the SADC treaty and the African
Union Charter.
Article 6 of the SADC treaty says that “member
states shall not discriminate
against any person on the grounds of gender,
religion, political views,
race, ethnic origin, culture, ill-health or
disability or such other
grounds.”
Zimbabwe is a signatory to
both the SADC treaty and the tribunal – the
documents were signed by Robert
Gabriel Mugabe.
Jeremy Gauntlett SC, a leading South African
advocate, will be arguing the
case before the tribunal.
He
will seek an order declaring that the changes to the constitution violate
the human rights protections of the SADC treaty.
The papers document extensive abuses by state security forces
and a barrage
of invasions of the farm. They also provide a list of
so-called “chefs” who
have forced commercial farmers off their legally owned
land.
Beneficiaries of the most productive
commercial farms across the
country include senior army, air force and
police officers, Zanu-PF
ministers and Mugabe cronies, Mr Mugabe, his wife
Grace and family members,
including a nephew, Leo Mugabe, a high profile
cleric and, “regrettably”,
judges.
In this
particular instance, the Zanu-PF Secretary for
Information and Publicity,
Nathan Shamuyarira, has already been implicated
in an attempt to take over
Campbell’s farm.
Located in Mashonaland West, south
west of Harare, the 1 200ha
farm is the largest mango producer in the
country. Maize (corn), the
country’s staple food, and citrus fruits are
also grown on a large scale.
The lodging of the
Notice of Application takes place against a
backdrop of escalating
starvation and reports of advanced
malnutrition-related diseases such as
kwashiorkor throughout Zimbabwe.
Previously a breadbasket on the
continent, Zimbabwe will need food aid for
more than 4 million Zimbabweans
for the remainder of the year.
ENDS
Submitted
by: For further
information:
Mr Matthew
Walton Mr Matthew Walton
Walton
Jessop Attorneys Walton Jessop
Attorneys
Tel: (021) 702 0541
Tel: (021) 702
0541
Email: matthew@barefootattorneys.co.za
Email:
matthew@barefootattorneys.co.za
Cape
Town, South Africa Cape Town, South
Africa
Or:
Advocate
Jeremy Gauntlett
SC
1114
Huguenot
Chambers
40
Queen Victoria
Street
Cape
Town, South
Africa
Tel:
(021) 424
9340
E-mail:
gauntlett@mweb.co.za
UK Parliament
House of Lords
Monday, 12 November 2007
Zimbabwe: Human Rights
Lord Blaker asked Her Majesty’s Government:
What steps
they are taking to ensure that the political situation and the position with
regard to democratic freedoms and human rights in Zimbabwe are on the agenda for
discussion at the forthcoming Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting in
Uganda.
Baroness Royall of Blaisdon: My Lords, as Zimbabwe is no longer a member of the Commonwealth, those matters will not be on the formal agenda of the upcoming Commonwealth Heads of Government meeting in Uganda. The issue is, however, likely to be discussed at the margins of the meeting. My noble friend Lord Malloch-Brown, who is today at the Commonwealth meeting discussing Pakistan and his ministerial colleagues, will certainly raise the issue in bilateral discussions with regional leaders.
Lord Blaker: My Lords, is the noble Baroness not aware that at the Millbrook conference in New Zealand in 1995, the Commonwealth declared that it may concern itself with the affairs of a country that is no longer a member? Does the noble Baroness recall that the SADC countries eight months ago gave a mandate to President Mbeki of South Africa to facilitate negotiations between the parties in Zimbabwe? When the Prime Minister is in Kampala, will he ask President Mbeki what progress he is making in pursuit of that mandate, bearing in mind that a long time has elapsed, that conditions in Zimbabwe are as bad as they have ever been and that elections are due in March?
Baroness Royall of Blaisdon: My Lords, I take this opportunity to thank the noble Lord for keeping the subject of Zimbabwe on the agenda. He does that consistently and we are grateful. Although the situation has changed, I note what the noble Lord said regarding Millbrook. In respect of the SADC countries, I am sure that my right honourable friend the Prime Minister will take the opportunity to have discussions with President Mbeki, but whereas the president had hoped to report on the outcome of his discussions by 15 November, we are now looking at the end of the month.
Lord Anderson of Swansea: My Lords, my noble friend will have noticed allegations in the weekend press that Barclays Bank has been giving subsidised loans to leading members of the Zimbabwe regime, such as Didymus Mutasa, who are under sanctions. Have these allegations been investigated and with what result?
Baroness Royall of Blaisdon: My Lords, we have seen the reports and we are absolutely determined that EU sanctions should properly be enforced. This is a complex area and we are investigating urgently to see whether loans represent a breach of the EU assets freeze. If so, we will of course act, and report to the House accordingly.
Lord Wallace of Saltaire: My Lords, now that Mozambique has joined, almost all Zimbabwe’s neighbours are members of the Commonwealth. Clearly, working with Commonwealth members in southern Africa, not just South Africa, has to be the most effective way of bringing pressure to bear on Zimbabwe. It that not, in effect, what Her Majesty’s Government need to do—and, we hope, will do—at CHOGM?
Baroness Royall of Blaisdon: My Lords, that is indeed what Her Majesty’s Government will be doing at CHOGM, not in the main plenary meeting, but certainly on its margins. We also want to use the opportunity afforded by the Commonwealth People’s Forum and the civil society organisations affiliated to the Commonwealth to provide the people of Zimbabwe with greater support. We want to work not only on the margins of CHOGM, but with those other civil society organisations.
Lord Howell of Guildford: My Lords, I know that the Commonwealth action group meeting in London today is concerned mainly with Pakistan, but, given what my noble friend Lord Blaker rightly said on the role of the Commonwealth—even though Zimbabwe has left it—and given that Mr Mbeki is proving a damp rag in trying to bring the parties together, is there not a case for taking a lead and suggesting that we should find a new candidate who might be much more effective in bringing the parties together, and be less phased, as apparently Mr Mbeki seems to be, by the dominant personality of Mr Mugabe, as this is getting us nowhere?
Baroness Royall of Blaisdon: My Lords, I note the views of the noble Lord and I understand and share his frustration at the time that this is taking. However, it is important to note that President Mbeki has a task and a timescale in which to deliver. We must wait until the end of November before looking for other candidates. I am afraid that that is the situation. That does not prevent us having discussions with other countries in southern Africa on the margins of CHOGM.
Baroness Sharples: My Lords, will the noble Baroness confirm that Ministers of Mugabe’s Government are restricted from coming here? Does that apply to their children, who, I understand, are in education here?
Baroness Royall of Blaisdon: My Lords, Ministers from the Mugabe Government are restricted: they are not allowed to come here. We are currently looking at whether their children should be allowed to continue to study here, and that issue is ongoing.
Lord Elton: My Lords, does the Minister accept that for those of us who feel that the Commonwealth has figured very low on the Government’s list of priorities and, indeed, in the Queen’s Speech, it is very encouraging to hear that the Government now propose to use our membership of that very important organisation? Will they use it on many other occasions in order to breathe new life into an institution that the world cannot afford to lose?
Baroness Royall of Blaisdon: Yes, my Lords. I think that the Commonwealth, with members from north and south, rich and poor, is an ideal organisation to pursue the values that we share.
Lord Roper: My Lords, will the Government take advantage of CHOGM to have discussions with President Kufuor of Ghana, the president of the African Union, about inviting Zimbabwe to the EU-Africa summit in Lisbon in December?
Baroness Royall of Blaisdon: My Lords, I am sure that that will be one of the matters discussed. I am told that invitations to that meeting were issued last week, so it is still too soon to know who has accepted. However, the invitations have been issued.
Lord Stoddart of Swindon: My Lords, if it is found that Barclays Bank, of which I am a customer—that is a declaration of interest—
Noble Lords: Oh!
Lord Stoddart of Swindon: My Lords,
perhaps I may start again. If it is found that Barclays Bank has been lending
money to Zimbabweans against the EU sanctions policy, what action will be taken
against it? As questions have been raised about Barclays’ abilities in finance,
can we be assured that Bank of England money has not been used to finance these
rogues?
Baroness Royall of Blaisdon: My Lords, I shall have to come back to the noble Lord in writing because, although I am told that we will act—as I am sure we will—I am not sure in what way we will.
Lord Blaker: My Lords, the noble Baroness said that
President Mbeki has a timescale. Can she tell us what it is?
Baroness Royall
of Blaisdon: My Lords, I understand that he was supposed to deliver his report
by 15 November but I am told that we now expect it at the end of November. It is
very important that we go no further than the end of November because, as noble
Lords know, we in the EU are hoping to have a special envoy, who we hope will be
able to visit the region between the publishing of President Mbeki’s report and
the EU summit on 8 and 9 December.
By Tererai
Karimakwenda
13 November, 2007
We have received reports that officials
from the ruling party are blocking
opposition supporters from accessing much
needed food in the Chimanimani
area of Manicaland. Villagers named a ZANU-PF
coordinator known as "Mai
Knight" as the chief perpetrator. They said she is
hoping to win the party's
Senate seat for the area in the elections next
year.
The latest incident occurred last Thursday when six hundred 50 kg bags
of
maize meal were delivered by the Grain Marketing Board, to be sold to all
residents of Chimanimani urban. Party affiliation is not supposed to
influence who gets the food, but according to our Chimani contact Peter, Mai
Knight and the ZANU-PF Senator named Munama controlled the distribution of
the maize meal. Peter said Knight blatantly announced that only those who
have a ZANU-PF card would be allowed to get the food. Peter said she warned
the villagers that tough times were coming and they know what to do if they
want to eat.
Mai Knight has been named in many reports by opposition
supporters who say
she denies them food and other services meant for the
general public. The
ZANU-PF coordinator is also reportedly quite outspoken
about her political
bias. If she becomes a Senator for the area, many
Chimanimani residents fear
they will be starved even more.
Peter reported
another disturbing incident that occurred in Nyanyadzi near
the Hot Springs
area of Manicaland. The United Nations World Food Programme
(WFP) was due to
distribute food there earlier this year because of the
serious shortages.
According to Peter, ZANU-PF officials intervened,
claiming there was no need
for food aid at the time. Peter said that Munacho
Mutezo, the
non-constituency MP for Chimanimani, convinced the WFP officials
to delay
food distribution. He was assisted by the provincial administrator
named
Fungai Mbetsa.
Peter told Newsreel that there are very few ZANU-PF supporters
in the
Eastern border towns of Zimbabwe. He explained that the ruling party
is
aware of this, and has decided to intensify the use of food as a
political
weapon ahead of the elections next year.
SW
Radio Africa Zimbabwe news
By Lance Guma
13
November 2007
Women of Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA) pressure group have blamed
police torture for
the death of founding member and activist Maria Moyo. The
57 year old died
on the 6th November from pneumonia complications which WOZA
say were
worsened by her experiences in police custody. Six members of the
police Law
and Order section allegedly burst into her Mabuthweni home in
Bulawayo a few
months ago and despite pleas from family members that she was
ill, proceeded
to drag her outside and bundled her into a vehicle with 4
other women from
WOZA. The group was taken to Khami Dam outside Bulawayo,
where they were
interrogated, tortured and abused for 5 hours.
Moyo
and the others were tied up with ropes and told they would be dumped in
the
sewage-polluted water if they did not disclose the whereabouts of
leaders
Jenni Williams and Magondonga Mahlangu. WOZA say that only a group
of
passers-by, who included a photographer, deterred the police from
carrying
out their threat. In just 4 years with the pressure group Moyo has
been
arrested ten times and on each occasion has been physically and
mentally
abused by the police. At the time of her last arrest her condition
was
deteriorating. Police are said to have only released her because they
feared
she might die in custody. After dumping her back home it was left to
Moyo's
family to take her to hospital.
It's reported that over a thousand people
came to Bulawayo's Hyde Park
Cemetery to pay their last respects to Moyo.
Alongside Jenni Williams and
Magondonga Mahlangu she had helped form WOZA in
2003 and has since led
protests against human rights abuses in the country.
At the funeral on
Sunday Mahlangu said, 'I would like it to be known that
the police are
responsible for her death... She will be remembered for her
ready smile even
in harsh jail conditions. She will be remembered for her
courage and
commitment. May her soul rest in peace in a better place than
the living
hell of Zimbabwe.'
Moyo leaves behind a husband, nine
children, and 12 grandchildren.
SW Radio Africa
Zimbabwe news
SW Radio
Africa (London)
13 November 2007
Posted to the web 13 November
2007
Tichaona Sibanda
The MDC in Manicaland is concerned about
the heightened political tension in
the province, following the abduction
and interrogation of 15 of its members
on Monday evening in Chipinge South,
allegedly by Zanu-PF militias.
The group was force-marched from a house
belonging to one of its members and
driven to a police post at Checheche
business centre at 5pm, where they were
handed over to the police. The
police post there is housed in a building
owned by the Zanu-PF MP for the
area, Enock Porusingazi.
At the station, according to the MDC, the
group was kept for several hours
and were ordered to make signed statements.
Questions covered matters
pertaining to party activities, their jobs,
personal details about who
funded their activities and the names of active
party cadres in the
district.
Pishai Muchauraya, the MDC spokesman in
the province, said all of them
refused to answer most questions on the
grounds that they were illegally
abducted from a house for holding a
legitimate consultative meeting.
After the interrogations the group was
driven south to Chisumbanje police
station, about 50km away, where they were
held overnight until 4am Tuesday.
The MDC believes that based on information
obtained from the interrogations,
the police were able to identify the
ringleaders of the group.
'After being screened by the police, nine
activists were released without
charge and the remaining six were
transferred to Chipinge town, which is
250km north of Chisumbanje. Knowing
the behaviour of the CID Law and Order
section, we must be fearful for the
wellbeing of our abducted members who
are likely to be tortured,' Muchauraya
said.
The detained members were late this afternoon still being denied
access to
lawyers and food by a chief Inspector Mujaho of CID Chipinge. Four
of the
six activists have been identified as Tawanda Muzunya, Joel Mkondo,
Chris
Mukwaze and Alone Chiunje.
Three weeks ago an aspiring MDC
parliamentary candidate and two other party
officials were abducted from
their homes in Chipinge South and held for
three days at Porusingazi's
police post, which at times is manned by war
veterans.
George
Makuyaya the MDC's parliamentary candidate for next year's elections,
Philip
Munopera the party's district elections director and local ward
Chairman
Leornard Makusha, were interrogated under the orders of
Porusingazi, who is
also a Zanu-PF central committee member.
The Zimbabwean
Tuesday, 13 November 2007 17:13
HARARE - Zimbabwe is buying arms from China in exchange for
mining and
farming concessions, prompting fears that the army is planning a
coup in the
event of an election defeat for President Robert Mugabe.
The
shipment of heavy assault rifles, military vehicles and tanks, riot
equipment, tear gas and rubber batons is being secretly moved through the
port of Beira in Mozambique.
The purchase, confirmed by a Chinese defence
journal this week, confirms
information given to Home Affairs Minister Kembo
Mohadi three weeks ago by
an opposition delegation.
The MDC delegation,
led by Home Affairs Shadow Minister Sam Sipepa-Nkomo,
told the Minister that
it had information the ruling party had ordered
weapons from South
Africa.
That purchase, however, was scuttled by President Thabo Mbeki, who
refused
to okay the sale arguing it was in breach of international protocols
banning
the sale of weapons of war to fuel conflict.
Andrei Chang,
Editor-in-Chief of the Chinese army's Kanwa Defense Review,
based in Hong
Kong wrote last Friday: "Zimbabwe is already acquiring stocks
of Chinese
weapons. The country's main battle tanks are virtually all made
in China. At
present, the Zimbabwe Army is equipped with 30 Type 59 tanks
and 10 Type 69
tanks, and more than half of its armoured transport vehicles
are
Chinese-made Type 63s. The Zimbabwe Air Force is also armed with nine
J-7
fighters."
Army officials and the Defence Minister, Sydney Sekeramayi, have
declined to
comment on the arms purchase.
Defence sources said the
equipment would ensure the army was well equipped
in case Mugabe's Zanu (PF)
loses the ballot and needs military help to hold
on to power.
Senior
military officials have vowed that they would not salute a new
president
without revolutionary credentials and warned the army would stage
a coup if
Mugabe were voted out of power in favour of his main opponent
Morgan
Tsvangirai.
But the army's ability to take power and keep order has been
severely
curtailed by a United States and European Union arms embargo
imposed in
2002. - Chief Reporter
The Zimbabwean
Tuesday, 13 November 2007 17:29
HARARE - "As you can see, no-one is planting here.
There is virtually no
farming taking place," said Simba Chinyamakobvu. The
air was thick with the
promise of rain and frangipani blossom, but the
conversation was as
depressing as the deserted farmyards.
"We have no
seed, no fertiliser, nothing. Government has promised to give us
these
items. But so far we haven't received anything," said a new farmer
from
another former commercial farm in the area.
In the most fertile cropping
province, Mashonaland West, fields are bare and
weeds the only greenery.
Hundreds of hectares of young coffee is abandoned
at a farm grabbed from a
white farmer last month in renewed farm seizures.
Citrus orchards were
burned in September and the blaze melted the drip
irrigation pipes which
watered the trees.
Footage shot from a light aircraft over the rest of the
central provinces in
the past three weeks paints a bleak picture of the
results of nearly seven
years of so-called land reform. In place of
mechanical maize planters which
put down 20ha of seed a day, thin old women
bent double are planting pip by
pip, about half a hectare in the same
time.
Many of Mugabe's storm troopers have neither seed nor fertiliser. They
are
hanging about scratching at the soil here and there, and waiting.
At
Lions Den, about 150km north west of Harare, there is an exception to the
desolation. 50ha of young maize, at present overcome with weeds, has been
planted by former Higher Education minister and ex-president of the Zimbabwe
Red Cross Society, Swithun Mombeshora.
Mombeshora, assisted by police
from the provincial capital, Chinhoyi,
allegedly chucked the owners off this
farm. He had an easy start after that,
free land, free irrigation equipment,
plentiful seed and fertiliser.
Ormeston, the farm he took, has for decades
reaped 750ha of maize and soya
beans, 80ha of tobacco, and 15ha of export
flowers, and 600ha of winter
wheat.
But what of the doughty, overcrowded
communal farmers who are capable of
producing 800,000 tons of maize in a
year? The communal farmers are weakened
by inflation, which is nearly 8,000
percent, and by shortages of inputs.
They are also hungry, and their families
are diminished by HIV/AIDS. They
have no access to dams or irrigation, and
despite prospects for decent rain
this season, chances of a good crop are
dim. - Chief reporter
Fin24
Nov 13 2007 08:50
AM
Trader Vic
OVER THE past three weeks, the Zimbabwe dollar has quietly
lost about 75% of
its value again. On the informal market, you now need
ZW$4.5m to buy US$1.
The official exchange rate, which is also only a few
months old, is given by
the Zimbabwe central bank as ZW$30 000 per US$1.
Gideon Gono, governor of
the country's central bank, is still bravely trying
to maintain that this is
the actual rate, but on the informal, and real,
market, Gono's umpteenth new
currency has already lost 99.3% of its
value.This may sound like old and
irrelevant news, but remember that the
collapse of a country's economy and
the value of its currency will finally
break the back of the undemocratic
government of the day. The easiest way of
calculating the value of the
Zimbabwe dollar is by simply looking at the
share prices of Old Mutual or
PPCement, which are listed on the Zimbabwe
Stock Exchange in exactly the
same format as in SA. In mid-October, PPC was
trading at about ZW$4m in
Harare. On the JSE, the price was about R44,
giving a rand/ZW$ exchange rate
of ZW$90 000 for one small R1 coin.On
November 12, the price of PPC in
Harare rose to about ZW$18m, while on the
JSE it was trading at R47, giving
a new exchange rate of ZW$380 000 for just
R1. Handing out money he didn't
haveThe latest sharp fall in the value of
the Zimbabwe dollar happened to
occur exactly 10 years since November 14
1997 when President Robert Mugabe
granted every war veteran ZW$50 000, which
was then worth US$1 315.
Incidentally, the Zimbabwe dollar of 1994 has since
lost three of its zeros,
and the money granted then, which would be only
ZW$50 in today's currency,
is too small to be expressed in any other
currency. In fact, 76 of the war
veterans would have to pool their 1994
grants to buy one SA cent.In 1994,
the value of the Zimbabwe dollar also
fell by about 75% after President
Mugabe was so generous in handing out
money that he didn't have, but then
the share prices also fell sharply by
about 40%. At the moment, share prices
are rising again every time the value
of the Zimbabwe currency falls, more
or less retaining their value in rands
or US dollars.The following few
figures for the performance of the country's
index for mining share prices
over the past year show how difficult it is
now to get your zeros
right.Mining index: January 2007 = 410 000 Index:
November = 847 161
068Points increase, ytd = 846 751 764Percentage
increase, 206 876%House
pricesIf the enormous increase in the value of the
mining index is adjusted
in line with the official exchange rate of ZW$250
at the beginning of 2007,
which has since weakened to ZW$30 000, this gives
an increase of 720% in US
dollars.I am going to predict now already that
many analysts who have
nothing better to do are, just as in the past, going
to pick the Zimbabwe
Stock Exchange as the share market that has done the
best in the world
during 2007. What absolute rubbish.But it's not only share
prices in
Zimbabwe that are moving at top speed to keep ahead of the falling
value of
the Zimbabwe dollar. House prices are now also being expressed in
strange
ways.In the select northern suburbs of Harare, several fine houses
are now
being offered on property.co.zw for between ZW$300 and ZW$500 ...
oh, and
plus nine zeros, whatever that might be. Use the exchange rate of
ZW$380 000
calculated above, and you'll see that in ordinary money terms
these houses
are going for about R750 000 to R1.25m.
zimbabwejournalists.com
13th Nov 2007 07:45 GMT
By Alex T. Magaisa
VICE President
Joice Mujuru was reported last week to have stated publicly,
that she has no
intention of challenging President Mugabe for the presidency
of both the
Zanu PF party and Zimbabwe.
This is hardly a source of surprise. It
brings to mind an earlier article in
these pages about the perils of
pursuing change in Zanu PF.
Reference was made at the time, to the words
of Machiavelli, the well-known
political thinker of the Renaissance era, who
wrote, “It must be considered
that there is nothing more difficult to carry
out, nor more doubtful of
success, nor more dangerous to handle, than to
initiate a new order of
things.
For the reformer has enemies in all
those who profit by the old order and
only lukewarm defenders in all those
who would profit by the new order …”
This is a danger that stalks would-be
contenders for power in Zanu PF.
Having made his intentions clear, and
captured the backing of significant
stakeholders in Zanu PF power
structures, namely, the war veterans, whose
leader, Jabulani Sibanda, has
promised a “Million Men March”, the Women’s
League, whose leader, Oppah
Muchinguri, threatened earlier this year that
she and fellow leaguers would
resort to shedding their clothes in protest
against any would-be challengers
and the Youth League, President Mugabe has
ensured that the fortunes of any
challengers to his throne are substantially
limited.
Timing and
purpose of Mujuru’s denial
What is probably significant about VP Mujuru’s
announcement is first, its
timing and second, that she has had to make it at
all, particularly because
there is no clear public record of her having
declared her interest in the
presidency in the first place. Why now and not
many months before when the
rumours were rife in the media? What has changed
now that necessitates such
a public denial?
Her announcement lends
itself to the interpretation that it is an assurance
to the President that
she remains loyal, despite the rumours of machinations
on her part and those
around her. But importantly, the more likely
interpretation is that this is
a declaration, as Zanu PF heads for the
Extraordinary Congress next month,
of her own power and position within the
party, against those that she
perceives to be the real competitors.
VP Mujuru knows, as do her
competitors, that President Mugabe will run for
the presidency in 2008 and
that this is no longer a potential vacancy in
Zanu PF. Her best bet
therefore is to retain her position in the presidium.
Her words here are
clear and significant: "The Presidium is made up of four
people and I am
already in the Presidium. I am not going anywhere".
She couldn’t be more
unequivocal. Which begs the question: Is her position
under threat and if so
from whom? This, more than her denial of her
intentions to gun for the
presidency, is the significant part. She knows
that to stand any significant
chance in the post-Mugabe era, she must remain
in the upper echelons of the
party. In order to do that, she must regain
President Mugabe’s confidence
and also keep her adversaries at bay.
In this regard, her major adversary
appears to be Emmerson Mnangagwa, who,
having lost the earlier phase of his
battle against her for a position in
the presidium in 2004, has been slowly
working his way up, apparently,
regaining President Mugabe’s confidence. It
is significant that by virtue of
his party position, it fell to him to make
public announcements concerning
the forthcoming extraordinary party
congress.
In doing so, he became the public face of the party’s
endorsement of
President Mugabe as the sole candidate for the party. That
circumstance
created a perception of Mnangagwa as supporting Mugabe’s
candidature, and
probably explains the timing of VP Mujuru’s statements, in
order to equalise
their positions, notwithstanding speculation that both of
them were up to
then, seen as contenders for the presidency.
Here one
sees two contenders apparently retreating simultaneously, one
probably
eyeing a place in the presidium and the other keen to retain a
place in that
structure. But the retreat is no more than a strategic
re-alignment, a step
back, perhaps in order to launch two steps forward when
opportunity knocks
in the future. This whole saga, is not important because
of President
Mugabe’s endorsement, but because it is yet another round in
the battle
between the contenders in Zanu PF, a battle whose first round
went to VP
Mujuru in 2004, of which the next round is only now in play.
Jousting in
cyberspace
Interestingly, in circumstances that seem to indicate a latent
development
in profile-building, both contenders have been claiming their
spaces in
cyberspace. There is a profile of Mnangwagwa on www.morhsa.gov.zw which,
ostensibly, is
the website of the Ministry of Rural Housing and Social
Amenities, which he
heads.
There was a story by Clemence Manyukwe, in The Financial Gazette
newspaper
last week, which carried a dramatic title, “When the Crocodile”
Resurfaces”.
It was probably an attempt to analyse Mnangwagwa’s resurgence
after the 2004
loss of opportunity to VP Mujuru. Coincidentally the profile
of Mnangwagwa
in Manyukwe’s story is by and large a reproduction of the
biography on the
Mnangwagwa’s website. It appears that Manyukwe’s source for
the biographical
details of Mnangwagwa is very similar to the source of the
website details,
given that the information in most parts matches verbatim
the website
profile. Of course, Manyukwe may have used a verbatim copy of
the same
profile which is also on www.wikipedia.com.
Nevertheless, the
profile seeks to demonstrate Mnangagwa’s record in the
struggle for
independence and his achievements in his ministerial positions
since
independence, including from 2000-2005 when he was Speaker of
Parliament. He
lists among his achievements the establishment of the
Judicial College, the
Small Claims Court, amendments to the Constitution and
the democratisation
of the institutions of Parliament, which are described
as progressive
reforms.
Perhaps what Manyukwe and fellow members of the Fourth Estate,
could do to
assist the public, instead of repeating verbatim the
biographical claims by
individuals who wish to lead the country, is to
question them on the
substance of these achievements – such as, for example
the nature of the
constitutional changes, the events during those long
ministerial tenures and
the nature of democratic reforms. That way, the
public could gain more and
better information about these candidates so that
they can be judged on
their merits rather than rely on rumour and
speculation. The aspiring
leaders also benefit from such scrutiny as they
can take the chance to
respond to questions of public interest.
On
the other hand, it was recently announced that VP Mujuru had launched her
own website, at http://www.vpmujuruoffice.gov.zw/zimba.html
which
ostensibly, is designed to profile her office and provide an
opportunity for
interaction with those who wish to “share valuable ideas
with her office”.
Declaring firmly that she believes that “the party has
always been and
remains supreme to government”, there is an indication that
she regularly
undertakes “countrywide provincial visits where she meets and
deliberates
with local and traditional leaders”. The website also profiles
her role in
the liberation struggle and the leadership roles she has taken
after
independence. Being a woman who rose from a young age to assume a
position
of national leadership, she is profiled as an inspiration to the
girl-child,
staking a claim, perhaps, to the female
constituency.
Now, both are prima facie noble efforts, notwithstanding
the limitations of
access to cyberspace by most of their intended audience
in Zimbabwe. Yet,
given the tight battles for space in the national media,
it is not
surprising that both contenders would wish to stake claims in
cyberspace.
Then again they may be efforts to build their respective public
profiles to
the international audience and attempts to rebut or neutralise
some of the
unflattering information about them that appears in
cyberspace.
Either way, it is clear that although both have lost the
present opportunity
to stake a claim for the presidency, which appeared so
near, there is still
more to come in future. What is happening now is no
more than a tactical
retreat and re-building in preparation for tough
jousting ahead.
One thing is for sure, the latent battle in Zanu PF is
not over yet. It
remains a significant plot in the script appertaining to
the national
question. The spotlight having turned away from the presidency,
the key
battle is now for the space on the penumbra of that top post, in
order to be
better positioned to strike when the opportunity
arises.
Dr Magaisa can be contacted at wamagaisa@yahoo.co.uk
zimbabwejournalists.com
13th Nov 2007 07:39 GMT
By Chenjerai Chitsaru
TO even the
most hard-boiled observers of the turbulent political scene
around Africa ,
the preoccupation with the succession issue in Zimbabwe is
more than
bizarre.
This once proud nation, home of the bread basket of Southern
Africa, now has
a tattered agricultural industry, an even more tattered
currency, whose
value is the laughing stock of the world.
It has he
world’s highest inflation rate, record unemployment,
record-breaking food
shortages and a health sector probably limping towards
an early
grave.
In short, this is a country in such dire straits all-round, all
its
government leaders and even its opposition parties should, logically, be
spending sleepless nights worrying about what the masses might do in
reaction to this assault on their very existence.
Instead, we have
this soap opera of a ruling party spending precious time on
which faction is
supporting which candidate for the presidency of the party
and how its plans
can be sabotaged irretrievably, before the crucial
congress of the party
next month.
Even the Governor of the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe, a key
player in the
recovery plan, is said to be angling for some plum job in this
or that
faction.
Gideon Gono’s game plan, say his detractors, is to
put in place programmes
that might enhance this faction against that other
faction.
It may be all be pure speculation and conjecture, but this is
the reality of
Zimbabwe today – a country with people dying of hunger and
disease whose
leaders are worried about the political weather than about
issues life and
death among ordinary people.
Even in discussions with
foreigners intending to invest in the country or
help it get out of this
mess, politicians are said to have assessed the
impact of the programme on
the advancement of their faction – not
necessarily of the country.
It
is all very well to pin the blame squarely on President Robert Mugabe.
His
critics claim the man won’t leave office, even if his term is officially
ended.
How he has managed to outflank them is easily ignored. Mugabe
is in his
element: this is a game of which he has become consummate since
assuming the
leadership of Zanu PF in 1975.
Some of his more
uncharitable critics say he is having the time of his life
just now, sizing
up his opponents, probing their weaknesses, putting
obstacles in their
path.
In other words, even he, as president of the country, is no longer
too
worried about the empty shelves in the supermarkets or the empty
stomachs of
the children from Vumba to Victoria Falls .
He, like his
rivals, is so absorbed in the cut and thrust of the combat for
the big job,
he pays only incidental attention to the bread and butter
issues whose
disregard over the years has led to this present human tragedy.
It could
be said that too much politics is going to kill Zimbabwe , finally.
Or is
Zanu PF deliberately raising the hype on the succession issue to
distract
the people’s attention from the key issues of the forthcoming
election –
bread and butter?
Is all this a hoax, with every Zanu PF player knowing
what to do to convince
the people that, right now, what must preoccupy them
is whether or not
Mugabe remains leader of Zanu PF and the country, even
temporarily?
It could be argued that, for the future political and
economic health of
Zimbabwe, it is important for Mugabe to be removed from
the scene.
His performance thus far has been a total disaster. Most of
the political
and economic crises facing the country can be placed at his
doorstep.
In that assessment, his critics in the party are right: he
should step down
and let someone else inherit his mantle.
What they
may not be so decisive about is this: what to do with the man? He
has
supporters at the highest level of the party, people like Didymus
Mutasa.
It is true that some of his old faithful supporters may have
switched sides,
on the logical grounds that clinging on to his coat-tails
as he is hauled
out of the State House, kicking and screaming, might not be
so dignified or
even politically prudent.
What is to be asked by all
who look at politics as having a kind of logic,
even in a twisted kind of
way, is whether Zanu PF has failed to convince
Mugabe that his time is
up.
In agreeing to Constitutional Amendment No.18, the detractors
declared
themselves to be firm supporters of Mugabe’s retention of
power.
The MDC, in joining in this conspiracy, may have hoped to gain
some mileage
for itself. But it is only the naïve who believe that Zanu PF
and Mugabe are
imbued with the spirit of truth and fairness when their
political lives at
stake.
With the opposition MDC now in complete
disarray, Zanu PF can complete its
game plan: retain power with Mugabe at
the helm, The old man can then take
his own sweet time to decide when to
leave office and who to anoint as his
successor.
Incidentally, the
reaction to the split in the MDC led by Morgan Tsvangirai
would seem to
suggest there were reasons of “values and principles” involved
here.
An election was held; in the 2005 split, it was not an election
that
resulted in the rupture, but votes were involved as well.
It may
be premature to dismiss out of hand any suggestions that Zanu PF
played a
hand in this caper.
Old hands in Zimbabwean politics must be acutely
aware of our propensity for
splits.
Zanu PF, born out of a split in
the original Zapu, knows this history.
It would be the easiest task for its
moles in the MDC to engineer such a
split.
Of course, it could just
as well be a bona fide falling out among previously
close allies.
If
the split remains as it is, Zanu PF may not have to engage in any
tomfoolery
or skullduggery to win the harmonised elections in 2008.
While MDC
pollsters had previously theorized confidently that Zanu PF had
campaigned
against itself through the price blitz, they can hardly dismiss
the
potential of their party having shot itself, not only in the foot, but
even
in the head, by splitting at a time when Zanu PF was at its most
divided and
its most vulnerable.
What many political observers will conclude from a
rout of the opposition in
2008 will probably be that Mugabe has cheated
history.
His two colleagues in the old federation of Rhodesia and
Nyasaland (Zambia
and Malawi), Kenneth Kaunda and Kamuzu Banda, left office
after being
defeated by fairly new opposition parties.
Mugabe will be
able to retire unscathed, a man who ruled a country at its
independence and
left office in its 28th year of independence.
His legacy will be
something else, of course. Zanu PF itself will not escape
the harsh
indictment of posterity. It will be judged to have failed to stop
a man who
ruined the country’s economy, only because his fellow leaders were
too
gutless to remove him or were, in a way, as guilty of ruining the
country as
he was – even in colluding with him to carry out this hoax of a
succession
race.
13 November 2007
By
Msekiwa Makwanya
The state of the Zimbabwean opposition forces shows us
that nothing will
change in Zimbabwe unless people change their behaviour.
The situation in
the ruling party shows us that nothing will work for
Zimbabwe unless we have
a win-win outcome in the next election. There is a
strong case for
reflection across the political divide, and listening to
each other. Leaders
should never take people for granted!
The
on-going internal squabbles over the dissolution of the Tsvangirai MDC
Women's Assembly and the Ephraim Tapa led UK and Ireland leadership has been
characterised by what other members have called abuse of power. The
allegation of under-performance has not been substantiated yet, at least in
the eyes of the outsiders. However, one would have thought that if Mai
Matibenga was under-performing she needed to be supported by way of extra
training and performance management.
If Mai Matibenga was corrupt
then the members needed to know and
perpetrators brought to book. Dissolving
the MDC Women's Assembly is
tantamount to sweeping things under the carpet,
is that accountability and
transparency the MDC government is talking
about?
It will be fair to say that, the performance of other various
portfolios of
the MDC have not been very impressive either, although the
usual at times
justifiable defence would be that, it is because of Zanu Pf
that certain
party organs are failing to do their work. It is true that the
same Women's
Assembly is operating in the same environment of AIPPA and
POSA.
Turning to the emotive land issue which has become so prolonged, an
online
publication zimonline reports that Zanu PF supporters blocked the
eviction
of white farmer in Manicaland. An elderly Zanu Pf activist is
quoted saying
that, "We have been fighting Chaeruka's militias since last
week. We cannot
allow Guild to be removed because she has immensely assisted
the community
here". So serious was the situation that "More than 20 people
sustained
serious injuries following violent clashes as war veterans,
villagers, and
ZANU-PF supporters ganged up to block the eviction of a white
farmer by
militias aligned to a top ruling party official in Zimbabwe's rich
eastern
farming district of Burma Valley". This is a typical win-win
situation for
the community.
The coming Zanu Pf extra ordinary
congress in December, 2007 presents
another opportunity for the ruling party
to get the right candidate for
their party and the country. President Mugabe
is reported to have named his
possible successors as Emerson Mnangagwa, Dr
Sydney Sekeramai, Dr Simba
Makoni, and John Nkomo. Analysts have already
pointed out that Simba Makoni
is the only "win-win candidate" for the
country. His appeal across the
political divide means that Zanu Pf will
enhance their chances of winning
without having to resort to questionable
means.
The people of Zimbabwe are capable of seeing who is indicating
right while
turning left, and who is speaking their language of hope
honestly, and more
importantly who has the right track record and relevant
experience, if only
the media could tell us more about all the potential
leaders. It is
therefore very important for the press to start profiling
these prospective
leaders and interview them so that we know what they
think, their vision for
Zimbabwe. Change is about reflecting on the meaning
of the experience that
we have gone through and listening to the people who
have gone through the
same experiences so that we will change that which
needs changing. It is a
way of life not just a mantra or
slogan.
Everyone has strengths and weaknesses so the media should help us
with more
information. It is not enough to report about names without
objective
character analysis. Choosing leaders is a rare opportunity, and
when we get
it they should be the best we can get and to the best of our
knowledge. The
way leaders come into power tells us a lot about their
character, but the
independent media can enlighten the people before it is
too late.
*Msekiwa Makwanya is a social and political commentator based
in the United
Kingdom.
Nehanda Radio: Zimbabwe's first 24 hour
internet radio news channel.
16 November 2007
The Combined
Harare Residents Association (CHRA) is pleased to join the
generality of
Zimbabweans and the rest of the world in commemorating the
International Day
of Tolerance. On the day of its fiftieth anniversary, 16
November 1995,
UNESCO's Member States adopted a Declaration of Principles on
Tolerance.
Among other things, the Declaration affirms that tolerance is
neither
indulgence nor indifference. It is respect and appreciation of the
rich
variety of our world's cultures, our forms of expression and ways of
being
human. "Tolerance recognizes the universal human rights and
fundamental
freedoms of others. People are naturally diverse; only tolerance
can ensure
the survival of mixed communities in every region of the
globe..."
(UNESCO)
The Zimbabwean society is highly polarized along party political
lines. This
polarization has created high levels of intolerance among
members of various
political groups. It has manifested itself in election
violence, human
rights abuses, arbitrary arrests and detentions to name a
few. On various
occasions CHRA members have been arrested, detained and
tortured. The
majority of the arrests and torture arise from the failure by
the police and
other various arms including individuals in government, to
tolerate
divergent views. Many of our activities, especially public meetings
have
been disturbed and at other instances banned as a direct result of
ideological intolerance.
In 2002 CHRA Chief Executive Officer Mr
Barnabas Mangodza, Mr Jameson
Gadzirai, Mr Joseph Rose and one of our
youthful members, were arrested and
tortured during a CHRA program and the
perpetrators have not been brought to
book. In July 2006 nineteen CHRA
members were arrested and detained during a
peaceful demonstration against
illegal water rates increases, which were
later reversed. In May 2007 CHRA
Chairperson Mr Michael Davies (among
others) was unlawfully arrested and
detained for participating in a prayer
meeting organized by the Save
Zimbabwe. Four of our members were in May 2007
captured and tortured at the
ZANUPF Harare provincial office for
distributing fliers inviting residents
to a public meeting. The local CHRA
coordinating office that had been opened
in Mbare in December 2006 was
forcibly closed by a group of overzealous ZANU
Pf activists who failed to
tolerate the ideas that members were advancing to
the community. In
September 2007 sixty CHRA members were arrested and
detained during a
solidarity funeral service held in honor of an Operation
Murambatsvina
victim. All these instances show a high level of intolerance
within
Zimbabwe. These are, but a small fraction of examples of the impact
of
intolerance
Building tolerance and trust in diverse
communities is not done overnight,
but takes time and commitment. It
requires access to education and
information. Intolerance is often rooted in
ignorance and fear: fear of the
unknown, of the "other", (cultures,
religions and nations). Intolerance is
also closely linked to an exaggerated
sense of self-worth and pride
especially notions taught and learned at an
early age. Therefore in coming
years, as Zimbabweans we need to place
greater emphasis on educating
children about tolerance, human rights and
fundamental freedoms. At the same
time unity must not be interpreted as
conformity but peaceful co-existence
regardless of gender, age, race,
religion, or political persuasion among
others.
The Combined
Harare Residents Association (CHRA) values tolerance as a
building block for
democracy. In this regard CHRA commits itself to
providing a professional
service based on tolerance of political, economic
and social diversity.
Residents from various political groups are encouraged
to come together and
help advocate for quality, effective and transparent
local governance. CHRA
encourages various political groups and the
government of Zimbabwe and other
stakeholder, to uphold principles of
tolerance as the basis for
development.
Fighting intolerance requires law
Fighting
intolerance requires education
Fighting intolerance requires access to
information
Fighting intolerance requires individual
awareness
Fighting intolerance requires local solutions
Farai
Barnabas Mangodza
Chief Executive Officer
Combined Harare
Residents Association (CHRA)
SW Radio
Africa (London)
13 November 2007
Posted to the web 13 November
2007
Tererai Karimakwenda
In a tragic incident that occurred
last Wednesday night, a gang of poachers
armed with AK 47 rifles and dressed
in camouflage, shot and killed 3 black
rhinos, one of the world's most
endangered species. The slaughtered group
included a pregnant female, two
weeks away from giving birth. A
four-week-old calf was spared.
The
black rhinos were part of an important project that hopes to provide a
gene
pool for this highly threatened species. It is believed the slaughter
was
meant to intimidate the farm owners into vacating their property, to
make
way for a top military official who wants the farm.
Black rhinos are
normally killed for their horns, but this group had been
dehorned to
discourage poaching. Johnny Rodrigues, chairman of the Zimbabwe
Conservation
Task Force, linked the shootings to the ongoing illegal
eviction of
commercial white farmers. Speaking in his personal capacity he
said: "As far
as I am concerned it is some greedy officer in the army or air
force that
actually wants that property and that's one way of trying to get
the people
off."
As we have reported most of the recent evictions of white farmers
have been
carried out by armed soldiers and youth on behalf of military
officials who
want the farms. Rodrigues said the rhino incident fits this
pattern.
The shootings took place at Imire Game Farm in Wedza, outside
the town of
Marondera. This conservancy belongs to John and Judy Travers,
whose family
has headed special breeding programmes to increase the
population of other
animals, including lions, hyenas, elephants and
impala.
The animals are protected by security guards around the clock.
Rodrigues
said the gang approached the homestead and forced the staff to
reveal where
the security guards were located. They then disarmed the guards
and
assaulted them before going to the secured area where they shot the
rhinos
in their pens.
The government's chaotic land reform programme
has not only destroyed
agriculture and created food shortages, but much
damage has been done to the
environment as well, with military and
government officials now aiming for
the few remaining Conservancies. The
rare species protected in these areas
are being brought even closer to
extinction.
Only 4 orphaned rhinos remain at Imire now, including the
young calf. The
owners are offering a reward to anyone who can lead them to
the gang that
carried out this shameful massacre, but they need to raise the
funds for the
reward first and have published an appeal .
The Zimbabwean
Tuesday, 13 November 2007 16:55
BY ANGELINA MAKANAKA
"Grant me
Justice, Lord! I have walked without blame." Psalms 26:1
After a
generation of sloganeering, the much-awaited Judicial Services
Bill was
finally passed and assented to by the Acting President Joyce
Mujuru, only
after the Judge President breathed fire. Months after the
presidential
assent, nothing has happened. And nobody in the offices above
seems
disturbed. The judiciary waits, ever hopeful, but the groans are
getting
louder.
The government claims to be fighting a brain drain, which has
badly
affected the judiciary. Every year, new magistrates are sworn-in and
more
leave the bench, meaning that it operates in the same way as a training
college. The pattern is the same with the Attorney General's Office. In
less than 12 months, the Province of Bulawayo alone has lost 10 magistrates,
four of them sworn-in in October 2006 plus two sworn-in in October
2007.
The Regional Courts in Bulawayo hold a record. All the Regional
Magistrates, within a year have resigned. Two Acting Regional Magistrates
hold the courts and the work-load is beyond them. No official appointment
of substantive officers seems to be in sight.
Sudden departures and
continuous new appointments have created
instability on the bench as members
are transferred now and then without
notice or consent in an attempt to fill
in the gaps. Partly-heard matters
have flooded the system and an accused
person's hope of getting justice is a
pipe dream. They wait for eternity.
Many die in prison.
In the face of all these challenges, the judiciary
has shouldered
through. The remnant staff has been managing the shaky
structure with
almost nothing, subsidizing the government with their meagre
earnings.
Simple necessities like bench paper and pens have become scarce.
The
officer has to improvise. Warrants of arrest are now being handwritten.
Nobody knows the last time government printers printed warrants of arrests.
Judgments are not typed and an accused person who wants his judgment for
purposes of processing an appeal has to provide the relevant office with
bond paper.
The bad situations are when an accused person has been
granted bail by
the court, but has to remain in custody because there is no
Bail Receipt
Book. What a miscarriage of justice. These are not secret.
They have been
reported in the local media.
The working environment
resembles one vast latrine, because ZINWA
supplies water once a week. Many
times Tredgold Building has had to work
half day because City Council cut
supplies because of non-payment. As I
document this tragedy, Western
Commonage Court runs for five days without
water.
The Minister
thinks it's not bad enough. We are not surprised. He
has probably lost a
sense of smell. He is an award-winning tobacco grower.
Zimbabwe now
seasonally expects nurses, doctors and teachers to go on
strike. It has
become a tradition. But it is not so with the Judiciary,
which soldiers on.
Human Rights violations increase everyday, crime on the
rise, and domestic
violence has caused so much noise. The Judiciary has
stood in all this with
the victim without looking at its own wounds, but
inside wondering if
somebody out there would notice, or at least smell the
stench coming from
its chambers. The silence was deafening. At once the
Judge President
spoke. It remained the lone voice in the wilderness. A
deafening silence,
even from Human Rights Organisations who usually stand
with the
oppressed.
Does the judiciary have any rights of its own? When it is
beaten up
and stripped naked and left by the roadside, bleeding, from whom
does it
expect relief?
Now that the judiciary has engaged in
unprecedented industrial action,
a human rights disaster is inevitable.
Unconvicted prisoners find
themselves locked up for longer than the law
allows, with no access to
justice. The convicted ones awaiting sentence
have to serve extra time.
Only God knows what is happening to the fresh
arrests the police effect
everyday.
The Judicial Officers are not
asking for anything out of the world.
All they are asking for is their
dignity back. The government says there is
no money and yet they manage to
spoil the chiefs with the luxurious cars.
Do resources suddenly vanish when
it is about the judiciary?
This is an appeal to civilized individuals
and organisations to
respond to the cry of the lonely voice. You cannot
talk about human rights
anywhere else and leave the judiciary out. An abuse
of the judiciary is the
worst human rights violation, because society drinks
of justice from that
lone breast.
The Zimbabwean
Tuesday, 13 November 2007 17:01
A Group of South
African actors here have taken over a play titled the
'Devilish Bob' which
was banned by the Zimbabwean government in 2005
BY THUSO
KHUMALO
JOHANNESBURG
. Under the directorship of Tinashe
Jonas, the Zimbabwean playwright,
the actors say they have taken it upon
themselves to show other South
Africans and the world at large the true
character of the man who has forced
millions of Zimbabweans to flee into
South Africa and other neighbouring
countries.
The play, which runs
from November 16 - December 2 at Hillbrow
Theatre, will then be taken to the
State Theatre in Pretoria and go on to
tour a number of European
countries.
The play shows how the former husband of the first lady
Grace Mugabe
was forced into exile while Mugabe grabbed his wife, and
explores the
Matebeleland massacres of the 1980s. Ordered by Mugabe himself,
they reveal
a very ugly side of the man who says his enemies are Britain and
America.
The role played by SA president Thabo Mbeki in trying to bring
peace
between Mugabe's ruling party and the opposition MDC has been
accommodated
in a full scene. The play also reveals the dirty tricks of the
government's
secret security agents employed to scuttle the
opposition.
Jonas says it is time for Zimbabwe's neighbours to know the
extent of
Mugabe and Zanu (PF)'s gross human rights abuses in order for them
to play a
positive and informed role in the Zimbabwean crisis.
"The
play is about gross human rights abuses in Zimbabwe. It shows how
Hitler-ten-fold Mugabe is. We know that Mugabe is an intelligent dictator
who has successfully portrayed himself as a hero and great statesman. We
want to show South Africans that in his own country, Mugabe is like a lion
in a sheep kraal.
"The most interesting part of this play is that
the whole crew is
South African. We want South Africans to influence their
own countrymen and
women about the situation in Zimbabwe. With millions of
Zimbabweans in this
country we cannot pretend that this is still only a
Zimbabwean problem. Once
all South Africans have understood why millions of
Zimbabweans have fled
their country. allegedly without a fight, we will no
longer have xenophobia
and instead get every one working hard to return
Zimbabwe to normalcy," says
Tinashe.
The actors and actresses say
the play will mark the greatest part of
their career. They believe
Zimbabweans have suffered for too long without
any support from ordinary
South Africans - mainly because of ignorance.
Their belief is that the time
has come for ordinary South Africans to urge
their president to resolve the
Zimbabweans crisis and for them to do so they
need to know the root causes
of the crisis.
Elia Masobe who acts as Bob says he is excited to show
the dark side
of a man who has been branded a hero by some African leaders.
"I feel
honoured to portray the unpalatable character of a man whose rule
has caused
dreadful suffering for millions in his country. No one is happy
with Mugabe,
including ordinary South Africans, because they feel a lot of
Zimbabweans
who have come here are a threat to their jobs and other
resources," said
Masobe.
Namani Khuzwayo, who plays Grace Mugabe,
is bitter that the misrule of
Mugabe has turned highly educated Zimbabweans
into street beggars in Jozi.
"I'm very emotional about the Zimbabwean
crisis. Imagine thousands of
educated Zimbabweans now begging at the street
corners in Johannesburg with
some doing very embarrassing jobs," she
said.
The Zimbabwean
Tuesday, 13 November 2007 16:28
BY Itai Dzamara
HARARE - The drama, intrigue and
politicking within local football
administration is likely to attract
censure, or even serious condemnation,
from FIFA.
Further to the drama
around controversial ZIFA chief executive officer,
Henrietta Rushwaya, The
Zimbabwean can also exclusively reveal that FIFA are
deducting funds from
the local association in unclear circumstances.
Rushwaya, a lady who has made
a lot of headlines, was reported by the
state-controlled Herald newspaper of
last Saturday as having been arrested
and having appeared in court on
corruption allegations involving US$2,300
but this paper has established
that she never appeared in court.
Our investigations have revealed that
Rushwaya, who had been away with the
national soccer team on a tour of
Vietnam, visited the police and was
questioned before being released.
In
unclear circumstances, she was granted bail of $10 million by the
magistrates' court, but without going there, and is remanded to the 23rd of
this month.
"I was never arrested," she told this paper. "I went to the
police after
hearing that they had questioned my subordinates and were
reportedly looking
for me, and clarified one or two issues they were
interested in. My lawyer
obtained bail for me."
The case at hand involves
US$2,300. Another football administrator, Kennedy
Ndebele, who is the
Premier Soccer League secretary general, is the
complainant, according to
police dockets seen by this paper.
Rushwaya is accused of having converted
ZIFA funds to personal use. But it
has also emerged that the money is
reported to have been found in the safe
at ZIFA, in the custody of the
association's accountant.
It is all politics, involving a government minister
fighting the current
ZIFA leadership, particularly Rushwaya and the chairman
(Wellington
Nyatanga)," a highly-placed source said.
"A new CEO had
already been put on standby in the hope that Rushwaya
wouldn't
emerge out
of this."
That drama aside, this paper is in possession of a copy of the
letter
recently written by world governing body FIFA, to ZIFA. The local
soccer
body was recently granted a US$250,000 grant but has received only
US$143,000, a copy of which transaction we have.
But a letter from FIFA
general secretary Jerome Valcke on the 6th of this
month states: "At its
last meeting held in Zurich on 28 October 2007, the
FIFA Finance Committee
made the following decision: Deduction of US$11,790
from FAP 2007 for
unsubstantiated documents according to the KPMG report."
It is believed that
the deducted funds date back to the previous ZIFA
administration of Rafiq
Khan. The drama continues to unfold.
New Zimbabwe
Last updated: 11/13/2007 19:24:20
I AM referring to a
report filed by Lebo Nkatazo in the web page New
Zimbabwe.com about a
meeting we European Ambassadors on visit to Bulawayo
had with
representatives from a Trust called the Bulawayo Agenda.
This was
supposed to be a closed meeting in which views were exchanged
freely
and
certainly off the record. I was obviously misled in this
belief.
The report does quote phrases which were said during the Meeting,
but out of
context, and in a manner that may lead readers to the wrong
conclusions as
to what really happened. I feel therefore that I should come
out publicly
and add a few comments.
During the meeting the
Presidency of the European Union thought it pertinent
to remind those
present that the Council of Ministers of the European Union
last April 23rd
had adopted Conclusions supporting the SADC Initiative on
Zimbabwe and the
Mediation process entrusted to President Mbeki of South
Africa, and that any
judgement on its results should await its conclusion.
At that moment two
European Ambassadors proceeded, no doubt under the same
misconception as
myself as to the closed nature of the meeting, to say that
this EU support
for the mediation effort was subject to different
interpretations and that
some countries think otherwise. I supported the
Presidency. This particular
matter was no longer debated and did not come up
again.
What did
happen is that while I was trying to make my point about the
opinions and
activities of the Bulawayo Agenda, I was repeatedly interrupted
with a
mention to violence in Zimbabwe. This exchange, no more than
interruptions
to my intervention, finalised when I, not anybody else, said "
you have
mentioned violence and I agree with you". Anyone who knows me or
who has any
knowledge of my record in this country can have no doubt as to
my commitment
to uphold basic human rights and my condemnation of violence.
Public records
and the national and international press can be quoted and in
particular
during the events of last March.
But what is really important to readers
is what was said by the Executive
Director, Gedeon (sic) Moyo. He called his
activities " neutral and
impartial". I heard no such thing. What I heard was
repeated calls to
remembrance of the past and to retribution for past
activities, on a
regional and ethnic basis. I later heard from other leaders
of Civil Society
and politicians at the Reception offered at the National
Gallery that this
attitude is normal for the Bulawayo Agenda.
For the
record, the points I made at the Meeting were the following:
1.- The
current negotiations taking place between Zanu PF and the Opposition
have to
be held with a certain discretion if they are to have any chance of
succeeding. I therefore cannot agree with those who continuously demand
publicity and enlargement of the talks.
2.- The outcome of those
negotiations cannot be, because of time constraints
and level of
representation, a final and definitive solution to Zimbabwe's
problems. On
the contrary, I believe and hope they will be the beginning of
a political
transition which may last for quite some time and which will end
in a
national framework which all Zimbabweans will be able to accept.
3.- The
basis for reconciliation is certainly not the words and attitude
that I had
witnessed from the Bulawayo Agenda. I then gave the example of
Spain's
political transition to democracy in which everyone's past was put
aside for
the better good of the Nation. In fact, nobody working for the
State or
Administration lost his job, not even in the Army and the Security
Services.
And there is no doubt that the transition to democracy was a
complete
success.
4.- I added my disappointment with what I had heard, because I
believe the
demands put forward (definitive solution now and all inclusive
talks) are
unreasonable and by insisting upon them in this particular moment
in time,
the SADC initiative, which the European Union supports, could be
jeopardised.
I might add that Spain does not finance any of the
activities of the
Bulawayo Agenda, neither are we considering doing so in
the future.
Santiago Martinez-Caro is the Spanish Ambassador in
Harare