• ZFM a ZANU PF front: analysts
• Cattle rustlers on war path in Manicaland
• Nigeria consulting C'wealth on Zimbabwe summit invite
• The Struggle for Democracy
• Candle wielding women of WOZA warms hearts!
• Things Are Not Ok, Says Zireva
• Now Famine-Stricken Zimbabwe Faces Farming Crisis
• Mugabe Trip Under Fire
• Millers Hike Price of Flour Again
• Misa Statement At the Public Demonstration Against Human Rights Violations in Zimbabwe
• WFP Launches Urgent Appeal to Help Zim
• Electric fence to damp down illegal immigrants from Zim
• Zimbabwe seizes foreign currency
• JAG Open Letters Forum No. 186
• Zvakwana Newsletter #45
• JAG Communiques dated 14 November 2003

      A SHADOWY organisation launched in London last week in a bid to topple
President Robert Mugabe's government could be a ruling ZANU PF ploy to
distract Zimbabweans from the country's worsening economic crisis, analysts
said this week.

      The group, which calls itself the Zimbabwe Freedom Movement (ZFM), is
led by a commander known as Charles Black Mamba and his two deputies,
Ntuthuko Fezela and Daniel Ingwe.

      It claims to comprise former members of the Zimbabwe National Army,
airforce and other state security departments.

      In a communique issued on its website, www.zfm.cc, the group says:
"Zimbabwe Freedom Movement believes that since we have not achieved
democracy by peaceful means, despite the best efforts of the only viable
opposition party in Zimbabwe, it is necessary to place the illegitimate
President and government of Zimbabwe on notice that they are about to be
removed by the judicious use of appropriate force."

      But opposition politicians and heads of civic groups interviewed this
week said the new organisation could be the brain-child of the Zimbabwean
government, aimed at diverting the attention of a restive population from
food, fuel, electricity and transport shortages.

      Opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) national youth
chairman Nelson Chamisa said the ZFM

      could be a ruling ZANU PF front that the government might attempt to
link to the MDC.

      He said: "While it is possible that some disgruntled Zimbabweans could
resort to anything to bring about regime change, something tells me that
this is an organisation which was formed by the ZANU PF government so that
it can link it to the MDC and accuse it of operating an armed wing."

      Analysts pointed out that the language used in the ZFM's communique
was similar to that adopted by the MDC.

      For instance, the ZFM refers to "Robert Gabriel Mugabe and his
government... illegitimately ruling our Zimbabwe and because they know that
they are illegitimate and that the majority of the people want change, they
have chosen to rape and pillage our country before they re-take their
leave."

      Political commentators said phrases such as "illegitimate" and
"change" were commonly used by Zimbabwe's main opposition party.

      National Constitutional Assembly (NCA) chairman Lovemore Madhuku said:
"That is a non-existent group which is just after getting media attention.
It is possible that this is an attempt by the government to test the
people's feelings by forming a non-existent armed group."

      He added: "What those people in the Zimbabwe Freedom Movement are
doing is a mockery to the brave people in the MDC and NCA who have been
waging a legitimate fight against the regime. The ZFM should not be given
serious attention as they could be an extention of the Zimbabwean
government, desperate to divide those who want Zimbabweans freed.
Zimbabweans should not be misled."

      MACHIPANDA, Mozambique - Zimbabwean cattle rustlers are cashing in on
a lucrative cattle market here, where beasts are being sold for as much as
US$500 (Z$2.5 million at black market rates).

      Zimbabwean police officials said cases of cattle rustling had risen in
Manicaland province because of the high demand for beef in the neighbouring
country.

      The beasts are sold in areas such as Machipanda, Manica, Chimoio,
Dondo and Beira.

      Police sources in Mutare said villagers and farmers in Rusape, Nyanga,
Mutasa, Zimunya, Chipinge and those living along the border had also lost
several beasts to the rustlers.

      They said 50 beasts had been stolen from one resettlement area in
Dombo, Makoni district in the

      past six months.

      A farmer resettled in Mutasa district under the government's
controversial land reform programme said ten beasts were stolen from his
farm but were recovered by police, who caught the alleged rustlers in Nyanga
heading towards Mozambique.

      "The situation is bad," said one villager from Gombakomba Village in
Zimunya district. "The police

      should come to me and I will show them where the cattle are being
taken to in Machipanda."

      Machipanda town is a stone's throw away from the Forbes Border Post,
eight kilometres east of Mutare.

      villagers near the border with Mozambique said Mozambicans were also
contributing to beef shortages

      in Mutare by buying beef in large quantities for re-sale at home.

      "The Mozambicans can come and buy all the meat in the butchery and
take it away with them," said one

      butchery owner in Mutare.

      "I have no problem with that because what I want is money," the
butcher added.

      The demand for beef in Mozambique has also resulted in prices of the
commodity shooting up, even in areas where beef was relatively cheap in the
past.

THE STRUGGLE FOR DEMOCRACY

IN THE POLITICAL MINEFIELD OF ZIMBABWE

A STORY OF THE POLITICAL VIOLENCE EXPERIENCED

BY

BLESSING CHEBUNDO,

 MEMBER OF PARLIAMENT, KWEKWE

MOVEMENT FOR DEMOCRATIC CHANGE,

ZIMBABWE

Julius Caesar wrote:  "I came, I saw, I conquered".

And I say:  "I entered the Zimbabwe Political arena, 

I fight for Democracy, 

I will continue the struggle".

My story starts with the Zimbabwe Constitutional Referendum, held on the 12th February 2000, which saw President Robert Mugabe?s Zanu PF getting its first national defeat in the Political Arena and thereby setting the tone for Zimbabwe?s political violence.

Sensing danger of a political whitewash by the newly formed MDC, Zanu PF gathered all its violent political might to crush the young MDC Party and its supporters.   By voting against the changes in the Zimbabwe Constitutional Referendum, the people of Zimbabwe had taken heed of the call by the combined efforts of the MDC and the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA) and had demonstrated their intolerance to the misrule of the prior 20 years by Zanu PF.   As is already known, the first targets were the white commercial farmers, their workers and the MDC activists.   The whirlwind of political violence began with an opening bang in February 2000!!

I had worked with Paul Themba Nyathi both under the NCA and since the inception of the MDC, during the peoples pre-convention.   Pre-convention is the period for intensive coordination of Civic Society organisations leading to the birth of the MDC.   Paul was a member of the MDC?s interim National Executive Committee (NEC), whilst I was the Interim Provincial Chairman for Midlands North.   I had been chosen in absentia at the first Provincial Meeting on 27th May 1999.   Members of the interim NEC were allocated Provinces to work with and Paul was allocated Midlands North.

On the 18th of March 2000, I had arranged for a Meeting at the Sandawana Theatre with local Kwekwe businessmen, which included white commercial farmers.   The theatre was full to the brim, with the majority of the participants being whites.   This was an indoor meeting of members from a cross section of the community.   Most of our meetings were held in the open and attended by huge numbers of people from all walks of life.   The guest speakers at the Sandawana Theatre Meeting were Paul Themba Nyati, now a fellow MP and MDC spokesperson, and Jim Brown, a white commercial farmer and MDC activist from Mashonaland Central.

Half way through the Sandawana Theatre Meeting, a group of war veterans stormed the Theatre and started harassing and beating up people.   The Sandawana Theatre is about 100 metres from the war veteran?s offices, and about 500 metres from the Zanu PF Office.   What had transpired was that two Central Intelligence Organization (CIO) operatives had attempted to enter the Theatre under the guise of being business people.   When turned away they got upset and went to inform and incite the war veterans to attack people in the Meeting.   A fight then ensued between the war veterans and the people attending the Meeting.   When the police came, they did very little to arrest the perpetrators other than just to restrain them.  The war veterans stole about 150 MDC T-Shirts, and later having donned them left for the commercial farms where they attacked farmers.   Our Team, together with a few war veterans, went to the Police Station Charge Office where statements were recorded.   Amongst the MDC white farmer activists was a young man called Ian Elsworth, whose father was gunned down the following year by war veterans at his Kwekwe farm.   Ian was seriously wounded in the shooting.   Two of the suspected murderers, Mr Masunda and Mr Sebastian Tshuma, were leaders in the attack at the Sandawana Theatre.

After the police recording of Statements of the Sandawana skirmishes, we learnt that the MDC Youths had organised themselves and made a follow up to the War Veterans? Offices where they recovered some of the stolen T-Shirts.   In doing so, they left a trail of destruction of windowpanes and furniture.   Later on in the evening, the war veterans went on a spree of destruction of property belonging to suspected MDC sympathizers and supporters.   In the process they nearly axed to death a white KweKwe Hotel patron, who was, in fact, a South African Contractor.  He was flown to South Africa for treatment.   During these raids, a Company called Birdale Electrical had its petrol tanks bombed.   This was allegedly to punish the Director of the Company, Mr Dolf Landman, who was seen at the Sandawana Meeting.

The following morning, 19th March 2000, police came for me at my workplace, Sable Chemical Industries, where I worked as the Chief Environmental and Occupational Health and Safety Officer.   They took me to the Kwekwe Central Charge Office where I was questioned in connection with the war veteran?s office attack.   Later on, another nineteen local MDC leaders were picked up and for the next three days we were kept in police cells before being taken to Court where we were exonerated.   Amongst the team were the District Chairman, Mr Abraham Mtshena, who was also doubling as our Campaign Manager, and Mr William Chanza, who later became the only MDC Councillor following a bye election in one of the Wards in 2001.   However, the police did, not ?touch? all the known Zanu PF operatives and war veterans who committed acts of violence, property destruction, assaults, rape and murder.

During the period before my election to the position of Interim Provincial Chairman, I had led the Province in the Pre-Conventions, covering the area of Kwekwe Administrative District, which had three Parliamentary Constituencies, Gokwe Administrative District, which had five Parliamentary Constituencies, and Kadoma District, which had three Parliamentary Constituencies.   This task fell on me naturally by virtue of my being the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Union?s (ZCTU) Vice Chairperson for the Midlands Region.   The Pre-convention, and later MDC, had divided the Central Midlands Region into two i.e. the North and South Provinces.   The South was under the leadership of Mr Bethel Makwembere, then the Region?s Chairman of ZCTU.   Since 1988, my special area of training under the ZCTU had been in training its representatives on Occupational Health and Safety.   ZCTU had many National Union affiliates, and it served as the umbrella body.   My National Union was the Zimbabwe Chemical, Plastics and Allied Workers Union (ZCPAWU), where I also doubled as its National Trainer on Occupational Health and Safety and as the National Treasurer.  

So, it came as no surprise when I was elected MDC?s Interim Provincial Chairman in absentia on 27th May 1999. 

We had covered almost every corner of the 11 Constituencies of our province, Midlands North, before Zanu PF unleashed its war veterans and youths following the referendum defeat.   As a new party, MDC had no resources, so we had to use our own resources, sometimes travelling by public transport and sleeping in the open or with sympathisers.   I remember at one time my wife complaining that I was starving them in order to finance the Party with my meagre income.   The only car available, and in good condition belonged to our Vice Secretary, Mr Sam Muzembi, a lecturer at the local Polytech.   My own car was not in the best of condition and unable to travel on long and poorly maintained gravel roads.   So, when Sam?s car was down, we resorted to public transport.

At the MDC?s Inaugural Congress, held at the end of February 2000, I was elected to the Party?s National Executive Committee (NEC), representing Midlands North Province.   My then Deputy, Mr Isaac Mzimba, took over the Province as Acting Chairman.  

Around April 2000, it was time for the Political Parties to look for their Parliamentary Candidates.   MDC had a selection process called the ?Consensus Process? where interested individuals, together with the people, would discuss until they agreed on ?Sufficient Consensus? on who should represent the Party.   This process was used as opposed to carrying out of Primary elections.   This was healthy for a young Party in order to avoid unnecessary differences that would have divided people.

However, the situation was different in Kwekwe.   There were no takers.   I, personally, had no interest in the Parliamentary seat in the first place.   I was happy remaining a Party Leader in the area, helping to shape democracy.   I was also a known leading local Salvation Army church leader, and did not think it wise to mix my church activities with Parliamentary activities.   So, I had opted out of the race.

It, however, proved that the ?no-taker? syndrome for Kwekwe was nothing other than the result of fear, by the people, to contest Zanu PF?s, Emmerson Mnangagwa, the then Minister of Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs.   Mnangagwa had been the sitting MP for Kwekwe since Independence in 1980.   He had been the Zanu PF Secretary for Finance and Administration during the first decade of Independence, the Minister of Security, heading the most feared and notorious Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO).   He was known to have masterminded the mid 1980?s massacre of the Ndebeles and anti-Zanu PF people in the Matabeleland and Midlands areas.   He was the most feared senior member of Zanu PF and he was referred to as ?Chinyavada?, which means Scorpion, or ?Angel of Death?.   Those who had dared to cross his path were known to have either disappeared or to have met with a mysterious death.

So, at the end of the day, I had no choice but to take the bull by the horns and go for the seat.   People said, ?you are the most senior person, you have to go for it ?.   And I went for it though, rather casually.   It proved to be the ?David and Goliath? story of the Bible as, I won, but, not before I had gone to hell and back!

Between April and May 2000, the nomination time, Mnangagwa became interested in knowing who the MDC Candidate was.   We had kept it secret for obvious reasons, however, through their intelligence sources, the CIO, they found out I was the MDC Candidate.   After that a lot of things started to happen to our Campaign Manager, Mr Mtshena and me.

In early April 2000, whilst at work, I received a call from the Assistant Air Force Commander Vice Air-Marshall Henry Muchena, who had all sorts of excuses as to why he wanted to meet with me concerning my possible challenge to Mnangagwa.   I had never talked or met with him before and I turned down the request for a Meeting.     From then on, I received a lot of either threatening or enticing calls at work and at home.   One such call offered me $700 000, yet another, $3.7 million for me to withdraw my candidature.   I declined all such offers!

Then, I began to notice that I was being followed either by foot or by car wherever I went.   It was about 500 metres walk from town to my company house in New Town.   One Sunday morning, I received an informative call laying out the strategies that had been planned in order to eliminate me.  It was revealed that Mnangagwa had hired people from Zhombe and Silobela who were tasked to carry out my assassination.   Mnangagwa was no longer trusting the Kwekwe people whom he alleged did not want him any longer.   Indeed, this had been demonstrated during Zanu PF?s primary elections when, for the first time in history, two people had wanted to contest him.   He is reported to have dictated that there would be no primary election and he sailed in as the Zanu PF candidate unopposed.

These gangs of hired thugs, under the leadership of a Retired Army Major Makombe, also known as Chapwanya, Retired Brigadier Mabenge and Mr Owen ?Mudha? Ncube, a Zanu PF operative informer who worked closely with the CIO, would be organised into small groups and assigned strategic areas where I was known to likely visit or frequent.   They would pounce and kill at the appropriate time.   Mnangagwa himself, had instructed the police not to interfere or arrest those attacking MDC people and in particular, those attacking ?Chebundo?.

It was fortunate for me that some of the hired thugs did not know me personally and relied on a description of my appearance.   On many occasions, they only identified me once I was well out of site.   One day on my way to Amaveni Salvation Army Church, four men asked me about Chebundo?s whereabouts.   They had been told that I dressed in cream church suits but on that day I was dressed in my grey church safari suit and they did not recognise me.   I realised that these were some of the thugs hired to murder me and so I lied to them and said that ?Chebundo? was attending a church leadership meeting in one of the Sections at Globe and Phoenix.   They left in the direction of Globe and Phoenix obviously to sort out ?Chebundo?!   I was advised by a fellow Churchgoer at the Amaveni Church, who was a Zanu PF official, to leave for my own safety, and not to come back to the church until the elections were over.   He was sympathetic to my plight and knew what strategies had been put in place so I complied with his request.

One evening I decided to take a risk and walk from home to a late closing supermarket in town.   It was around 7 pm and I had anticipated that these thugs would not look for me in the evening.   I made a near fatal mistake!   As I left the supermarket, I noticed two strange people looking at me rather suspiciously.   They were nodding to each other and seemed to be giving call signs to others.   I nervously started to walk faster but soon realised that they were keeping pace with me on both sides of the street, as well as to the rear of me, though, at a distance.   I realised they probably wanted to use the area between town and my home, which was quiet and dark, to attack me.   I started to run but they also began running.   I changed direction towards town with them still in pursuit but at a distance.   I saw a taxi and jumped in, instructing the driver to drive me home.   As I looked back, I saw the group jumping into an open Mazda pickup with army number plates and they began to tail the taxi.   I decided to tell the driver about the whole episode.   He was a bit scared and did not want to be involved but I told him that he would not be spared either if he was caught.   We changed direction twice with the truck in pursuit.  A bit out of town at a dark, bushy area, I dropped out of the taxi and disappeared into the thick bush.   The taxi driver made a ?U? turn but was confronted by the Mazda truck and its occupants.   He was to tell me after the elections that he got a beating and revealed to them that I had run into the bush.   With that information, two men kept guard on the taxi driver while the rest of the thugs began a search for me.   I could not walk or run fast because the bush was very thick and noisy.   I stumbled on a hole and made use of it, going in legs first.   It was probably a hole dug by a wild animal.   It never crossed my mind to be afraid of what was down that hole as I was already so terrified of what was outside the hole!   I feverishly prayed to God the Almighty and talked to my Ancestors.   I could hear the men talking in harsh but low voices, swearing at me, upset I had outwitted them and they would not receive the big payout they had been promised for my murder.   I was about 40 metres from the road and could dimly see the car but the men were still searching deep into the bush.   They must have thought I had gone for they seemed to abandon the search and the car drove off.  I checked my time using the watch light and discovered that it was after 11 pm.   The chase had started around 7 pm.   I decided to stay put fearing that they might have left some men behind.   Meanwhile I was sure that my wife was extremely worried about my whereabouts.  I was equally concerned for her and the children?s safety.   She would tell me later that she telephoned all our friends and the MDC leaders but was scared to telephone the police, knowing that they had their wings clipped and some of them were Zanu PF operatives or War Veterans.

At around 2 am, it started raining.   I came out of the hole and calculated that even if some of the men had been left as sentries on the road, they would not stand in the heavy rain.   I took a calculated risk and started manoeuvring through the bush slowly, soaked and dirty.   I got home at around 3 am looking more like a miner.   My wife thought the condition was a result of an attack and she started crying.   I comforted her and told her all about the ordeal.   I felt for her concern and I too cried from the heart and with relief.

After this experience, the local party leadership decided that my movements should be restricted to Party and work business only, where most of the time I would not be alone.   This worked a little until Tuesday 9th May 2000 when, at around 7 am, I left home for a Sable Staff bus station, some 200 metres from my house.   I arrived at the pick up point and joined three workmates who were already there.   These workmates included two with physical disabilities, one a former Zanu PF Kwekwe Mayor, Mr Bruno Mutandwa, and a white sable employee, Mr Aubrey Hartmann.   At this point, around 0715 hours, when we were still waiting for the contract bus, five young men, some dressed in overalls, suddenly arrived.   They quickly surrounded me, cornering me by the fence of a nearby house.   One of them, whom I only knew as Peter and hailed from Amaveni Suburb of Kwekwe, extended his hand to greet me.   I was suspicious of his motive so I declined and did not extend my hand.   Peter then accused me of wanting to topple Mnangagwa and Zanu PF from Kwekwe.    All of a sudden, the men took out grass slashers and knobkerries from their overalls and started to attack me.   Three other men appeared from the corner of the security fence where they were probably hiding behind the thick hedge.   They were holding what looked like containers.   The attack continued and I tried my best to dodge and block.   It appeared that the men had not planned well as, everyone was in very close contact and they appeared to be getting in each other?s way in their attempts to find a killing blow.   At one stage though, a pick handle caught me on my left shoulder and I staggered, landing on the ground with my right hand.    As I struggled to get up, a can of petrol was poured over me and it spread all over my whole body.   With petrol splashed in my eyes I could hardly see but I heard one of them calling for the matches.   At that moment I sensed death and realised that if I did not act fast, I would be burnt alive.   My mind flashed to the incident of 9th April 2000, when Tichaona Chiminya, the MDC President?s Aid, and Talent Mabika, an activist, were doused with petrol in Buhera District and burnt to death.   I had known and worked with Tichaona for 15 years in the Chemical Workers Union.   He was a full time organiser with the Union, and I was on the National Executive Board.   Five days before his death, it was I who had signed his application for leave to give him time to campaign for Mr Morgan Tsvangirai, the MDC President.

So, when the call for matches was made, I quickly wiped petrol from my face and saw the man holding the matches.   He was struggling to light the match as his hands were trembling badly and the matchbox had been soaked with petrol.   I dived for him head first and grappled with him, at the same time screaming at the men that I was going to burn together with him.   The two of us struggled, with the other men kicking me and trying desperately to separate the two of us.   I held on to the man using him as a shield to block the intended knobkerrie beatings.   I knew he was my only hope of salvation.   In the ensuing battle, I managed to grab one of the grass slashers and with a high-pitched warrior voice, I let out a mighty war cry and leapt into the fray, swinging the slasher violently through the air I somehow managed to hit one of the men.   He staggered and immediately took to his heels.   The rest of the cowardly pack panicked and followed suit.   This entire ordeal lasted approximately three minutes!!   I was later informed that a pick-up truck, owned and driven by my neighbour, also a fellow Salvation Army Church Member and a Zanu PF Councillor, Mr Job Kahondo, whisked away the gang after they had fled the scene.

As the men left, I looked at the surroundings and myself.   I discovered that I was shirtless.   My shirt had been torn from my body and was now shredded to pieces, and my trousers, head and body were all covered in petrol and dirt.   When the contract bus arrived some five minutes later, I was given a jersey by one of my colleagues who had boarded the bus earlier.   From my workplace the Company Security Officer accompanied me to the Police Station where I made a report.  

The Police Officers investigating the case were:   Constable Chibike, Sergeant Nzira, Sergeant Muromba and Sergeant Chaminuka.   The latter, so it later turned out, was working in collaboration with the local Zanu PF Office.   For example, he would establish that I was not armed and passed this information to the gangs assigned to assassinate me.

Apart from the bruises and swellings, mostly on the back and hands, I physically suffered some internal right inner ear injuries, which was due to petrol, which had found its way into my inner ear.   As for the police, no arrest had been made by the time the so-called Presidential Pardon for political violence cases was announced after the elections.

On Saturday, 13th May 2000, I was in Harare attending an MDC National Council Meeting, when I received a call that the District Chairman, Mr Mtshena, had had his house burnt down by Zanu PF supporters in Mbizo.   Mtshena himself was not at home at the time of the fire but his family, which included a one-year-old daughter, had been severely injured and were in hospital.

That Saturday afternoon when I was in Harare, a Police Officer had called in person at my house and tipped off my wife that Zanu PF had plans to attack the house.   He had learnt this from their Zanu PF Meetings.   As a result of this information as well as the burning of the Chairman?s House, we had to take an extra measure of precaution by ensuring that my family vacate the house at night and stay at my brother?s house in Amaveni.   I continued to stay at home through nights together with seven MDC youths.

On Monday, 15th May 2000, at around 1900 hours, my house, 14 R.G. Mugabe Way, New Town, was attacked by Zanu PF supporters with petrol bombs and was completely burnt out together with everything that was inside.

On the evening of the attack, my family had just left for my brother?s house and I was at home with seven MDC youths.  When the attack occurred, I was alone in the house, whilst the youths were out patrolling the fairly large yard.   I heard an unusual but faint noise from outside so I peeped through the window to investigate.   I saw a large group of people throwing missiles aimed at the windowpanes around the house.   The missiles smashed through the windows and exploded inside the house causing fierce fires inside the rooms of the house.   They appeared to have targeted all the windows of the seven-roomed house so that all the rooms in the house burst into flames simultaneously.

I felt as if I was in a dream.   I could not believe that once again I was in for a fight for my life.   I tried to wake myself up from this nightmare by pricking and scratching myself only to discover the reality of the situation.   I had no doubt that this time I would meet my maker and I should prepare to die.

I gathered my wits and ran to the telephone in the corridor and was relieved to find it still working.   I telephoned the police, who were only about 800 metres away, but the response was that they did not have transport and manpower.   Nor would they telephone the fire brigade because they stated that their telephone could not telephone out.   The police officer would not give me his name.   Later on, however, it was revealed that both the Police and the Fire Brigade had been instructed not to respond quickly to any S.O.S. call until after they had been signalled.   Mnangagwa, himself, was commanding the operation and Zanu PF operatives were posted at the Police Station and Fire Brigade to make sure that sympathetic Police Officers offered no help.   Two hours before the attack, Retired Army Major Makombe had instructed the Police to prepare a metal coffin for the body of ?Chebundo?.

When I could not get solace from the Police, I decided I had two options i.e. either to get into the built-in wardrobe and close the doors or, to go out and die at the hands of the Zanu PF thugs.   I decided to go out armed with a gas pistol and a kitchen knife.   I calculated that there were between thirty to forty people with different types of weapons, metal objects, sticks and containers that might have been used to carry petrol.   For some moments they were taken aback when I appeared and must have been surprised that I was still in the house.   However, after their initial surprise they started their advance towards me.   The air was clear and bright with the intense illumination from the bright flames.  I could make out some of the faces, including two Police Officers i.e. Sergeant Chaminuka and Special Constabulary Rodger Zvasiya, who were in civilian clothes.

The attackers made no secret of who they were and when I appeared, shouted that the head that carried two million dollars had finally presented itself.   Two young men were in front of the advancing group, holding large metal poles that had apparently been removed from the clothes drying line in the yard.   I realised that I could not run away since the gate was locked and the yard had a high security fence on one side and a durawall on the other.

As they advanced, I became fearless and decided to die like a warrior, fighting.   Up to this day, I feel I must have gone into some form of trance.   I can remember shouting back at them that I was going to go down with not less than seven of them.   As the two young men advanced, I used my pepper gas pistol.   However, since it was in the open it was not effective.   As they moved closer and one of them used the metal pole to hit me, I blocked it with my left hand and used the kitchen knife to lunge at him and stabbed him on the shoulder.   He let out a mighty yell and let go of the pole, staggering backwards.   I, one man on my own, charged the gang of Zanu PF thugs and again I mustered all my ancestor?s voices to give out a mighty ?Warrior Cry?.   This must have been too much for them as one of their leaders gave a whistle, which signalled the retreat to the cowardly group, and they ran away.  I was not sure whether they were to regroup so I went for the gate to leave.   Suddenly my seven MDC Youths reappeared with injuries and blood all over their bodies.   They had been taken by surprise and outnumbered and sent running in different directions.   We stood together helplessly looking at the burning house but ready to defend ourselves if the attackers were to return.  

Some five minutes after the attackers fled about five police vehicles and the fire brigade arrived.   By then the fire had engulfed the whole house as well as the carport, which was nearby, burning the car to ashes.

Later on, a number of policemen and vehicles arrived and departed.   There were crowds of on lookers both on foot and in vehicles.   The MDC youths tried to urge the police to take action on two well-known vehicles, used by Zanu PF for political attacks, one of them being Vehicle Number 619-212F which, were being teasingly driven around the scene by Owen ?Mudha? Ncube and a Mr Madharani.   However, the police response was that action was to be taken later.   Like many other cases this one never got investigated and no arrests were made despite the names and addresses of some of the attackers being supplied.

Nothing was saved from the house except the clothes that the six family occupants stood in.   We lost everything that we had worked and saved for over 21 years.   We lost our household furniture, children?s uniforms, car and everything that we had accumulated and was close to our hearts.   We felt as if the family?s life had been set back by 21 years.   Our house, which was on a ?rent-to-buy? Agreement with my former employer, had to be repossessed because I had breached one of the Clauses of the Agreement i.e. Engaging in Risk Activities (Politics) which had resulted in the destruction of the house.   The estimated property loss including the repair work on the house, roof, windows, doors, fittings and painting was more than Z$4 million at that time, which translates to approximately Z$90 million as of October 2003 due to the hyperinflation of around 600%.  

The following day, my family and I were faced with the stark reality of being completely homeless, having no friends or relatives and even my own employer could not shelter me in Kwekwe because I was a ?serious high risk? case.   This feeling of being totally bereft and unable to fend for my family was a devastating experience.  My situation felt hopeless and I shed tears of desperation.   The only assistance up to this day that my new and poor Party MDC gave was a mere Z$30 000.

The night following the attack I went to work, under the pretext of collecting something, as I had nowhere to go and I had decided to use my office as a bedroom.   My wife and children spent the night at my brother?s house in Amaveni.   On the third day, I travelled to Kadoma, 70 kilometres to the North where, using a pseudo name, I secured three rooms for my family to lodge in.   This was in the high-density suburb of Weaverly.   To sound convincing to my landlord, I had to lie that I was a Trade Union Official on transfer, and that my property was to follow later on.

For over a week, I commuted to work from Kadoma.   Fortunately, my workplace, Sable, was 17 kilometres from the City of Kwekwe.   I would get word from my friends and fellow political activists that the search for me, by the Mnangagwa thugs, had been intensified, and it was rumoured that I had given up.   They had that wrong, as if anything, I was now more determined than ever to see it through to the bitter end.  I felt I had already lost half my life and I could not allow the thugs to triumph on the basis of violence.   On the other hand, the people of Kwekwe started giving me some hope. Although they had been completely silenced, they kept managing to keep sending words of encouragement for me to stay in the race.   I was their only last hope in the quest to have Mnangagwa dethroned from the Kwekwe Parliamentary seat.   As a result, I told myself that I would not betray the people of Kwekwe; I would rather die for the just cause.

At the beginning of the second week of commuting to work from Kadoma, I held a Meeting with my bosses.   We agreed that I was to go on paid leave until after the elections, both for my own safety and that of the Company.   Apparently, Shingi Mutasa, the Chairman of the Board of Directors of my Company, had told the company Management to see what they could do to get rid of me.   As Chairman of the Board of ?TA? Holdings, he had, during the week, flown together with Robert Mugabe to Namibia, to officially open Cresta Lodge Hotel, a new Hotel owned by his Group of Companies.   On the way, Mugabe had told him that he was not happy that his (Shingi Mutasa), Company was employing a man who was challenging his close confidante, Mnangagwa.   This had sent shivers down Shingi?s spine hence the instruction to my bosses to get rid of me.   To cover up, a letter purporting my suspension was written and sent to the Board Chairman?s Office, and further on to the President?s Office.   Zanu PF thought I was finished, out and done.   They were indeed very surprised to see me at the nomination Court in Gweru a week later.

For the remaining period before the June 24th/25th 2000 elections, Zanu PF intensified its violent campaign in Kwekwe, and the search for ?Chebundo?, raiding houses of those suspected of housing me, especially my fellow church goers and known MDC supporters.   They also spread their search to Gweru City following our strategy to mislead them by spreading rumours that I was now staying in Gweru.   They were confused, as they would also get wind that I was seen in Kwekwe campaigning clandestinely.   Using an inconspicuous vehicle with tinted windows, belonging to a Kadoma MDC activist, we would drive to Kwekwe almost on a daily basis to assess the situation.   If feasible, we would meet with key, influential people to strategize and to supply and distribute campaign material to the few remaining, courageous MDC youths, under the leadership of one Sylvester ?Qoma? Majekuza, my Election Agent, and Willard Somerai, leader of the MDC youths in the Province.   This team was now operating on a ?cat-and-mouse? basis, against the combined forces of Zanu PF, the Police and the CIO.

In the remaining campaign period, more MDC houses were stoned and properties looted.   Many people were injured, maimed, raped and unfortunately our Amaveni Ward Chairman, Mandishona Mutyanda, was killed.   Although the election results for Kwekwe was the MDC?s sweetest victory, it only helped to fuel Zanu PF and Mnangagwa?s wrath.   He would announce at his meetings that no matter what the cost he would not rest until he had taken revenge for the embarrassment he had suffered by his landslide defeat.   He boasted of having the ill-gotten wealth to oil his violence campaign against ?Chebundo? and MDC supporters.   And, indeed, he has lived up to his word to this day.   The people of Kwekwe have never experience peace since then.   Experiencing violence has been an on-going exercise with increased violence towards and during the election campaign for the Presidential Elections in March 2002; during MDC and ZCTU?s Mass Action times; and the Local Council and Mayoral Elections of August 2003.

Many other houses were stoned, and three houses as well as the MDC Offices in Kwekwe were completely burnt down, along with two commercial farmhouses in Kwekwe East.   Many Kwekwe people were displaced during these events.   Unfortunately and most dishearteningly, all these properties, houses and Offices have not been repaired since 2000.   They still bear testimony to Kwekwe?s political violence.   The MDC Party has not been able to assist, leaving the burden of pressure on me.   Approaches for help from the local community has not helped as they also fear to be associated, lest Mnangagwa gets to know and will harm them and their families.   This means that I have to share the little that I earn from being a Parliamentarian with the affected people.

My efforts to initiate small-scale fund raising and self-help projects for the people have been sabotaged by the Zanu PF run Local Government Council and physically vandalised by their thugs.   Their strategy is to deny me democratic space to exercise my parliamentarian duties and to be visible.   I have remained homeless since the burning of my house.   On my return from Kadoma in August 2000, and to date, no one in Kwekwe, including professional property Agencies, will allow me to lease property, as they are scared of losing their property or being targeted.   I had to settle for the satellite town of Redcliff, some 15 kilometres from Kwekwe.   Even in Redcliff, I have moved from house to house on six occasions as each time the landlord gets to know who I am, they became afraid or are pressured by Zanu PF to get rid of me.

The Police and the CIO continually harass me.   So far, as an MP, I have experienced four police house searches, allegedly for weapons of war and other suspected subversive materials.   Each time they have found no evidence.   On two occasions running up to the MDC and ZCTU called Civil Actions, I was arrested and detained by police on allegations of organising Mass Actions but was released without going to Court.

In the Council and Mayoral Elections of August 2003, Mnangagwa came up with a strategy of taking advantage of the peoples? plight and poverty brought about by his Government.   With the help of the self-declared Zanu PF activist, the Police District Commander, Chief Superintendent Ernest Masuka, they rounded up 5000 illegal Gold panners, a new activity in Kwekwe, which mushroomed after the Presidential Elections in 2002, due to economic hardships, and gave them rights to gold pan on condition that they become reserve militants of Zanu PF.  The illegal gold panners would get registered as voters and come the voting days, after voting they would man all the roads and paths leading to Polling Stations and physically screen voters.   Those voters, whose names did not appear in the Zanu PF Register, would not proceed to vote.   Police were under instruction to turn a blind eye to this.

This strategy worked for Zanu PF as most people were turned away.   Our Mayoral Candidate, Dr Henry Madzorera, and myself, his Election Agent, escaped death by a whisker after the car that we were driving in was stoned by a group of about 30 Zanu PF Militants as we drove off one of the polling stations on 31st August 2003.   They had been annoyed by our demands for people to be allowed to vote.   The car was extensively damaged but we managed to drive through receiving only minor cuts from broken glass.   On the previous day, 30th August 2003, militants kept me hostage at one of the polling stations.   Police?s intervention was that of pleading with the militants to let me go.   Despite the perpetrators being known, no arrests were made.

Finally, we decided to petition the Local Council and Mayoral Election results on the above reason, though we are fully aware of the Zanu PF loaded judicial system.

Meanwhile, Zanu PF has again intensified their violent campaign, ostensibly for the future parliamentary and presidential elections.   This is to get rid of ?Chebundo? and his MDC supporters.   Their strategy is to rough up the families.   For instance my eldest son and daughter have been followed to their local colleges.   It started with my son who had his college residential status terminated on the basis that his presence in hostels would politicise other students.   Apparently, the college principal, who heads the Election Supervisory Group in Kwekwe at elections, is also an official of the Zanu PF structures.   My son, therefore, has to commute on a daily basis, under risk of attack from Redcliff to the Kwekwe Polytechnic, which is a distance of 17 kilometres.   He is hoping to finish the third of his four-year Business Marketing Course.   My daughter, who was at the local College completing her ?A? level supplement, had to unfortunately stop attending the College on the 8th September 2003, as Zanu PF thugs would visit the college armed with knives and threatened to burn the College down.   She had to leave after the College report to police yielded no results.

In spite of the above background, difficulties and shortfalls, I want to reiterate my position and to reaffirm the spirit of the people of Kwekwe by continuing the struggle for change leading to a democratic Zimbabwe.

Blessing Chebundo,

Member of Parliament, Kwekwe

Dated:  8th October 2003

Zimbabwe Standard (Harare)

November 17, 2003
Posted to the web November 17, 2003

ONE of Zimbabwe's leading retail companies, OK Zimbabwe, says it fears a
reduction in revenue because many of the products it sells have gone way
beyond the reach of ordinary citizens.

"Disposable income is expected to remain very low and will result in
possible labour unrest as many people are finding it difficult to go for
work and sustain their families," said OK Chief Executive officer, Willard
Zireva.

Zimbabwe's inflation continues to rise and is currently at 455,6% and
analysts expect it to have reached 1000% by the end of the year.

Prices of basic commodities such as bread, mealie-meal, milk and meat have
risen beyond expectations. Increases in household appliances have also been
witnessed thereby making it difficult for ordinary workers to purchase the
goods.

"The shooting of commodity prices is also attributed to the withdrawal of
donor funding in which a lot of foreign currency was injected through these
donors and a national solution is needed urgently," said Zireva.

"The continuos declining of exports, the drastic reduction in production in
the agricultural sector and the cash shortages, which are likely to return
are some of the problems that need to be addressed as soon as possible," he
added.

Presenting the company's half-year results, Chief Operating Officer Albert
Katsande, said business was also affected by the high interest rates and
product supply shortages.

On the supply side, Zireva said they were waiting in anticipation for the
2004 National Budget but said the supermarket chain had enough goods in
stock to cater for customers during the festive season.

OK posted a turnover of $80,1 billion compared to $15,1 billion last year
and the growth of sales was above year-on-year average national inflation
with net sales of $71,1 billion compared to $13,2 billion last year.

African Church Information Service

November 17, 2003
Posted to the web November 17, 2003

Ntungamili Nkomo
Nairobi

The depletion of the cattle herds in parts of Zimbabwe, coupled with severe
shortage of farm inputs, have become a major cause for concern to
agricultural experts in the country, who now fear that the development may
worsen the already bad food situation, despite a promising rainy season.
Ntungamili Nkomo, reports.

On the shores of a crusty, dried up dam in drought-stricken southern
Zimbabwe, Bongani Mgomeni, a beneficiary of the controversial
government-sponsored land reform programme, watches desolately as noisy
vultures swoop onto a decomposing carcass of his cow, the last from a once
flourishing herd that numbered 60 at its prime. The cow is one of the latest
victims of a drought-stricken Matabeleland South.

The depletion of the cattle herds in the country's most impoverished
province, coupled with a shortage of farming inputs, have become a major
cause for concern to thousands of vulnerable farmers yearning to harvest
enough food in 2004, to fend off starvation that has stalked the country for
the past two years.

Since the beginning of this year's crop farming season, there has been no
agricultural activity in most parts of the country due to a crippling
shortage of farm inputs.

Recent statistics from the Veterinary Services Department indicate that over
100,000 cattle have died due to the drought in Matabeleland South alone,
raising fears that farmers could be unable to till their land this season
because of a shortage of draught-power.

In a recent interview, the Director of Veterinary Services, Stuart
Hargreaves, lamented the depletion of cattle, which had reached alarming
levels.

"Recent statistics on the casualties in Matabeleland alone is shocking,"
said Hargreaves, adding: "The latest information I have is that herds of
cattle have died because of the drought."

The government recently allocated a Z$ 5 billion (about US$ 6.1 million)
facility to help resuscitate the livestock industry in Matabeleland, but
farmers complain that the funds are inadequate.

Agricultural experts have warned that the cyclic shortage of farming inputs
will continue, and will adversely affect the next harvest.

Recurrent droughts and the government-sponsored land reforms have been
blamed for a 70 percent slash in commercial agricultural production in the
country.

Since it embarked on its controversial land redistribution exercise in
February 2000, ostensibly to correct the colonial land imbalances, the
government has failed to secure inputs such as seed-maize, fertilisers and
farm implements like ploughs, to boost production.

Joseph Made, the Minister for Agriculture, Lands and Rural Resettlement,
conceded two weeks ago that the government had no capacity to purchase
sufficient inputs. He said, however, that his ministry was making frantic
efforts to procure the required farming necessities to ensure that the land
reform programme was a success.

The government has only managed to secure an insignificant fraction of the
required 100,000 tonnes of seed-maize. A staggering Z$ 536.7 billion
(approximately US$ 652 million) is needed to secure enough seed-maize to
sustain the country.

In the rare case that one stumbles across a bag of seed-maize, the inflated
price becomes a hindrance. A 10 kg bag of seed-maize costs Z$ 85,000 (about
US$ 103), while an ox-drawn plough goes for half a million Zimbabwean
dollars (US$ 607).

Two weeks ago, agricultural pundits stressed that President Robert Mugabe's
land reform programme could only be a success story if the government
supplied enough farming inputs.

Edward Mkhosi, an expert in the parliamentary portfolio on Lands,
Agriculture, Water Development, Rural Resources and Resettlement, pointed
out that even though enough rains had been predicted, the shortage of inputs
was likely to hamper food production.

"I am afraid farming is going to suffer another devastative blow, especially
in Matabeleland region, where farmers do not have any capacity to till their
land due to the shortage of inputs such as seed-maize," said Mkhosi.

Maize is the country's staple food. When the commercial farming sector was
robust, farmers used to produce enough maize for consumption, and would even
export some to needy countries.

Said Mkhosi: "This year's drought, which can only be described as
unprecedented, has literally depleted the draught-power in the province,
leaving people, most of whom rely on draught-power for farming, stranded."

The situation, he observed, was exacerbated by the shortage of tractors, an
option that farmers could exploit, but at a cost.

Prospects for communal agricultural revival hang in the balance, as the
District Development Fund (DDF), a parastatal responsible for carrying out a
subsidised credit-based tillage programme for farmers, has not been spared
either by fuel and spare parts shortages.

James Jonga, the DDF Director General, recently announced that only 450 out
of over 1,200 tractors were functioning due to the shortage of fuel.

The parliamentary portfolio committee on lands, agriculture and rural
resources has expressed concern at the lack of progress in the tillage
programme, following reports that only 12,000 out of a targeted 100,000
hectares have been ploughed to date.

"DDF does not have enough tractors to cater for all the farmers in the
region, and this is going to compromise the next harvest," noted Mkhosi. The
agricultural expert went ahead and warned that the country could face the
worst food crisis next year if the government failed to procure farming
inputs.

Major fertiliser manufacturers, Zimbabwe Phosphate Industries (Zimphos),
Zimbabwe Fertiliser Company, and Windmill (Pvt) Limited, have indicated that
they are unable to produce enough fertiliser because of foreign currency
shortages.

In a joint report submitted to parliament last month, the producers said
they had been operating at low capacity in the last eight months, managing
to supply only 240,000 tonnes of fertiliser, out of a normal capacity of
370,000 tonnes.

Matabeleland soils are infertile and a lot of fertiliser is needed for
farming. Newly-resettled farmers, who spoke to AANA, said they were
disappointed with the government over its failure to provide them with
inputs.

"The area in which we were resettled is very dry (and) infertile. We
expected the government to supply us with all required farming implements
and inputs," said Mabaleke Moyo, a newly-resettled farmer in the province.

The Namibian (Windhoek)

November 17, 2003
Posted to the web November 17, 2003

Tangeni Amupadhi
Windhoek

A RIGHTS group that wanted President Robert Mugabe arrested during a
clandestine visit this weekend have condemned the Zimbabwean leader for
coming here.

The National Society for Human Rights (NSHR), which along with the Media
Institute of Southern Africa (Misa) held protests in Windhoek on Saturday
morning, questioned Government's lack of openness in hosting a man they said
deserved to be arrested for "gross human rights violations".

Mugabe's fleeting trip to Namibia - he arrived late Friday afternoon and
left early on Saturday - generated conflicting messages from the Office of
the President and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs' protocol division.

State House told the media about his impending arrival on Friday, while the
Director of Protocol, Phillip Mavulu, insisted that Mugabe was coming on "a
private visit" to which no press would be admitted.

Both Mugabe and President Sam Nujoma, who went to fetch him from the Hosea
Kutako International Airport, said nothing about the visit.

At one point, as the two presidents strode across the foyer of State House,
Nujoma stopped briefly and asked journalists: "Do you want to send
greetings?" to President Mugabe.

Mugabe continued on his way and did not allow any opportunity for questions
to be posed to him.

On Saturday morning Mavulu told The Namibian that the press was not welcome,
but it later emerged that the NBC news team, as well as their Zimbabwean
counterparts, were the only ones allowed to interview the visiting Head of
State.

Speaking at the protest meeting, the Director of the NSHR, Phil ya Nangoloh,
said the fact that Mugabe's visit had been kept under wraps was testimony
that he was regarded as "a disgrace".

"President Robert Mugabe must be arrested for crimes against humanity and
massive violations of human rights," declared Ya Nangoloh.

The NSHR said it had learnt of Mugabe's arrival too late to compile
affidavits and approach the High Court to order the arrest of the Zimbabwean
President.

Misa said at the protest gathering - attended by about 50 people - that
Mugabe's regime must abolish laws enacted last year to repress the right to
information.

The authorities in Zimbabwe have closed the country's leading daily
newspaper, publishing under the mastheads Daily News and Daily News on
Sunday, on the pretext that it lacked permission from the Media and
Information Commission to publish.

Misa said more than 100 workers in privately owned media had been
arbitrarily arrested and detained under "Draconian" laws known as the Access
to Information and Protection of Privacy Act and the Public Order Security
Act.

Mugabe's regime has become more repressive with each passing year since his
attempt to have a new Constitution was defeated by civil society groups a
few years ago.

This was followed by systematic attacks on opponents and the chaotic land
grabs that have turned Zimbabwe from a bread basket to a basket case.

NBC news reported that Mugabe and Nujoma discussed tightening the Southern
African Development Community defence pact.

The visit came just as a shadowy group announced that it planned to
overthrow Mugabe by armed force.

Nujoma was quoted by both Namibian and Zimbabwean state media as saying
countries must be left to run their affairs as they saw fit without outside
interference.

The Zimbabwean President left Namibia on Saturday morning after he and
Nujoma are believed to have visited Henties Bay.

Zimbabwe Standard (Harare)

November 17, 2003
Posted to the web November 17, 2003

Kumbirai Mafunda

ZIMBABWE'S millers, who are battling a disastrous grain deficit, have hiked
the price of flour to bakers by 15,4% per tonne to $3,6 million, pushing up
the retail cost of bread in the process.

Millers said the increase was necessitated by the fact that they were now
importing their own wheat. They are also paying more when they buy wheat
from local farmers who are evading the Grain Marketing Board (GMB).

The increase in the price of wheat secured straight from farmers followed
last week's increase in the producer price of wheat for the 2003/04
marketing season from $400 000 to $776 205 per tonne.

The government said the selling price to millers from its GMB silos would
however remain at $366 584 to cushion consumers.

Prior to the increase, a tonne of flour was selling for $3,1 million. This
means that a 50-kg bag of flour now costs $180 000, up from $156 000 against
the government-controlled price of $5 100.

Government has since November 2001 been dictating prices of basic
commodities. The controls have been blamed for the erratic shortage of the
commodities on the market and their subsequent astronomical costs on the
black market where they are readily available.

Bakers said as a result of the increase by millers, they were left with no
option but to pass the buck to the consumer, who is already strangled with a
barrage of rising prices of basic foodstuffs almost everyday.

Local bakers have since increased the wholesale price of bread to $2 800 a
loaf, up from $2 500.

In-turn, the increase from bakers acted as the catalyst in last week's hike
in the retail price of bread, which shot to more than $3 000 a loaf.

The Bakers Association of Zimbabwe (BAZ) had recommended that the wholesale
cost of bread be priced at $2 500 while the retail price should be pegged at
$2 800. Bakers said the new demand from millers instantly invalidated their
proposals.

"Bakers have got to survive. Events have overtaken the submissions because
prices are moving so fast. It is impossible to keep with price changes,"
said one baker operating from Bulawayo.

Some bakers are believed to be importing flour from countries such as
Botswana and South Africa, hence the increase in bread prices as they have
to factor in the import cost.

It is reported that they are paying R2 700 per tonne, which amounts to about
$2 214 000 for a tonne of flour on parallel market rates.

"A number of bakers are importing flour but because of diesel shortages, it
takes time to get into the country," said one baker.

Other bakers are reportedly flouting regulations by buying wheat directly
from the few farmers at above GMB prices. The GMB has the monopoly to market
all wheat.

Those flouting the regulations are reportedly milling the grain at plants in
Harare and Gweru through contracts.

"This disadvantages the small bakeries and we have seen a number of small
bakeries closing down," said one baker.

The few farmers who managed to grow the winter wheat say they are also
facing fuel shortages to reap the crop.

Already, it has been reported that the rains that fell last month affected
part of the crop.

Media Institute of Southern Africa (Windhoek)

PRESS RELEASE
November 15, 2003
Posted to the web November 17, 2003

* The Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA) and its Namibian chapter
(MISA Namibia) on Saturday, November 15, 2003, supported the call of a
coalition of Human Rights organisations in Namibia to join in a public
demonstration against the ongoing human rights violations in Zimbabwe. MISA
reiterated this urgent call to action to all media workers in Namibia to use
the opportunity to show solidarity with their counterparts in Zimbabwe.

Following is a press statement, delivered at the public demonstration in the
Zoo Park, central Windhoek, by Ms. Dorinda Mwarania, the national director
of MISA Namibia.

PRESS STATEMENT

On May 30, 1986, the government of Zimbabwe ratified the African Charter of
Human and Peoples' Rights whose Article 9 (1) provides that "Every
individual shall have the right to receive information".

Today the people of Zimbabwe are denied this right, following the closure of
the Daily News and Daily News on Sunday more than two months ago on
September 12, 2003, by the government. These are the largest independent
newspapers in Zimbabwe, with a readership of over one million Zimbabweans.
In addition, over 300 employees of these newspapers, and hundreds others
benefiting from downstream and upstream activities from these publications,
are today denied their jobs and a means of exercising their right to
employment and a decent livelihood.

Since the enactment of the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy
Act (AIPPA), the Public Order and Security Act (POSA) in early 2002, over
100 media practitioners from the private media sector have been arbitrarily
arrested and/or detained under these draconian laws, which make it virtually
impossible for free and independent media to operate in Zimbabwe and for
Zimbabweans to freely associate and express themselves.

MISA therefore calls on the government of Zimbabwe to abolish the Media and
Information Commission, appointed by the Minister of State and Information,
Jonathan Moyo, to enforce a repressive licensing system for media
organisations and individual journalists. Furthermore, MISA calls on the
government of Zimbabwe to allow the Zimbabwean media to set up a
self-regulatory mechanism, as agreed among themselves more than two years
ago.

In solidarity with all Zimbabweans, MISA appeals to all media practitioners,
human rights activists and other Namibian citizens concerned about the human
rights situation in Zimbabwe, to join it in a campaign for an improved human
rights environment in Zimbabwe by signing the petition here today. MISA
undertakes to raise the concerns of Namibians - as expressed through this
protest action - at the upcoming People's Forum which runs alongside the
Commonwealth Heads of Government meeting in Abuja, Nigeria, in December
2003.

Zimbabwe Independent (Harare)

November 14, 2003
Posted to the web November 17, 2003

Augustine Mukaro

THE World Food Programme (WFP) in Zimbabwe has launched another urgent
appeal for donations amid reports that food supplies could dry up next month
in the face of a deteriorating situation in the country.

Responding to Zimbabwe Independent inquiries on a looming food pipeline
break, WFP spokesperson Makena Walker said hundreds of people faced
starvation if additional donations were not received soon.

"We are appealing for urgent donations," Walker said.

"WFP is appealing for donations now because of the time lag between
confirmed contributions and food actually reaching beneficiaries. Hundreds
of thousands of Zimbabweans could be severely affected before the 2004
harvest if additional donations are not received soon," she said.

Walker said the WFP had appealed to the international community for US$197
million in donations to feed 4,5 million people in Zimbabwe between July
2003 and June 2004.

"As of end-October, WFP had received only 43% (US$86 million), leaving a
US$111 million shortfall.

"As of 31 October, WFP operations in Zimbabwe faced a cereal shortfall of
33% in January, 80% in February, and 100% in the critical pre-harvest month
of March," she said.

The WFP has distributed close to 300 000 tonnes of food aid this year. In
October alone, the WFP distributed 23 800 tonnes of food to two million
Zimbabweans.

In July Zimbabwe appealed for US$142 million to finance the importation of
an estimated 711 835 tonnes of maize to make up for the deficit.

November 17, 2003

~~~ Newsletter 045 ~~~
Hand in Hand

Remember that you must be connected to the internet to view the pictures in this newsletter.

Under the current government in Zimbabwe there is 70% unemployment. It is time to stop sitting. Its time to get UP and stand UP.

Support the ZCTU protest on Tuesday 18th November.

Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions Protest on Tuesday 18th November - let us back them all the way!
Zvakwana is pleased to see that our brothers and sisters in our trade union movement are finally being supported, not only by the South African giant (COSATU) but also labour organisations throughout Africa. Yes, this is a great advancement and a clear sign of growing regional solidarity in recognising that the situation in Zimbabwe is now at a stage of complete disintegration. The ZCTU have worked hard to lobby for this regional support and we congratulate them for this. Now at home it is our responsibility to join together and help them in their activities. Out there in the rest of the world people are asking whether Zimbabweans actually want "change". They are asking this because we receive insult after insult, being low wages, poor health facilities, lack of educational facilities, unemployment and the like. Yet even while all of this hardship is heaped upon us peace loving and hard working people, we just smile and say it will get better. But . . .

It won't get better WITHOUT YOU - Power concedes nothing without a demand
We're in this together whether we like it or not. Governments do not listen to the people unless they are pressured to do so. It is important to continue with the pressure and we say "Hats off to you ZCTU".

Let us gather together in prayer, song and unity:

Date: Tuesday 18th November 2003
Time: 12:30
Venue: State Lottery Hall at the corner of Speke/Julius Nyerere in Harare. Marching into Samora Machel Avenue towards the Ministry of Finance Offices at Munhumutapa Building. ZCTU list of demands will be presented to the Minister.
For more info: email info@zctu.co.zw

So much children on the street
Have no food to eat
And some of them some of the time
asleep on cold concrete
It hurts me heart to see it
That really makes me weak
No clothes on their back and
no shoes on their feet

Get UP and Stand UP for our children, for their future

Unions Call for Tough SADC Line On Harare - November 12, 2003
Trade unions from around the region meeting in Harare yesterday called on Southern African Development Community (SADC) governments to take a tougher line against Zimbabwe and Swaziland. While the statement by the 11 affiliates of the Southern African Trade Union Co-ordination Council does not call on governments to impose sanctions, it does ask them to put pressure on the two countries to respect human and workers rights. South African union federation Cosatu has consistently taken a tough line on Zimbabwe and Swaziland, but yesterday's statement is one of the most outspoken so far by trade unions in the region.

The statement sends a clear message to SADC governments that trade union movements are unhappy with "quiet diplomacy", and signals that they may take action in the near future to support their Zimbabwean affiliate. The council's statement stops short of calling for sanctions, but it does speak of support for actions to draw attention to the deteriorating situation in the two countries. One option is border blockades by trade unions and protests.

Earlier this year Cosatu blockaded the SA border with Swaziland, but so far no action has been taken against Zimbabwe. Cosatu spokesperson Patrick Craven said if the idea for similar action were called for by the Zimbabwe Confederation of Trade Unions, "I am sure this would be considered very sympathetically." He said any action against the Harare government would have to be in support of its counterpart in Zimbabwe. This week the Law Society of SA called on international and SADC leaders to press Zimbabwe to halt human rights abuses as well as an unfolding humanitarian disaster. Apart from a statement opposing quiet diplomacy issued last year by the SA Foundation, which counts among its members SA's largest corporations and multinationals operating, organised business groupings have been silent on Zimbabwe. Yesterday's union statement accuses the two governments of violating the SADC Charter on Fundamental Social Rights and a number of international conventions they have ratified.

Coming soon in the next Zvakwana newsletter!

• "He was feeding her juju" . . . responses to what was happening with grace's mouth
• Have you heard about the (so-called) Zimbabwe Freedom Movement: the balaclavas with guns who say that they are going to topple the old man
• Weekend farmers leave dairy cows unattended and in pain. See the shocking picture on the right. Zvakwana!
• The background behind the invasion of Hippo Pools
• Resistance news and views coming from the ground
  

Revolution
My brother once wrote to me
that where once we gathered mushroom,
things explode and legends and myths
are born,
and ideas emerge: there for the picking.

And in Zimbabwe,
the land produces leaders like
summer mulch,
some titanic, others pygmy,
suddenly bursting out of the dung
at the meagrest tickle of the sunny rain.

I warn you not to be deceived by the top:
vast tumular hordes abound beneath the surface.

~ Musaemura Bonas Zimunya

Zvakwana, Sokwanele, Enough!!

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Enough is enough, Zvakwana, Sokwanele.