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HR History Made As African Commission Declares Zim Farmers' Case Admissible
PRESS
STATEMENT
AfriForum
20
November 2012
Human rights history made
as African Commission
declares Zimbabwean
farmers’ case admissible
The campaign to restore
the rule of law in Zimbabwe and to reinstate the international court of the SADC
Tribunal after its suspension by the SADC Heads of State in August 2011 has seen
an important breakthrough.
The
African Commission today ruled that the complaint lodged with it on behalf of
Zimbabwean farmers Luke Tembani and Ben Freeth against 14 heads of state of SADC
countries was admissible despite preliminary procedural objections raised
against it by amongst others Tanzania.
The
ruling was made at the 52nd Ordinary Session of the African Commission on Human
and People's Rights held at Yamoousskro, Cote
d'Ivoire.
The
complaint by Tembani and Freeth related to the decision of the SADC Summit at
Maputo in July to suspend the SADC Tribunal, which in a series of rulings had
held the Government of Zimbabwe in breach of the SADC Treaty and other
international legal obligations.
The
approach to the African Commission followed an earlier urgent application
submitted by a legal team led by Adv. Jeremy Gauntlett, SC, a leading South
African advocate, to the SADC Tribunal in April 2011. The application asked for
an order that would ensure the SADC Tribunal would continue to function in all
respects as established by Article 16 of the SADC Treaty. It was the first time
in legal history that a group of heads of state was cited by an individual as
the respondent in an application to an international
court.
Both
applications were filed on behalf of two dispossessed Zimbabwean commercial
farmers, Ben Freeth (41), formerly of Mount Carmel farm, the son-in-law of the
late Mike Campbell, who initiated the original farm test case with the SADC
Tribunal, and Luke Tembani (75), formerly of Minverwag farm. However, at the
SADC Extraordinary Summit of Heads of State in Namibia on 20 May 2011,
the
Ministers of Justice of SADC countries were mandated to initiate a process aimed
at amending the relevant SADC legal instruments to change the jurisdiction of
the Tribunal. A final report was to be presented the Summit in Maputo in August
2012.
Despite
intensive lobbying, the SADC leaders
resolved at the Maputo Summit that a new Protocol on the Tribunal should be
negotiated and its mandate confined to interpretation of the SADC Treaty and
Protocols relating to disputes between Member States.
Consequently individuals in all 14 member states no longer have
access to the internationally respected court after being denied access to
justice in their own countries. Disputes between the states themselves also now
cannot be adjudicated.
Between
2007 and 2010, the Tribunal ruled on 20 cases that included disputes between
citizens and their governments as well as cases between companies and
governments.
“The
move by the Heads of State of SADC to suspend southern Africa’s highest human
rights and international law court, the SADC Tribunal, sent shock waves
throughout the human rights and legal community in the region and
internationally,” said Freeth from Harare.
Freeth
and Tembani’s legal team now has 60 days to make further submissions on the
merits of their complaint, after which the Commission will consider the
complaint.
“We
believe this will result in significant pressure to ensure that the SADC
Tribunal is allowed to resume operations for the benefit of all victims of
injustice and the abuse of power in southern Africa,” said
Freeth.
Luke
Tembani also expressed relief at the news.
“I was
previously a successful commercial farmer and was respected in our community,”
said Tembani. “Now I am poor through no fault of my own. All I want is justice -
and in Zimbabwe justice has left me.”
In South
Africa an international law practitioner who asked not to be named commented
that it was “unprecedented” for the African Commission to be considering a human
rights matter regarding the actions of 14 governments. “All preliminary
procedural objections and hurdles have now been overcome. The case is on track.
The matter can now proceed”.
For more
information call:
Willie
Spies
Legal
representative: AfriForum
Cell:
083-676-0639
E-mail:
willie@hurterspies.co.za
Mutambara
wades in over dismissal of MDC-N members
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
By Alex Bell
20 November
2012
Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara has waded into the saga
surrounding
the dismissal of some members from his former party, insisting
the
leadership contest between him and Welshman Ncube is still
on.
The Ncube led MDC, which got rid of Mutambara as party leader in
January
2011, has dismissed a number of its members because of their
allegiance to
other parties. Deputy Speaker Nomalanga Khumalo (Umzingwane),
Maxwell Dube
(Tsholotsho South), Thandeko Mnkandla (Gwanda North) and
Senators Dalumuzi
Khumalo (Lupane) and Kembo Dube (Umzingwane) have all been
dismissed.
49 councillors have also joined this list, while the MDC-N has
also
officially fired the already expelled legislators Abdenico Bhebhe
(Nkayi
South), Njabuliso Mguni (Bulilima East) and Norman Mpofu (Lupane
East).
Party spokesperson Nhlanhla Dube told SW Radio Africa that this
decision was
based on their constitution, which dictates that “termination
is automatic”
when members openly support other parties. He said most of the
former
members were vocally supporting the MDC led by Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai, and were therefore no longer members of their party.
“We
just wanted to clarify the situation. We think this atmosphere of
feigning
defection is unhealthy,” Dube said.
Some of the members are also
understood to still support Mutambara, who lost
out to Ncube during a party
congress in 2011 that voted overwhelmingly in
Ncube’s favour as the new
MDC-N leader. Mutambara was also expelled from the
party, which accused him
of ignoring a directive to step down as the country’s
deputy
Premier.
Mutambara went on to challenge the legality of the congress vote
and
insisted that he remained the party leader. However, two separate High
Court
bids have been unsuccessful and Mutambara has now turned to the
Supreme
Court to appeal.
He has now used this court process as the basis
to write to the Senate, in
defence of the members that have been dismissed
from his old party. He
argued in a letter on Tuesday that the legislators
“were elected under my
leadership as the President of the MDC.”
“Both
the issue of whether Welshman Ncube was duly elected President of the
MDC in
January 2011, and the matter of the legitimacy of the corresponding
MDC
Congress are before the Supreme Court of Zimbabwe. Consequently, all
these
issues are sub judice. Hence, the entire leadership led by Welshman
Ncube,
has no locus standi to expel members from the MDC. Hence they cannot
purport
to terminate the Parliamentary membership of any sitting member of
the MDC,”
Mutambara said.
Party spokesman Dube however said that the “status quo”
of Welshman Ncube’s
leadership remains until the Supreme Court decides
otherwise. He said
Mutambara’s arguments are baseless.
Dube meanwhile
also dismissed the Deputy Prime Minister’s insistence that he
still has a
following, with the majority of the dismissed members openly
supporting the
MDC-T.
“If he believes (the dismissed legislators) are members of his
pseudo,
fictitious party then he is the biggest political fool ever to walk
the
planet,” Dube said.
Ncube
fires more MPs
http://www.dailynews.co.zw
Tuesday, 20 November 2012 11:52
BULAWAYO - Industry
minister Welshman Ncube’s MDC faction has fired more
MPs, a move that would
leave the party with only three seats in the House of
Assembly.
Ncube
and party secretary-general Priscilla Misihairabwi-Mushonga dismally
lost
the 2008 parliamentary elections and are in government courtesy of 10
seats
won by other party members during the election.
That figure is fast
dwindling as the MPs desert Ncube’s MDC, a situation
that leaves him and
Misihairabwi-Mushonga battling to justify their presence
in the coalition
government.
The latest legislators to be axed by Ncube include deputy
Speaker of the
House of Assembly Nomalanga Khumalo.
Khumalo, who is
the Umzingwane MP, was expelled together with two other
House of Assembly
members Thandeko Zindi Mnkandla of Gwanda North
constituency and Maxwell
Dube of Tsholotsho South.
Senators Kembo Dube (Umzingwane South) and
Dalumuzi Khumalo (Lupane) were
also shown the door on allegations of working
with the mainstream MDC party
led by Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai.
Ncube broke away from the MDC to form his own outfit using
the same party
name in 2005 after accusing Tsvangirai of being a
dictator.
In the letters of expulsion signed by Misihairambwi-Mushonga,
the five were
fired for disrespecting the party
leadership.
Misihairambwi-Mushonga said the five were also thrown out for
“refusing to
repent” after they attended a mainstream MDC meeting in
Botswana in 2008.
“Following the June 2008 elections, you were recruited
to join the MDC-T as
evidenced by your Botswana trip and ever since that day
you have
consistently worked with the MDC-T not withstanding repeated
attempts by the
party to reach out to you,” reads a copy of the letter sent
to the MPs.
“You have refused to work for the party and in fact rejected
the authority
of the party’s national leadership and the national council
and generally
disassociated yourself from the party,” Misihairambwi-Mushonga
said in the
expulsion letters.
The fired MPs received the expulsion
letters yesterday.
Misihairambwi-Mushonga said the party would ask House
of Assembly Speaker
Lovemore Moyo and Senate President Edna Madzongwe to
expel the five from
Parliament.
“We further advise that the party at
the time of its choosing will in due
course advise the Speaker that you
ceased to be member of the party under
whose ticket you were elected to
Parliament,” reads Misihairambwi-Mushonga’s
letter.
“When the party
decides the timing by which to invoke its right under the
national
constitution, you will lose your seat in Parliament which seat
belongs to
the party under which ticket you were elected,” she said.
The Ncube MDC
faction in 2009 expelled Abednico Bhebhe (Nkayi South),
Njabuliso Mguni
(Lupane East) and Norman Mpofu (Bulilima East) for allegedly
working with
the mainstream MDC.
The MDC is now left with three House of Assembly
members Moses Mzila-Ndlovu,
Edward Mkhosi and Patrick Dube as well as
Education minister David Coltart
in the Senate. - Pindai Dube
Hopes
rise for end to COPAC deadlock
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Tichaona Sibanda
20 November
2012
Prospects for a breakthrough on the COPAC deadlock rose on Monday as
the
principals seemed to drop their demands to have a final say on the new
charter.
The ZANU PF principal to the GPA, Robert Mugabe, previously
insisted he and
his coalition partners had the mandate to negotiate the
constitution, not
parliament.
But following a meeting of the
principals on Monday, which was in part
attended by Eric Matinenga, the
Constitutional and Parliamentary Affairs
Minister, it now appears the
political leaders are committed to let the
process move forward as outlined
in the GPA.
Douglas Mwonzora, the COPAC co-chairmen and MDC-T spokesman,
told SW Radio
Africa on Tuesday the principals had asked Matinenga to write
to them on the
way forward.
Matinenga’s views on the charter are well
known, especially his insistence
that when it came to COPAC, he was guided
by Article 6 of the GPA, which
states that parliament should drive
constitutional reform.
Analysts believe this is likely to be the same
advice he will recommend to
the principals, that COPAC should be allowed to
run its course and not be
usurped by the executive.
ZANU PF has been
calling for amendments to the draft, claiming it did not
reflect the views
of the people. But Matinenga said:‘I had discussions with
Matinenga
yesterday (Monday) after his meeting with the principals and
advised us he
had been told (by the principals) they had no intention
whatsoever to
interfere with the drafting of the constitution.
‘All they wanted to know
was the progress of the constitution and advice
from the Minister on how the
program is going to be moved forward.’
Asked if this signaled an
immediate breakthrough, Mwonzora said it was a
glimmer of hope, but they had
to wait until Matinenga submits his written
report to the principals with
his recommendations.
‘Until he does that, we will have to wait but I have
confidence that the
parties would want to move this process forward to
enable us to present the
draft to parliament.
‘I think there is real
hope for that breakthrough. But obviously discussions
over the next few
weeks will tell us whether that hope is well founded or
not.’
His
optimism was shared by the chairman of the MDC-T UK, Tonderai
Samanyanga,
who said a deal was possible.
‘I am very optimistic that the level and
quality of the work that has been
achieved so far on the draft has prospects
of enabling the country to move
positively on to a referendum and eventually
elections.
‘A constitution should not be designed to suit Mugabe,
Tsvangirai or Ncube.
A constitution must look at a nation and its people and
should last for
generations and not the period Mugabe wants to be in power,’
Samanyanga
said.
Four months ago COPAC released the draft
constitution which, although a less
than perfect document, to some extent
does curtail the sweeping powers of
the presidency, enhance individual
rights and give more power to local
governments.
A new constitution
for Zimbabwe was an integral part of the power-sharing
deal in 2008 after a
disputed election erupted in widespread bloodshed. The
violence killed over
500 MDC supporters, maimed thousands and displaced
close to half a million
others.
ZANU
PF threatening MDC-T in Binga with amputations
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Tererai
Karimakwenda
20 November 2012
Traditional chiefs, soldiers and police
officials in remote areas of Binga
North are allegedly threatening to cut
off the arms of MDC-T councillors and
supporters, and forcing villagers to
pay fines for failing to attend ZANU PF
rallies.
Villagers from
Chunga and Lusulu areas accused Chief Simupa, Chief
Sinakatenge and Chief
Sinamusanga of working with ZANU PF activists and
using their positions to
force villagers to attend meetings.
Councillor Temba Toonse Kunjulu
(TTK), from Jabuba ward in Binga, told SW
Radio Africa that the ZANU PF
activists include Kenias Charuma and a former
intelligence agent named Isaac
Ndebele.
“Councillors are being threatened with having their arms cut
off, and why,
because of having failed to attend meetings organised by these
ZANU PF
activists. The big challenge in Chunga and Lusulu is that people are
being
victimised by Ndebele, and at times the police are involved,” a
frustrated
TTK explained.
Villagers are also being forced to pay a
fine if they fail to attend these
meetings.
According to TTK, a young
MDC-T supporter named Omi was recently fined $40
by Chief Sinakatenge, for
failing to attend a meeting that he addressed.
The victims of political
violence have no one to protect them since the
police are clearly ZANU PF
supporters. Councillor TTK said a policeman named
Edward Muzondo recently
told villagers at Lusulu Grain Marketing Board that
only those “who know
where they were fathered” will receive food under the
Presidential scheme.
This food is donated by the office of the president and
meant for all
villagers, regardless of their political affiliation.
“Actually he showed
himself to be a true partisan of ZANU-PF because he said
‘pamberi ne ZANU
PF. Pasi ne MDC’, which was heard by every participant of
that programme at
Lusulu GMB,” Councillor TTK said.
Intimidation of perceived enemies by
ZANU PF activists and state agents
loyal to Robert Mugabe has intensified,
as the country heads towards a year
in which elections are due to be held.
Drama As
Kunonga Loses
http://www.radiovop.com
Harare, November 20, 2012- THERE was drama at the
Supreme Court in Harare
yesterday as supporters of Anglican Church Bishop
Chad Gandiya burst into
song, dance and ululation after the court ruled
against excommunicated
Bishop Nolbert Kunonga, bringing to an end a
five-year leadership and
property wrangle which had rocked the
church.
Supreme Court judge Justice Yunus Omerjee delivered the judgment on
behalf
of Deputy Chief Justice Luke Malaba, upholding Gandiya’s appeal in a
fully-packed courtroom in the morning. The Supreme Court said High Court
judge Justice Ben Hlatshwayo was wrong in giving Kunonga and his followers
the right to possess and control Anglican Church property without its
consent.
“It is common cause that the property belongs to the church. It
has the
right to an order for vindication of its property from possessors
who have
no right to have it . . . they had no right to continue in
possession of the
congregational buildings when they had departed from the
fundamental
principles and standards on which the church is founded. They
left it,
putting themselves beyond its ecclesiastical jurisdiction,” Justice
Malaba
said.
The court also ordered Kunonga to return all the church
properties he had
seized from the Gandiya faction.
Part of the order
reads: “The appeal in the case of the Church of the
Province of Central
Africa (CPCA) versus Diocesan Trustees for the Diocese
of Harare SC180/09
succeeds with costs. The judgment of the court a quo
(from which an appeal
has been taken) in case number HC4327/08 is set aside
and substituted with
the following: ‘The application is dismissed with costs’.
“The appeal in the
case of the Church of the Province of Central Africa
versus Kunonga and
others SC130/10 be and is hereby allowed with costs. The
judgment of the
court a quo in case number HC6544/07 is set aside and
substituted with the
following order: ‘The claim is granted with costs’.”
Flanked by his wife
Faith and over 50 church members and other bishops, an
ecstatic Gandiya
hailed the court’s ruling, adding his members would move
back into the
properties soon.
“We have waited in exile for five years. We prayed all this
time and God has
answered our prayers. I cannot wait going back to my
office,” Gandiya told
supporters outside the court building.
Asked when
he expected Kunonga to move out, Gandiya replied: “As soon as
possible.”
Kunonga led a breakaway faction from the CPCA and formed the
Anglican
Province of Zimbabwe on the basis that the former condoned
homosexuality.
Yesterday, Kunonga’s aide David Kunyongana referred all
questions to the
Harare Diocese, whose telephone number remained engaged
until the time of
going to print.
The judgment was handed down by Justice
Malaba and concurred to by Justices
Vernanda Ziyambi and Omerjee. NewsDay
Coltart
pledges help to restore Kunonga destroyed schools
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
ZIMBABWE’S Minister of
Education, Sport, Arts and Culture, David Coltart,
has pledged to help
restore sanity and improving learning conditions
Anglican schools that had
been seized by renegade bishop, Nolbert Kunonga.
20.11.12
by Edgar
Gweshe
Kunonga on Monday lost a battle at the Supreme Court to keep
control of the
church’s property in the Harare Diocese on
Monday.
Deputy Chief Justice, Luke Malaba, ruled that Kunonga and his
followers were
no longer part of the Anglican Church as they broke away from
the main
church in 2007 and, resultantly, they were not entitled to its
property.
Malaba said Kunonga was wrongly in control of the church’s
property since
2007.
Speaking after the Supreme Court judgment which
reversed an earlier ruling
by the High Court realising Kunonga as the
rightful owner of Anglican Church
property in the diocese of Harare, Coltart
said: “Our prayers have been
answered for the Anglican Church in Zimbabwe. I
now look forward to working
with them to restore sanity in their schools
which have suffered so much
during this period of insanity.
As usual
my door is open if they need help in this regard.” Coltart, like
many other
Anglican worshippers, expressed delight at the Supreme Court
judgement which
he said would help restore order in the Anglican schools.
Soon after the
judgement, social media such as Facebook were awash with
congratulatory
messages for Bishop Gandiya who leads the Church of Central
Province of
Africa while Kunonga was heavily attacked by jubilant
parishioners.
In an interview with The Zimbabwean, Gandiya admitted
that standards in
schools which had been seized by Kunonga had drastically
fallen. He admitted
they were facing an uphill task to restore order at the
schools.
“The standards were falling. We realise we have a big task ahead
of us. Our
Education Committee will be meeting this week to look into the
issue and map
out strategies on how best to improve the standards at the
schools,” said
Gandiya.
Gandiya to
hold cleansing ceremonies
http://www.herald.co.zw
Tuesday, 20 November 2012
00:00
Herald Reporter
Bishop Chad Gandiya has forbidden members of
his Church of the Province of
Central Africa Anglican Diocese of Harare from
using altars in the church
buildings previously occupied by Bishop Nolbert
Kunonga’s side until a
cleansing ceremony has been conducted. Anglican
Harare Diocese spokesperson
Mr Precious Shumba yesterday said their leader,
Bishop Gandiya, had
authorised members to occupy the rectories and take
charge of the buildings
and leave out the altars.
“The Bishop has decreed
that no one should use the altars in the churches
until the cleansing
ceremonies have been done. But members can occupy the
rectories and take
charge of their buildings,” said Mr Shumba.
He said the cleansing ceremony
would be held on December 16.
“On December 16, all Anglicans will gather at
the Africa Unity Square to
mark our victory, and mark the beginning of the
phase of rebuilding the
Anglican Diocese of Harare.
“Anglicans will move
into the cathedral carrying the Bishop’s throne and a
lot of cleansing will
take place.
“Enough incense has been made available to do the cleansing of
the
churches,” he said.
Mr Shumba said the judgment gave them the right
to occupy premises
immediately, adding that priests aligned to Kunonga had
started packing and
gave examples of those in Mabelreign and Avondale
parishes in Harare.
He encouraged members to ensure that the Kunonga-aligned
priests leave all
the church property and said legal proceedings would be
instituted against
defaulters.
“We want to make sure that every property
is accounted for,” he said.
MDC-T
29 trial adjourned to next week
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
By Tichaona Sibanda
20 November
2012
The state prosecutor in the ongoing trial of the 29 MDC-T activists
accused
of murder, spent Tuesday in court trying to salvage the reputation
of the
investigating officer in the case.
The activists face charges
of murdering police Inspector Petros Mutedza in
May last year, after he had
gone to Glen View to investigate what was
alleged to be an illegal meeting
the MDC-T members were holding.
Prosecutor Edmore Nyazamba was
re-examining top cop chief Inspector Clever
Ntini’s evidence in the hope of
rebuilding his reputation after the court
last week ruled much of his
evidence was false and unreliable.
Last week the High Court had ruled
that Ntini, who investigated MDC-T youth
assembly president Solomon Madzore
and another party activist Lovemore
Taruvinga Magaya, lied to the court.
Ntini had said the two had been
identified by undercover police officers as
having taken part in the murder
last year.
It emerged that Madzore’s
previous bail dismissals were as a result of this
false information supplied
to the court by Ntini. This prompted High Court
judge Justice Chinembiri
Bhunu to grant Madzore bail, together with Magaya.
Defence lawyer Charles
Kwaramba told SW Radio Africa the re-examination of
Ntini was an exercise in
futility as he had lost respect of the court. He
said the cop had nothing
new to offer and anything he says from now onwards
should be taken with a
pinch of salt.
Kwaramba said they applied to the High court to
cross-examine Ntini
following his latest submissions to the prosecution
team.
The trial was postponed on Monday when a power outage hit Harare’s
Central
business district in the morning. On Tuesday the judge adjourned the
trial
to Monday next week.
Three of the activists have been released
on bail. Of the three, Cynthia
Manjoro was the first to be released after
the defense counsel led by
Beatrice Mtetwa managed to convince the court
that she was not near the
scene on the day Inspector Mutedza was murdered.
Demonstrations against President‘s Field Day, a
charade
http://www.mdc.co.zw
Tuesday, 20
November 2012
We note as absurd the wicked Zanu PF machinations in an
attempt to disrupt
President Tsvangira’s well intended field day programme
at his rural
homestead at Humanikwa Village in Buhera.
That Zanu PF’s
aspiring candidate for Buhera, who is also a Police
inspector, Oliver
Mandipaka chose to abuse poor villagers and the junior
police officers who
escorted the charade of hapless villagers is not only
the heist of notoriety
but clear abuse of office by the Zanu PF activist cum
senior police
officer.
It is shameful that Mandipaka, a well known Zanu PF chalatan,
takes
advantage of a “platoon” of ill informed villagers to walk 4 km to
demonstrate against an issue of no relevance to them, let alone an issue
they have no knowledge about.
Surely for Mandipaka to take advantage
of some people’s parents to
demonstrate against what they weirdly referred
to as depletion of the water
table purportedly as a result of the
president’s well, is not only cruel but
downright lunacy. It was mischievous
for Mandipaka to coerce the
unsuspecting villagers into such a display of
foolery in an attempt to prop
up his political ambitions.
This
charade is one among many such Zanu PF calculated efforts to humiliate
the
MDC president ahead of the 2013 plebiscite. We are aware that Zanu PF
has
incredibly invested 100 million US Dollars, obviously looted from the
diamond Fields in a media campaign blitz to character assassinate the MDC
President. However the president and the MDC remain unfazed and are more
focused towards winning next year’s elections.
The Last Mile: Towards
Real Transformation!!!
Mugabe
can't be a donor in his own country - Tsvangirai
http://www.dailynews.co.zw
By Richard Chidza, Staff
Writer
Tuesday, 20 November 2012 10:54
HARARE - Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai on Saturday railed against the $20
million presidential farming
inputs scheme, questioning the source of
funding.
The former trade
unionist and leader of the ruling MDC was addressing
thousands of people at
Murambinda Growth Point in his home area of Buhera
District.
“I have
never heard of a president who becomes a donor in his own country,”
Tsvangirai said referring to Mugabe’s $20 million inputs scheme that has
been dogged by allegations of politicisation and exclusionary
politics.
Tsvangirai queried where Mugabe was getting the money to
bankroll the scheme
claiming the President does not have that kind of money.
Mugabe, who is also
a cattle rancher and farmer, says the scheme is being
bankrolled by
“well-wishers.”
Tsvangirai said the declaration by Zanu
PF spokesperson Rugare Gumbo that
the scheme is meant for party members only
must result in electoral rebuke
for Mugabe and his party from those
disenfranchised from the scheme.
Tsvangirai said Zimbabwe’s toxic
politics had created two groups of people;
the oppressors and the
oppressed.
“In this country there is this group that is oppressing others
and the
oppressed,” the MDC leader said.
“However, in the contest
that is going on; the beauty of it all is that
while the oppressors tire,
the oppressed do not tire,” said Tsvangirai who
has campaigned on Mugabe’s
frail health and advanced age.
The MDC leader castigated the
state-controlled media for undermining and
belittling his office.
“I
am not worried though, neither will I have sleepless nights about it. All
I
know is that I represent the aspirations of the oppressed people of
Zimbabwe,” he said.
Tsvangirai’s wife Elizabeth called for peace in
the run-up to and after the
forthcoming elections.
“We must never
forget that we are all children of Zimbabwe. As we go to
elections we must
campaign peacefully. There must be no violence,” Elizabeth
said to deafening
applause.
Agriculture
Ministry Not Backing Mugabe Farm Input Scheme
http://www.voazimbabwe.com
Gibbs
Dube
19.11.2012
Deputy Agriculture Minister Seiso Moyo says his
ministry has nothing to do
with President Robert Mugabe’s $20 million
farming input scheme as Zimbabwe’s
prime minister questions the source of
funding for the program.
Moyo said the president’s program is independent
and is not being run by the
state-owned Grain Marketing Board which is
currently distributing limited
maize seed and other inputs to poor
households.
Mr. Tsvangirai is quoted in the independent Newsday newspaper
questioning
the president’s program which he linked to diamond revenues
generated from
the controversial marange field in Manicaland
Province.
Moyo said Mr. Tsvangirai’s concerns stem from indications that
the inputs
are only being accessed by Zanu PF supporters.
Zanu PF
central committee member Godfrey Malaba said party leaders are free
to
source farming inputs for their supporters.
President Mugabe's spokesman
George Charamba was quoted by the
state-controlled media last night as
saying that the inputs scheme is being
financed by local and foreign donors
who “threw coins into the president’s
begging bowl."
Cabinet
ministers are suspected to have been involved in the looting of
state
subsidised farming inputs last crop season that were provided by the
GMB.
Vice President Joyce Mujuru in March informed President Mugabe
about the
abuse of the farm input scheme saying some Zanu-PF and GMB
officials were
believed to have
resold the inputs including ammonium
nitrate and maize seed to communal
farmers.
No action was taken by Mr.
Mugabe though indications were that the
Anti-Corruption Commission was
investigating the issue.
Charamba
admits Mugabe receiving foreign donor money
http://www.thezimbabwemail.net
Staff Reporter 10
hours 50 minutes ago
HARARE - Robert Mugabe's
spokesperson Mr George Charamba has lashed out at
MDC-T leader Mr Morgan
Tsvangirai for what he called undermining President
Mugabe’s input support
scheme and admitted foreign donor money is involved.
Mr Tsvangirai told his
supporters in Buhera at the weekend that President
Mugabe should not be the
country’s donor. He said it was high time farmers
sourced their
inputs.
The presidency felt under pressure to respond after MDC-T leader
Morgan
Tsvangirai accused his Zanu PF rival of diverting diamond revenues to
finance a party programme.
However, Mr Charamba said President Mugabe
introduced the Presidential Well
Wishers Special Agricultural Inputs Scheme
after realising that farmers were
not receiving support from Government
institutions such as the Grain
Marketing Board and the National Budget. He
said it was absurd that Mr
Tsvangirai was irked by a programme that was
designed to ensure food
security in the country.
“I find it very strange
that the MDC-T president and his henchmen have no
difficulty in lauding the
President being an IT warrior for his
computerisation programme yet they
have problems with him as a food warrior
who fundraises for
agriculture.
“Against the instruction of the President, let me tell you as
his
spokesperson that every time the President goes on a foreign trip he
carries
with him a food hamper in order to save from travel and subsistence
allowance which he is perfectly entitled in order to turn those savings into
a fund to buy computers for school children.
“Meanwhile his opposite
number in Government finds enough money to atone his
carnal excesses whilst
the farmer out there does not have a single bag of
fertiliser. Essentially
they are saying we should rather have children, who
are IT compliant and not
life compliant,” he said.
Mr Charamba said President Mugabe was not being a
“donor” by supporting
farmers.
He dismissed allegations by the MDC-T that
the Presidential Well Wishers
Special Agricultural Input Scheme was funded
using diamond proceeds.
“The donor is not the President. The donor are the
men and women of goodwill
who made available the resources to buy inputs so
that the Zimbabwean
farmers after being failed by their own Government can
still go back to the
field.
“Those donors are not only African but some
of them come from foreign
countries who have been charitable enough to drop
coins into the President’s
begging bowl,” said Mr Charamba.
He said the
President decided to fundraise for farmers to make up for the
glaring
weaknesses in the country’s national budgetary allocation towards
agriculture.
Mr Charamba said farmers were also getting a raw deal from
banks.
“By the admission of the Finance Minister (Tendai Biti) himself, banks
in
this country are inhospitable to local enterprises and that includes
agriculture.
“If a secure instrument like Treasury Bill cannot be
supported, what more
with farming which is dependent on nature’s
goodwill?”
Mr Charamba said estimates for the 2013 National Budget clearly
showed a
bleak picture for farmers.
He said there was a misconception
among some ministers in the inclusive
Government that funding agriculture
amounted to supporting Zanu-PF.
“Certain parties in the Inclusive Government
view agriculture as synonymous
with supporting Zanu-PF which is why it never
occurs to them that it feeds
their stomachs more than it feeds the Zanu-PF
ballot,” he said.
Mr Charamba said it was unfortunate that Zimbabwe was
spending more money on
importing food.
Trade between Zimbabwe and South
Africa showed a trade deficit of nearly
US$2 billion and much of the money
was spent on luxuries.
Addressing stakeholders at the Zimbabwe Independent
Banks and Banking Survey
recently, Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe governor Dr
Gideon Gono said there was a
worrisome dependency syndrome in the country
where Zimbabwe was spending
more than US$65 million on importation of
chicken feet and gizzards.
In this regard, Mr Charamba said: “We are seeing a
dependence culture being
promoted in the National Budget so that we end up
begging for our stomachs.”
Farming
inputs: Mugabe hits back at Tsvangirai
http://www.newzimbabwe.com
19/11/2012 00:00:00
by
Staff Reporter
A $20 MILLION farming inputs scheme launched by
President Robert Mugabe to
bridge funding cuts by central government is
being financed by local and
foreign donors who “threw coins into the
President’s begging bowl,” his
spokesman said on Monday.
The
presidency felt under pressure to respond after MDC-T leader Morgan
Tsvangirai accused his Zanu PF rival of diverting diamond revenues to
finance a party programme.
But Mugabe’s spokesman George Charamba
accused Finance Minister Tendai Biti,
who is the MDC-T secretary general, of
failing to support poor farmers –
seen as the bedrock of Zanu PF support –
ahead of the planting season.
Biti unveiled his $3,8 billion 2013 budget
last Thursday but it offered
little joy to small scale farmers requiring
government support. The minister
blamed constrained
resources.
“Certain parties in the inclusive government view agriculture
as synonymous
with supporting Zanu PF which is why it never occurs to them
that it feeds
their stomachs more than it feeds the Zanu PF ballot,”
Charamba said.
Tsvangirai “finds enough money to atone his carnal
excesses whilst the
farmer out there does not have a single bag of
fertiliser,” Charamba
charged, mocking the Prime Minister who recently paid
$280,000 to his
estranged wife Locardia Karimatsenga Tembo to settle a
maintenance claim.
Mugabe, he went on, was a “food warrior who fundraises
for agriculture”.
Charamba added: “The donor is not the President. The donor
are the men and
women of goodwill who made available the resources to buy
inputs so that the
Zimbabwean farmers, after being failed by their own
government, can still go
back to the field.
“Those donors are not
only African but some of them come from foreign
countries who have been
charitable enough to drop coins into the President’s
begging
bowl.”
The $20 million project, dubbed the ‘Presidential Well Wishers
Special
Agricultural Inputs Scheme’, has sparked fears of vote buying in the
ranks
of Mugabe’s rivals ahead of elections slated for next
March.”
Seeds, fertiliser and dipping chemicals will be distributed to
800,000
farmers countrywide.
'Zimbabwe
Leaders Not Hijacking Constitution Making Process'
http://www.voazimbabwe.com/
Jonga
Kandemiiri
19.11.2012
Parliamentary Affairs Minister Eric Matinenga
says principals in Zimbabwe’s
unity government do not want to take over the
country’s constitution-making
process following the holding of what has been
widely regarded as a
successful All Stakeholders’ Conference recently in
Harare.
Matinenga, who met Monday with President Robert Mugabe, Prime
Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai and Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara in
Harare, said
the three wanted to get an update about the draft
constitution.
The principals’ meeting comes at a tricky time in the
constitution writing
process, as political parties in the unity government
are deadlocked on the
way forward following the release of the Second All
Stakeholders’ Conference
report.
Last week, Zanu PF and the two
Movement for Democratic Change formations
disagreed on how to deal with the
report.
Zanu PF demanded that the report be sent to the principals first,
and the
MDC asked for the report to be presented to parliament, threatening
to refer
the matter to the Southern African Development
Community.
The president has already indicated that the unity government
principals
will have the final say on the draft before it is submitted to
parliament.
ZANU
PF infighting behind chaos in Masvingo
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Tererai Karimakwenda
20
November 2012
A ZANU PF provincial congress that was held at Masvingo
Polytechnic College
on Saturday is reported to have descended into violence
and chaos, after
some party officials who were denied entry to the venue
clashed with police.
Reports said the police ended up unleashing dogs on
the protesting members,
after their anger turned to violence and they
threatened to force their way
into the closed-door meeting.
Tapiwa
Mukaro and George Mudukuti Jr., son of former Masvingo North
legislator
George Mudukuti, were arrested and later released without charge.
Mudukuti
and several other party members sustained minor injuries from the
dogs and
were treated at a hospital in Masvingo.
ZANU PF politburo member Dzikamai
Mavhaire, is reported to have confirmed
the Saturday incident and apologised
to party members. But his comments to
the press also alluded to infighting
within ZANU PF as the cause for the
chaos.
Mavhaire was quoted as
saying: “It is known that district structures in
Masvingo are in shambles.
There was manipulation of district structures
through the disbanded DCCs
(district co-ordinating committees) by people
fighting for
power.”
Political analyst Bekithemba Mhlanga told SW Radio Africa that
Masvingo
province has always reflected ZANU PF’s strengths or weaknesses,
giving a
view into ZANU PF’s national character.
Mhlanga said
Masvingo has also been the centre of struggles between the
Josiah Hungwe,
Stan Mudenge and Edson Zvobgo factions, which are well known
in political
circles.
As a party ZANU PF likes to present the impression that they are
together
and intact, but the run up to the next election is revealing all
the
tensions that have been growing between the old guard and so-called
“young
turks”, and the greedy who want more.
Mhlanga also pointed to
Robert Mugabe’s old age as a factor, saying the ZANU
PF leader can no longer
exert as much energy as he used to, to keep the
party together.
Civic
Groups Seek Regional Support Ahead of Elections
http://www.voazimbabwe.com
Blessing
Zulu
19.11.2012
The Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition is dispatching
delegations to Mozambique
and Tanzania as part of its regional offensive to
urge leaders to push
Harare to implement crucial reforms ahead of polls
expected next year.
Mozambican president Armando Guebuza is the current
chairman of the Southern
African Development Community (SADC) and Tanzanian
president Jakaya Kikwete
heads the influential SADC Organ on Politics and
Defense.
Political rhetoric in Zimbabwe indicates that the three major
political
parties are preparing for a ballot next year but critics in civil
society
charge the environment is not yet conducive for a free and fair
poll.
President Mugabe has indicated that he may call for general
elections in
March but the Research and Advocacy Unit said in a statement
that it is
impossible for elections to be held at that time as the country
is currently
behind schedule in its constitution-making process – one of
SADC's key
indicators for the holding of elections.
Changes that
civic groups and other political parties are demanding include
electoral and
media reforms, as well as an end to political violence and
intimidation.
The Brussels-based International Crisis Group warned
recently that Zimbabwe
could slide back into turmoil if the president and
hardliners in the
security sector continue to block political and economic
reforms.
Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition coordinator McDonald Lewanika said
SADC, as one
of the guarantors of the Global Political Agreement that led to
the
formation of the unity government, has the right to push Harare for
reforms
ahead of crucial polls to avoid bloodshed.
War
veterans groups fight over land
http://www.dailynews.co.zw
Tuesday, 20 November 2012 10:24
HARARE -
Two war veterans’ groups are fighting over land in the southern
parts of
Harare currently held by Magamba eChimurenga group.
Clifford Hokonya and
Charles Mpofu, from Harare province of the war veterans
association, are
allegedly leading the fight against Magamba eChimurenga.
Magamba
eChimurenga —headed by Andrew Ndlovu — is demanding an eviction
order
against the “marauding war veterans”
In a case filed at the High Court,
Magamba eChimurenga wants the invaders
ejected from Amsterdam Park, just
outside the capital city near Boka Tobacco
Sales Floor, saying it is
theirs.
“The plaintiff is the owner of a certain piece of immovable
property known
as Amsterdam Park Township, Harare,” the court papers
say.
“The defendants (Mpofu group have allocated and parcelled out stands
for
themselves at Amsterdam Park, without approval and blessings of the
plaintiff who is the owner thereof,” read the November 13 papers.
The
defendants were given ten days to make their presentation before the
court
or face eviction from the land.
“The defendants are in illegal occupation
of the stands mentioned in the
declaration and plaintiff regards them as
nothing more than illegal
occupants,” court papers further
state.
Mpofu is also charged with Austin Chindedza, Nesbert Chidzambwa,
Langton
Chiza, Jameson Tshababa, and Kenneth Guruza, Thomas Muuya, Emmanuel
Mandizvidza, Maxwell Malufa, Norman Magama and Nicholas Macheme.
The
group is represented by Lawrence Chikwakwa from Sansole and Senda Legal
Practitioners in Bulawayo.
The matter is yet to be set down for a
hearing. - Xolisani Ncube
Mugabe
survives Zanu PF plot
http://www.thezimbabwemail.net
BY EVERSON MUSHAVA 7 hours 43 minutes
ago
PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe has once again survived low-level
campaigns to stop
him from representing Zanu PF in next year’s elections
after nine of the 10
provinces endorsed him.
There were reports that Zanu
PF factions were pushing for next month’s
annual conference scheduled for
Gweru to be turned into an elective
congress.
If the plot had succeeded,
the conference — to be held in Gweru from
December 4 to 9 — would have seen
the emergence of a new leader to represent
Zanu PF in the elections Mugabe
wants held in March next year.
Zanu PF politburo member Jonathan Moyo at the
weekend wrote that there were
some people in the Constitution Select
Committee (Copac) who were delaying
the constitution-making process so that
the 88-year-old veteran leader would
not stand in the polls.
“Millions
and millions of dollars have been squandered to essentially
underwrite
time-wasting to ensure that the constitution-making process does
not
emphatically conclude one way or the other as long as President Mugabe
is
the Zanu PF candidate at the next polls,” he wrote.
Zanu PF has accused some
of its representatives in Copac of pushing a regime
change agenda. But the
outcome of provincial inter-district meetings held at
the weekend virtually
ensured that Mugabe will clinch the Zanu PF ticket
provided that elections
are held next year.
He is likely to face younger opponents in MDC-T leader
Morgan Tsvangirai
(60), Welshman Ncube (53) of MDC and Simba Makoni (61) of
Mavambo/Kusile/Dawn.
Three provinces — Harare, Manicaland and Midlands —
at the weekend endorsed
Mugabe’s candidature, joining six others that had
already endorsed him by
Friday last week.
But a source told NewsDay
yesterday that Mugabe’s endorsement was simply
politics of appeasement,
saying the move could be costly to the party
because the old guard would be
reluctant to step down.
“Mugabe has outfoxed the factions. No one can come
out openly and declare
his or her ambition,” said one insider.
There are
reportedly two factions vying to succeed Mugabe allegedly led by
Vice-President Joice Mujuru and Defence minister Emmerson Mnangagwa
respectively. - NewsDay
First
time voters get training ahead of polls
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
A civic organisation called Youth
Agenda Trust last week in Banket trained
first-time voters ahead of next
year’s polls. The training workshop was held
at Sanganai Creek in Banket,
Mashonaland West province.
20.11.12
by Jeffrey Moyo
The
training workshop for first time voters which drew youth leaders from
the
country’s six provinces attracted scores of civil society leaders.
The
camp was held on the backdrop of proclamations by President Robert
Mugabe
and his Zanu (PF) party that elections will be held in March
2013 with or
without a new constitution, even though the party’s political
competitors
and civil society are strongly against that.
According to a statement
released by Youth Agenda Trust, young first time
voters were trained how to
handle polls in volatile conditions.
“The youths were also fully
cognisant of the violent, corrupt and
undemocratic history of elections in
Zimbabwe. These factors have been
proven in various studies that they tend
to stifle the quantitative and
qualitative participation of young
Zimbabweans,” read a statement from the
civic organisation.
According
to the organisation, a number of resolutions related to concerns
of first
time voters were made at the end of the workshop.
“The young people of
Zimbabwe will tirelessly work towards resisting any
machinations by the
State machinery to subvert the will of the youths and
the broader Zimbabwean
society through the State-sponsored technical and
political frustration of
young people to register as eligible voters,” read
part of the
statement.
Youths were urged to go back to their provinces and engage in
mass
identification, recruitment and mobilisation of young voters in
endeavors to
chart a democratic dispensation in Zimbabwe.
Meanwhile,
the organisation said youths were fully aware of the political
risks they
will be exposed to as they execute their constitutional mandate
of
encouraging broader society to proclaim their right to vote and choose
political leaders through popular participation and a democratic
process.
Youth Agenda Trust said it had a mandate to set up networks with
relevant
institutions that offered social solidarity, legal aid, medical aid
and
psychosocial counseling to affected young people mostly at election
time.
The organisation took aim at the state media for remaining
partisan,
subsequently rendering it irrelevant in disseminating crucial
information to
young people on the voting process.
“The state media
continues to be the epicenter of hate speech,
indoctrination, intolerance
and the instigation of political violence
amongst young Zimbabweans. The
youths resolved to set up a parallel
political information programme that
will flood the social media, mobile
networks, print media, electronic media
and community information centres
that will act as the hub of informing and
educating Zimbabweans on the
electoral process and peaceful conduct during
and after elections,” said the
civic organisation in a statement.
PM’s
office under probe over abuse of funds
http://www.herald.co.zw/
Tuesday, 20 November 2012
00:00
Takunda Maodza Senior Reporter
The Institute for
Democratic Alternative of Zimbabwe that is reportedly
funding Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai’s press and research department
has opened
investigations into the alleged abuse of donor funds by the
Premier’s
office.
The Herald is reliably informed that Idazim is funding the PM’s press
and
research office but senior officials have been siphoning funds for
personal
use.
An administrator is said to have fled to the United Kingdom
after Idazim
launched the investigations.
Sources say Idazim pays rentals
for number 14 Bath Road in Avondale, which
houses offices for the PM’s press
and research team. The press team is
responsible for the production of the
Prime Minister’s Newsletter.
The non-governmental organisation also pays
salaries for employees in the
press and research department.
The
employees in the PM’s press department earn between US$1 200 and US$1
700
net salaries depending on grades.
According to sources, the office cost
US$750 in rentals a month but senior
officials from the PM’s press team have
been claiming US$1 500 for the past
two years.
“The officials were also
in a tendency of hiring and firing employees. They
would go for months
pocketing the dismissed employees’ salaries without
notifying Idazim, which
is responsible for the salaries. As a result the
NGO lost thousands of
dollars in salaries for the ghost workers,” a source
that declined to be
named said.
“As we speak the administrator (name supplied) in the PM’s office
responsible for all activities at 14 Bath Road offices — from rentals to the
disbursement of salaries — has since fled to the UK following
investigations by Idazim.”
The funding of the PM’s press and research
team has confirmed the existence
of parallel structures in the inclusive
Government and interference by
Western funded donors.
Yesterday Idazim
tried to distance itself from the PM’s Office when
contacted for
comment.
“There is some data which is missing in your story,” said its
director Mr
Joy Mabenge, in a telephone interview with The Herald from South
Africa.
He professed ignorance about Idazim’s investigations into abuse of
funds by
the PM’s Office.
“There are no investigations taking place but
an institution has many
people, some of the things that happen are beyond
my knowledge,” Mr Mabenge
said.
Mr Mabenge promised to call The Herald
after verifying facts later. He
claimed the administrator was in the UK on
holiday.
Idazim works closely with the United States Agency for International
Development in Zimbabwe, Royal Netherlands embassy in Zimbabwe, German
International Services Zimbabwe Office, Research Triangle International
and the United Nations Development Programme Zimbabwe.
Registered in
South Africa in February 2008, Idazim claims to be a
think-tank and
high-level facilitation platform whose mission is to deepen
the search “for
a democratic alternative to social exclusion and political
repression”.
The NGO works with what it terms “a network of pro-democracy
institutions
and actors”.
Minister of State in the Prime Minister’s
Office Mr Jameson Timba could not
comment on the matter as he was attending
meetings yesterday. He promised to
phone, but his phone later went
unanswered.
Zimbabwe
mining: mixed messages and wishful thinking
http://blogs.ft.com
November 20, 2012 5:38 pm by Tony
Hawkins
Ever since the Zimbabwe government published its plans to
localise majority
ownership of the country’s mines, mixed messages have
dominated the debate
over investment and growth.
Last week was no
different, with the finance minster, Tendai Biti, and miner
Amplats making
positive noises about investment which seem rather
optimistic, to put it
mildly.
Presenting his 2013 budget last week, Biti quoted a World Bank study
on the
mining industry in Zimbabwe, and predicted a five-fold increase in
gold
production by 2018, along the tripling of ferrochrome output, increases
of
72 per cent in diamonds, 50 per cent in platinum and a nine-fold surge in
coal production. According to the Bank study this, allied with expansion in
the iron ore and nickel sectors, will cost over $9.6bn in fresh investment –
or 85 per cent of Zimbabwe’s current GDP.
Shortly after Biti’s
presentation, South African platinum mining group
Amplats, which earlier
this month agreed to sell 51 per cent of the shares
in its Unki platinum
mine to Zimbabwe investors in compliance with the
country’s Indigenization
and Economic Empowerment law, revealed that it was
considering a $400m
investment in a second platinum mine in Zimbabwe.
Colin Chibafa, chief
financial officer of Amplats Zimbabwe, said: “We are
expanding various
options to expand production, including building a new
mine that could cost
up to $400m” and which could possibly double production
from the 2012 level
of 65,000 ounces.
This comment ranks high on the mixed message index, coming
just weeks after
Amplats sold control of its existing mine property, Unki,
to Zimbabwean
investors. “Selling” is something of a misnomer since
Angloplat
shareholders, despite facing intense pressure from falling output
and
industrial unrest in South Africa and weak metal prices internationally,
will ultimately finance the purchase. Ten per cent of the shares will go to
the Unki workforce, 10 per cent to a community trust, 10 per cent to local
unnamed investors and the balance of 21 per cent to the government’s
National Indigenization and Economic Empowerment Board. Since none of these
“buyers” can pay, Amplats is to provide a 10-year loan which will be repaid
from dividends earned by Unki.
It comes as a surprise then that Amplats
should be seriously considering a
major new investment in Zimbabwe at a time
when it will still be trying –
with no certainty – to get its money for the
Unki sale and when Amplats top
management is undertaking a review of its
strategy. It is also difficult to
understand why Amplats shareholders should
be willing to invest a further
$400m in Zimbabwe, providing 100 per cent of
the capital, to get 49 per cent
of the profit.
The idea that the mooted
investment is a way of growing output outside South
Africa and its mining
problems also takes a leap of faith. Cross-border
contagion is as likely in
southern Africa as in the eurozone. Why should
Zimbabwe escape the kind of
labour unrest that has crippled South Africa
mineral production given that
poverty and unemployment levels are far
higher?
On the government side,
the deep divide on investment policy is once again
illustrated in the latest
public spat between Biti and Indigenisation
minister, Saviour Kasukuwere. In
his budget speech Biti called for changes
to the indigenisation law to
foster foreign investment. Kasukuwere was quick
to respond, insisting that
the act would not be changed. Since some
companies have already complied, he
said, it would be unfair to penalise
them by allowing newcomers and those
who are resisting the law, to enjoy
more favourable terms.
In the light
of this background, the target of almost $10bn in new mining
sector
investment alone over the next five years looks hugely optimistic. It
is
certainly not an impossible dream, since a change of government in Harare
and the revival of the commodity price super cycle might just create the
conditions for such an investment boom. But on current trends, that seems
unlikely.
Unlocking
the potential of Africa's youths
http://www.newzimbabwe.com/
20/11/2012 00:00:00
by
Ambassador Trudy Stevenson
THIS year’s theme for the Mo Ibrahim
Forum, “African Youth: Fulfilling the
Potential”, was extremely apposite,
since 70 percent of Africans are under
30, yet our unemployment rate is so
high that the vast majority try to
emigrate, and otherwise “just get by
somehow.”
Indeed, Prof. Alcinda Honwana vividly described the “waithood”
of most young
people, who cannot earn enough money to go through the normal
rites of
passage of their parents’ and grandparents’ generation, i.e.
lobola,
marriage, family. They spend long years in limbo, waiting for a
hopeless
situation to improve.
Former Nigerian president Olusegun
Obasanjo recounted his trip to South
Africa to consult Archbishop Desmond
Tutu (this year’s Special Prizewinner
“for speaking truth to power”) who
told him: “Tell God what you want” – and
that’s how he eventually became
president.
Iman Bermaki, a Moroccan student at the African Leadership
Academy in
Johannesburg, said that she did not feel African at all until she
met
athletes from other African countries and realised she had much in
common
with them. She highlighted the need to review Africa’s curriculum to
make it
more appropriate, and summarised youth’s needs as self-confidence,
opportunities and practice.
Mamadou Toure of Africa 2 insisted that
internship should be automatic, and
that a mentorship scheme could help
enormously at no financial cost to the
state.
On role models,
Obasanjo was glad Obama won the election, for three reasons:
it proved black
brains were not inferior to white brains; as a half-African
he was a huge
success story for Africans, and it showed that in a democracy
someone could
be elected on merit and not because of ethnicity or other
social
construct.
Lamido Sanusi, the Nigerian Reserve Bank Governor, lamented
the fact that
Africa prefers to import products instead of creating
employment by
manufacturing itself. He identified the problem of transport
within Africa,
citing corruption at most borders as a major impediment to
inter-continental
trade.
Franny Léautier of African Capacity Building
Foundation proposed that the
young go into higher value services, such as
culture, instead of being
waiters.
Trevor Manuel, the South African
Minister for National Planning and former
minister of finance criticised the
West for leaving Africa out of solutions
to the world economic crisis, and
bemoaned the fact that Africans were
beginning to lose their ethics
instilled within the family because of the
fracturing of this basic unit of
society.
Mary Robinson, the former president of Ireland and UN High
Commissioner for
Human Rights described how Ireland was leveraging its
Diaspora, for example
by organising a big cultural gathering in Ireland in
2013. The possibility
of borrowing “dead” pension funds to support
initiatives from the Diaspora
was raised, the challenge being to create
sufficient trust.
Carlos Lopes, secretary general of the UN Economic
Commission for Africa
mentioned that the AU has made the Diaspora the 6th
region of Africa.
Alcinda Honwana warned that crime can be an attractive
solution to the
“wait-hood” she had found throughout Africa, while Lai
Yahaya of Facility
for Oil Sector Transparency said the reality is that in
Nigeria you can
become very rich by becoming a politician.
South
African former minister Jay Naidoo challenged the young to get out
into the
streets to make things happen, like Steve Biko did. Rakesh Rajani
pointed
out that in Kenya, 4 out of 5 children remain illiterate after 6
years of
school, indicating that school is where the first effort should go
to get
the youth out of their hopelessness. He also called on governments to
liberalise migration to give the young fresh ideas, opportunities and
experience.
In the closing session, Archbishop Desmond Tutu reminded
the forum that they
were not God’s stepchildren because of the colour of
their skin, but that
each person is His Very Special Person – VSP. He
proposed that women take
over the world, as they know how to nurture the
young.
Fatou Fall, a Harvard student, encouraged the young to be
positive, and take
the initiative instead of waiting for others. Tanzanian
pilot and engineer
Susan Mashibe (Tanjet) described how she started her two
very successful
airline companies.
Sudanese founder Mo Ibrahim
recounted how he saw an opportunity in Africa
when he realised there was a
gap between perception (Africa is a basket
case) and reality (there are
success stories and much potential). He tries
to bring Africans back from
the Diaspora and lets workers own their
companies for better
results.
He reiterated Archbishop Tutu’s observation that young people
dream of a
better world without hunger and poverty, saying: “For goodness
sake, go on
dreaming!”
Finally, he pleaded for Africa to unite
economically, decrying the futility
of small states imagining they could be
economically viable in the face of
massive competition from the major
economic blocs.
“Wake up, Africa!” he cried.
Trudy Stevenson is
Zimbabwe's ambassador to Senegal. She attended the Forum
held on November 11
in Dakar
Notes on the Harare Groundwater Situation – October, 2012
T.J. Broderick
Underground water in Harare, and
everywhere, is a finite resource. Its
presence is dependent on the hydrological cycle, which is climate related. It depends on rainfall for its recharge to
groundwater storage. The means to store
and transmit underground water is controlled by the geological formations that
prevail. Figure 1 is a simplified
geological map of Harare based on the mapping of Tyndale-Biscoe (1957). Baldock
(1991) with others remapped the geology around Harare, and it is this work that
has provided an increased understanding of the city’s lithological variation and
its structural deformation. The
geological map and its explanation are available from the Department of
Geological Survey, Maufe Building, Fifth Street and Selous Avenue.
As can be seen the geological expression
across the city is highly variable, but what is certain is that all rocks are of
either igneous or metamorphic origin, which makes most of them massive and
crystalline in nature. That is we class
them in the category of ‘hardrock’, which effectively means that in their fresh
and unaltered state the rocks are impervious and are unable to store water in a
primary sense ie. between the mineral grains that make up the rock. Therefore, any aquifer that we have in the
city is referred to as being ‘unconfined’ as it is open to the elements, and in
consequence the available groundwater is superficially stored. This storage is in what we refer to as
‘secondary porosity’. That is the
groundwater storage depends on the degree of fracturing and weathering that the
bedrock has been subjected to. Some
rock-types are more susceptible to weathering than others due to their mineral
make-up, the degree of imposed shear, and the intensity of jointing and
fracturing, all of which may provide open space to facilitate the ingress of
recharge water and its subsequent storage.
Therefore the main area for groundwater flux is at the highly fractured
interface between completely weathered, and often silty, bedrock and the highly
weathered to weathered fracture zone.
This interface profile, which also responds to topographic gradient, is
hugely irregular in shape, and it is the more deeply weathered and fractured
pockets that sustain the more effective boreholes. Stress and strain on the bedrock mass has
introduced fracturing, which tends to describe linear traces relating to the
attitude of the introduced planes of weakness in the ground. These features may be evident due the
presence of say a dolerite dyke or a quartz reef infilling. They effectively create the targets for
groundwater development, but are by no means ubiquitous in their
distribution.
Much of the southern portion of Harare
is underlain by massive granite, extending from Amby and Msasa through Hatfield
and Waterfalls to Highfield and the western suburbs. Most of this area is notoriously poor for the
development of groundwater from boreholes due to the massive and resistant
nature of the bedrock. The available
groundwater tends to be perched at high level, and is often only exploitable by
means of hand-dug wells. It is over the
granites that most of Zimbabwe’s classic dambo or vlei features develop across
our regional watershed. These have
recently been defined by Government Notice as the Cleveland, Mabvuku,
Greengrove, Prospect, Budiriro and Manyame wetlands in Harare, all of which play
an essential function in the control of rainfall runoff to the Mukuvizi, Ruwa
and Manyame rivers together with countless others in the catchment that feeds to
Lake Chivero, our prime water source for which the function of the seasonal
wetlands is to attenuate the base flow of our rivers beyond the cutoff of the
rains. The granite terrain may not be
the most appropriate for groundwater development from boreholes, but it is
important that the defined wetlands are protected and managed for the sake of
our extended surface water supply. That
management includes the control of inappropriate agricultural practices, the
restriction of imposed drainage to make way for construction development, and
encouragement in the construction of artificial wetlands in order to
rehabilitate the function of these natural features. The water table over granite generally
remains perched and high due to annual direct precipitation, but the ravishes of
the 1987 and 1992 droughts were telling, judging from the frequency of stressed
complaints from those people dependent on shallow wells, notably in the Ruwa
area, when the available groundwater then became severely depleted.
So, the groundwater cycle is dependent
on rainfall of which Harare receives on average 850 mm per year in a season
lasting from November to April in any one year.
There appears to be a cycle with a number of years when above average
rainfall, say in excess of 1000 mm, is achieved followed by a succession of
years when below average rainfall is realized.
Less than 400 mm of rain fell over Harare in the 1987 drought year, and
in other years the adverse distribution of rainfall plays havoc with groundwater
recharge potential. Thus in the
2010-2011 rainfall season we received close on an average total, but whereas
January was wet, February, March and April were dry months. This created chaos with groundwater
availability in Harare such that groundwater levels depressed rapidly and people
with marginal boreholes set in shallow weathered and fractured ground profiles
suffered water draw down to pump intake as early as June 2011, a situation that
introduced a great deal of stress to a water-starved city. This year the same impact is making itself
felt as we speak in October, following a more normal rainfall distribution
during the critical months.
The chaotic drilling of private
boreholes in response to a failure in the regular supply of Municipal water,
notably across the northern suburbs of Harare, peaked through the years 2007 to
2009. There would seem to be no doubt
that the increased abstraction of groundwater through this dense array of
borehole use is aggravating drawdown of the water table. This may have been further aggravated by the
localized large-scale abstraction of groundwater for commercial purposes, an
additional response to the unsatisfactory water supply in the city. When one
considers that the greater percentage of rainfall is accounted for in runoff to
the river system and evapotranspiration to the atmosphere, the average recharge
to groundwater might only be in the range of 2 to 5% of that rainfall in any one
year. Groundwater is also lost in its
discharge to base flow in the river systems through the season to provide a
water balance. The static water level
that relates to the water table behaves elastically, being at its lowest ebb in
say December and highest in May or even June in any one season. Excessive groundwater abstraction occurs when
more water is drawn out than can be replaced by natural recharge. This may be referred to as ‘groundwater
mining’, and the result is a progressive depletion of the water table. This undesirable state of affairs can only be
rectified by collective appreciation of the problem and conscious management and
control of groundwater abstraction. If
borehole water users cannot recognize the excesses of their use of this
delicately balanced resource through say the over irrigation of gardens and road
verges, then it is up to the Sub-Catchment Councils to earn their keep, provided
for in the payment of quarterly ‘monitoring fees’ on registered boreholes, by
enforcing the sound management principles provided for by the water law,
regulations and standards that exist.
Referring again to Figure 1, the west,
central, northern and eastern suburbs of Harare are underlain by a variety of
rock types, which make up what is collectively known as the Harare Greenstone
Belt. The trends of these rocks are
generally orientated to the north-east, becoming folded to the north, west of
the City. The basic building blocks
comprise ancient basaltic and felsic lavas, interspersed by metasedimentary
rocks of a shaly to sandy consistency that include ironstone and in places
limestone, and which have been intruded by masses or sheets of later porphyry,
gabbro or dolerite. These rocks respond
differently to the influences of weathering and deformation, and those that are
compact and resistant tend to control the topographic expression. A regional watershed traverses Harare by
following Arcturus Road to Pockets Hill, then crossing the Borrowdale racecourse
to follow the Domboshawa Road to the north.
This crest separates those streams rising to the Manyame catchment in the
west from those directed north and north-east to the Mazowe and Nyagui
rivers. Due to regional tectonic
responses, the latter streams are more aggressive in their backward erosion into
the landscape, hence the more pronounced topographic expression relating to
resistant bedrock say in the Glen Lorne, Kambanje, Greystone Park, Helensvale,
Borrowdale Brooke, Shawasha Hills and Glen Forest areas. It is often said that views and water do not
go together, and yet it is these suburbs where the greatest demand for borehole
drilling is perceived. It is also here
that the greatest number of dry, marginal or seasonal boreholes are sunk, which
is not to say that many sustainable boreholes are also in existence. This outcome is a direct reflection of the
generally adverse hydrogeological environment that might prevail in relation to
resistant bedrock, notably the felsic volcanics and the dolerite intrusions, the
more pronounced topographic setting, the accelerated rainfall runoff, a retarded
groundwater recharge potential and a consequent depression of the water
table. The reducing availability of
groundwater therefore is a response to the stresses brought about by variable
rainfall, its runoff, restricted recharge potential, evapotranspiration, the
adverse geology underfoot, excessive borehole pumping, and a failure to respect
the hydrological cycle and realize that the water resource is not infinite.
Groundwater across the Manyame catchment
is also under stress, and drawdown problems in marginal boreholes become
seasonally apparent. This is most marked
in the elevated parts of Greendale, and Highlands, in Newlands, parts of
Borrowdale and in a zone that transgresses through parts of Pomona, Vainona and
Mount Pleasant to Emerald Hill. The
massive felsic volcanic rocks and dolerites of Monavale, Mabelreign, Bluff Hill
and Marlborough are generally not friendly, and the so-called University
Porphyry in Groombridge is distinctly negative in terms of groundwater
development. Locally there are symptoms
of severe seasonal drawdown in the basaltic greenstones, felsics and adjacent
metasediments, a situation that is aggravated by excessive groundwater
abstraction.
A little history of the development of
the groundwater resource in and around Harare may put this in perspective. Tanser (2011) in his history of Highlands
describes the wetlands as vleis, which restricted the expansion of the town in
the 1890’s. “In the marshes, tall reeds
and bulrushes grew, and on the land immediately around the vlei, water-logged
each year during the rainy seasons, there was grass, but no trees. Only on the higher slopes below the ridges
and above the grassy areas were there trees.
The water from the north-eastern slopes drained into two streams, the
Chiripagura and the Nyarangwa. The
source of the Chiripagura is the Borrowdale racecourse. Though the Chiripagura is now a dry ditch
except after heavy rains, an examination of its course shows that it had, before
modern drainage systems and plots and buildings interfered with the runoff, many
deep water holes which retained water throughout the dry season so that the
stream flowed throughout the year, even though in July it was only a foot or so
wide and an inch or so deep. During the
rains, however, when the stream was in flood it became impassable; the water
over-flowed and, joining that of the Nyarangwa, converted the area into a wide
lake. It was this obstacle which
compelled the early tracks leading from Salisbury to follow the Hartmann Hill
ridge, route of the present Borrowdale Road.”
And beyond this road to the north-west the same can be said of the
Borrowdale Vlei, an important source to the Gwebi River. Both wetlands are now under further threat of
inappropriate development.
The first drinking water in the infant
settlement that is now Harare was from two springs on either side of the
‘Kingsway’ vlei (now Julius Nyerere Way) that was forded by the ‘Causeway’. This source was supplemented by the
collection of water from roofs and, from 1891, by the digging of wells (Wurzel,
1972). The town continued to depend upon
such sources (and there are some 20 metre-deep wells along Orange Grove Drive
for instance that are now dry) until 1913 when Cleveland Dam was commissioned
and a reticulated system was introduced.
Groundwater continued to be of importance, especially in the peripheral
settlements, but it was not until after the Second World War that the
availability of underground supplies exercised its most profound influence of
the development of Salisbury. The influx
of migrants coupled with several poor rainy seasons (notably 1947) created a
severe water crisis.
The city could only expand if the
housing developer could provide his own water and manage his own waste. Hence plot sizes were regulated to be an acre
or more in extent and the 1954 bye-law (still applicable today) prohibited the
drilling of a borehole within 10-metres (15 metres in the case of a well) of a
boundary, septic tank or sewage line. In
many instances this simple management tool has been flouted, and continues to be
ignored. Also the tendency towards
smaller plot sizes and the need for an owner to supplement his water supply by
drilling a borehole has meant that the bye-law cannot be universally
applied. Vainona and Pomona, for
instance developed in this way during the 1960’s. Prior to that borehole drilling had been a
combination of shot drilling, which produced a core, and cable tool
drilling. Whitehead and Jack, and other
companies, then used cable tool or jumper rigs exclusively and most new plots in
Vainona reported boreholes, sometimes no more than 27 metres deep, which
produced in the order of 1100 to 2200 gallons (5 to 10 cubic metres) of water
per hour. There were even pilot water
reticulation schemes to houses based on supplies from boreholes managed by the
Municipality. Everyone was happy, and
they could wait for the formal water supply from the Hunyani Poort Dam (Chivero)
built in 1956. My own groundwater
consultancy had its origins in 1947, along with Whitehead and Jack, based on
geophysical methods developed by the 42nd (Geological) Unit of the
South African Army Engineers in East Africa, Abyssinia, the Western Desert and
the Middle East. A first for the
Allies.
The drilling technology graduated to
down-the-hole hammer rigs using air-flush rotary bits that allowed for rapid
borehole completion. New company’s emerged and borehole drilling proliferated
past Independence and into the 1980’s and 1990’s. These years were characterized by drought
years and the shortage of Municipal water increased the demand for
boreholes. The local rigs were
supplanted by a number of visiting crews from South Africa, and chaos crept into
the equation as the demand for drilling service accelerated. The shallow boreholes in Vainona and
elsewhere dried up as a consequence of the successive drought years with
retarded groundwater recharge. The water
level became depressed in places to below 30 metres from surface. The effective fracture-related storage was
left high and dry, and increased groundwater mining aggravated the
situation. The stifled base flow from
wetlands to streams ceased or took its main source of recharge supply from
septic tanks. A cycle of above average
seasons allowed for recovery of the groundwater. The foundation investigations for Kunzvi Dam
on the Nyagui River were completed in 1996 and plans were in place for that
supply to augment the ever-growing Harare by 2004. Those plans were stalled, and the population
still waits and expands. Then the
disastrous move to take water supply responsibility from the Municipal authority
and give it to Zinwa, coupled with power woes, consequent pumping problems, an
unchecked pollution of Chivero and Manyame waters, and our economic crash
through into the new millennium put renewed demand on an overtaxed and basically
unmanaged groundwater system. Many of
the established drilling companies had gone into liquidation, new companies
mushroomed, and many of these were based on a shoestring under the umbrella of
middlemen. Drilling standards dived
along with ethics, and chaos prevailed.
New regulations and a revamped Water Act were introduced in 2001, which
recognized the hydrological cycle and the need for management of water use in
all its forms. With the Dollar-crash the
law was ignored, monitoring fees were charged as a money-spinner rather than to
fuel the management of the water resource, and respect for the process was not
there. The regulations for permitting
for borehole drilling and abstraction, and the registration of consultants,
drilling contractors, pump fitters and suppliers are now mandatory. National standards for the siting, drilling,
construction, testing, fitting and rehabilitation of boreholes are now in
place. The principles are sound, but the
willingness and need for all involved to comply must come into play. The time has come for all concerned to enter
into the spirit of groundwater and surface water conservation, through its
managed and proper use. The resource is
limited and taxed. It is up to the user
population, both domestic and corporate, and the appropriate authorities to play
their part in this process for an equitable solution. There will always be borehole users, and
those who do not have access to a groundwater supply. The latter have as much right to such water,
so the water suppliers have a role to play.
They too require to be registered with Zinwa, and the abstraction from
boreholes must be regulated both in its quantity and quality.
The stream heads that overlie rocks in
the greenstone belt usually occur across wide valley bottoms where the surface
water drainage is restricted. They may
not be characterized by a high groundwater table, but they do represent
important zones for runoff accumulation and groundwater recharge. The surface flow is attenuated and downstream
where a channel develops, base flow to the river system is regulated. The soils do not require to be represented by
‘black cotton soils’ in the lower catena.
The presence of so-called ‘gleyed’ and ‘mottled’ sub-soils in the profile
is sufficient to indicate periodic saturation on a seasonal basis. Historically the open grassed extent of the
Borrowdale Vlei has been seasonally inundated, and as such has been protected as
open space in Harare’s town planning.
The periphery to the vlei, bounded by Borrowdale Road, Whitwell Road,
Teviotdale Road and New Alexandra Park, with its schools, old-age condominium
and the Celebration Centre has been encroached upon. New corporate development adjacent to the
racecourse and housing in Borrowdale West has been created. New boreholes now encircle the vlei area,
itself the focus for informal cultivation.
As there is no rock outcrop through the vlei, it was mapped as being
underlain by shaly phyllites that give rise to silty clay soils. The boreholes have shown that the subsurface
geology is more complex and that fractured felsic rocks are intruded by a
north-east extension of the Harare Gabbro, itself sheared and displaced by the
Umwindsi Shear Zone before giving way towards the Teviotdale Road to more
resistant felsic rocks, an extension of the massive University Porphyry and
interbanded phyllites. It is known that
some large-yielding boreholes have been developed in the gabbro and felsic
volcanic rocks adjacent to the racecourse and in Borrowdale West, and that
drawdown of the water table is a feature.
The area leading up to Teviotdale Road is less favourable for groundwater
development, but downstream where the Mount Pleasant stream is channeled, base
flow is fed from groundwater, supplemented by surrounding septic tank
recharge.
The fate of the Borrowdale Vlei has come
under contention with the intent to change its designated land use as open space
for construction of the Millennium Mall and adjacent projects. The water supply for such a major development
with its associated water features must have to come from groundwater. Excessive abstraction from this important
groundwater recharge zone must impact on its balance and it can be anticipated
that the water table will be lowered, base flow will be reduced, runoff will
accelerate due to the imposed drainage, hard standing and roof cover, and
increased flood peaks can be expected down the Gwebi River. The rehabilitation of these vlei areas can
be achieved through their protection and construction of artificial
wetlands. The commendable conservation
work of COSMO on the Monavale Vlei is a case in point, and is a positive step
towards preserving the true function of our wetlands in their supply of water
and all that depends on them. Most
importantly our City and you.
Harare,
15th October, 2012
References
BALDOCK, J.W. 1991. The geology of the Harare Greenstone Belt and
surrounding granitic terrain. Zim. geol. Surv., Bull. No. 94, 213
pp.
TANSER, G.H. 2011. The
History of Highlands. New Zanj
Publishing House, Harare. 96 pp.
TYNDALE-BISCOE, R. 1957.
Explanation of the geological map of the country around Salisbury. Sth.
Rhod. geol. Surv., Short Report No. 36, 10 pp.
WURZEL, P. 1972.
Underground Water in Salisbury.
Rhod. Sci. News, Vol. 6 (7)
(July), pp. 213-215.
A season of violence looms
The only peaceful, free and fair election in Zimbabwe was probably in 1980
when ZANU PF was confident that it enjoyed popular support which would
result in resounding victory. Thereafter, we have had a litany of shameful
and farcical formalities disguised as elections as the progressively
unpopular but increasingly tyrannical party sought to advance its dangerous
and retrogressive ambition of a one-party state.
Three decades down
the line, the ominous pipe-dream has not deserted the
party despite the
clarity of writing on the wall that Zimbabweans have
matured politically and
are determined to see a new and truly democratic
dispensation evolve. Rugare
Gumbo and Patrick Chinamasa have come out in the
open, unashamedly, to
declare that results of the next election will be
overturned unless ZANU PF
wins. Adding his voice to the moronic competition
of lunacy was Lovemore
Matuke who recently told a meeting in Masvingo that
ZANU PF supporters will
be given stickers to be affixed to their doors for
easy of identification.
There is no better recipe for electoral disaster!
Even the dumbest person
will not struggle to see the real motive behind this
development. By marking
their homes with stickers, ZANU PF supporters will
actually be exposing
those who do not support the moribund but violent party
making them easy
targets for traditional and unrepentant thugs who can kill
and maim an
innocent neighbor for a twist of mbanje, a jar of beer or a
piece of barren
land. Indeed, another “moment of madness” to borrow from the
geriatric
emperor.
It might be relevant to revisit Exodus 12:23;
“When the
LORD goes through the land to strike down the Egyptians, he will
see the
blood on the top and sides of the doorframe and will pass over that
doorway,
and he will not permit the destroyer to enter your houses and
strike you
down.”
Lovemore Matuke and his like-minded vampires in ZANU PF have
bastardised
this verse in their quest to feast on the blood of innocent
Zimbabweans once
again. If this insidious plan is not swiftly and
effectively nipped in the
bud, there will certainly be gnashing of teeth
come election time. MDC,
civic society, Sadc and anybody else who cares
about the future of Zimbabwe
despite their geographic location, must not
allow buffoons that have clearly
run out of both time and ideas to drag the
nation into yet another violent
election.
What is there to kill or
maim for other than protecting ill-gotten wealth as
well as the unfounded
fear of retribution for years of oppression and
heinous crime? There comes
a time when people should start thinking
seriously of whether those who have
been involved in violent political crime
over the years should continue to
enjoy our good spirit of forgiveness. What
is the case for clemency where
there is not even an iota of remorse? The
leopard has not changed his sports
despite President’s Mugabe’s call for a
peaceful election. Either this call
is cunningly insincere or the president
has totally lost control of his
party. Whatever the case, this is dangerous
and unfortunate. Recent
incidents of violence in Mutoko, Zaka and other
parts of rural Zimbabwe are
just a microcosm of the grand plan.
Why should those who have been
yearning for elections since 2009 be the ones
to start sharpening
instruments of violence and torture? What’s the point of
calling for early
elections when people will not be allowed to make their
own choice without
fear? If Events and treasonous statements of the past few
weeks are anything
to go by, we are not going to have any semblance of a
peaceful election next
year. The traditional monster believes in power
retention at any cost. These
cruel men and women won’t be bothered even if
the country deteriorated to
the levels of Somalia, Afghanistan or any other
failed state as long as they
and their families continue to plunder and
enjoy unfettered access to
national resources.
Anybody who believes in a peaceful election in this
explosive environment
needs to have his head examined. Recent statements
made by leaders and
zealots of the oppressive and recalcitrant party can’t
be dismissed as mere
sabre-rattling. Therefore, the question to ask is “what
can we do to defend
ourselves against sponsored violence and
hooliganism?”
Moses Chamboko writes in his personal capacity and can be
contacted at
chambokom@gmail.com
Driving
in Zimbabwe now expensive because of corrupt police cops
http://www.sokwanele.com/thisiszimbabwe/archives/8214
November 20th,
2012
I think twice whenever I plan to have a journey out of the city centre.
Although my vehicle is fully licensed in accordance with the country’s road
regulations, I still fear to travel. Despite having a spare wheel, wheel
spanner, jack and fire extinguisher the police will still find fault with my
car.
What worries me most is the number of roadblocks I encounter on
way to any
destination out of the city centre.
Police roadblocks are
found at least every ten kilometres. It is rare for
one to pass through any
of the roadblock without being stopped and asked for
a bribe. Needless to
say, they do not issue a road traffic offence ticket
but ask for a “small”
amount.
There is a new and accepted language spoken at these road
blocks. You could
hear them saying “So you just want us to leave you
without leaving
anything?” This was a real comment which I heard after a
driver had
apologised even though he had committed no offence.
In
fact, Zimbabwe motorists have to budget in enough surplus cash to
accommodate traffic cops and their demands.
There are some smart
drivers who having resisted paying bribes find
themselves spending long
hours parked at roadblocks. More often than not,
their frustrations brought
on by the ‘busy’ road traffic cops who do not
have time to attend to the
driver who refuses to pay the bribe, ends up
giving into to
corruption.
The same story happens over and over when one visits a
police station to
report a case. One ends up being treated like the
accused. Police officers
do not pay attention, they rather instruct you to
bring the accused person
instead of them investigating the case. It only
you offer them “something”
that you can get their service.
That is
the police force of Zimbabwe.
This entry was posted by Tawanda
Makusha on Tuesday, November 20th, 2012 at
8:17 am.
Class And Rural Differentiation After Land Reform In Zimbabwe And
Two New Land Reform Books
By Ian Scoones
A new paper in the Journal of Agrarian
Change by the team that wrote the Zimbabwe’s Land Reform book examines the processes of rural
differentiation that have occurred following land reform in 2000, and their
political and economic consequences.
The paper points out that
“acquiring land through reform processes… and allocating it to a mix of largely
land and income poor people from nearby rural areas is not the end of the story.
As new livelihoods are established, investments initiated and production,
business, trade and marketing commence, processes of differentiation begin –
within households, between households in a particular place and between
sites”.
A simplistic, populist
back-to-the-land narrative is therefore insufficient. Rural economies are always
dynamic – some win, some lose. So what happened across the 16 sites studied over
a decade in Masvingo province?
The story is interesting
– and complex. The paper shows how, among 400 households, 15 different
livelihood strategies are observed, classified into four broad groups (stepping
up, stepping out, hanging in and dropping out, following Andrew Dorward and
Josphat Mushongah). These can be broadly associated with rural classes. These
include an emergent rural bourgeoisie, and a larger group of petty commodity
producers doing quite well by stepping up through agricultural production and
stepping out through diversified livelihoods, and often a combination of both.
There are worker-peasants who farm but also sell their labour, and the
semi-peasantry who are struggling.
Linking the diversity of
livelihood strategies – what Karl Marx in his treatise on the method of
political economy called ‘the rich totality of many determinations’ focusing on
real life on the ground – and broader patterns, tendencies and class formations
(‘the concrete – the unity of the diverse’) is not an exact science, but the
paper makes an attempt.
Why is this important?
First, it is vital to realise that the new resettlements are not static or
homogenous. The instability of class formations, and the overall fluidity of
social and economic relations is emphasised. Efforts to support the new
resettlement areas must take this into account. Who to back? The new emergent
middle farmers or the poor and struggling? Second, the dynamic formation of
class – cross-cut by differences of gender, age and ethnicity – have
implications for political dynamics in the countryside. Again, who will have the
political voice in the future? Will it be the ‘chefs’ who are small in number
but who have grabbed land, or a larger group of emerging farmers who are doing
well? And will workers, poorer peasants and others ally with them in pushing for
a better deal?
These political dynamics
are discussed at the close of the paper. Much is speculation, but informed by an
understanding of emerging patterns of socio-economic differentiation. If
political parties in forthcoming elections want to know a bit more about their
constituencies, then the paper offers some food for thought.
Two new books on
Zimbabwe’s land reform
This month sees the
publication of two, long-awaited, books on Zimbabwe’s land reform. Both are
excellent. Buy them both if you can!
The first, Zimbabwe’s Fast-Track Land
Reform, is by Prosper Matondi, director of the Ruziwo Trust, and a very
well-informed commentator on Zimbabwe’s land issues. The book is based on work
largely carried out in the mid-2000s in Mazowe, Shamva and Mangwe by a large
team of Zimbabwean researchers, supported by Oxfam among others. By offering a
broad geographical scope – from highveld Mashonaland to dryland Matabeleland –
it offers an excellent overview of the diversity of processes and outcomes. As
emphasised many times before in this blog, things are complex and diverse. But
there are some important patterns that emerge: A1 smallholder farmers are doing
well, while A2 medium scale farmers are struggling; violence and intimidation
occurs, but is highly varied, and investment and production is occurring at a
scale often not acknowledged. Clearly, as Matondi emphasises, more could be
done, and the land reform beneficiaries have not reached their potential. The
book lays out a set of challenges for policy which everyone concerned should
take note of.
The second book is
by Joseph Hanlon, Jeannette Manjengwa and Teresa Smart:
Zimbabwe takes back its land. This is more up to date, covering more
comprehensively the period since the formation of the GNU and the stabilisation
of the economy after 2009. It is based on some new empirical material centred on
Mazowe, but its main contribution is to highly offer a readable overview of the
land reform experience in Zimbabwe. In so doing it draws extensively on the
findings of the three major studies to date – the AIAS district studies, our
Masvingo work and the work by Matondi and colleagues. It is an important
synthesis, and offers highly pertinent insights which will hopefully find their
way into the wider debate.
With these books
published, together with the earlier contributions by ourselves and AIAS,
plus the JPS special issue, no-one can say that we
do not have the evidence base to understand the complex contours of Zimbabwe’s
land reform. What is interesting is that, while there are differences in
emphasis, there is a remarkable coherence in overall message. And, crucially,
this contrasts dramatically with the mainstream commentary in the international
media, many policy circles and (still) some academic writing. Maybe now –
finally – the myths of Zimbabwe’s land reform will be put to rest, and we can
debate more productively the complex realities.
Below are some more
details on the two books:
Zimbabwe’s Fast-Track
Land Reform
The Fast Track Land
Reform Programme in Zimbabwe has emerged as a highly contested reform process
both nationally and internationally. The image of it has all too often been that
of the widespread displacement and subsequent replacement of various people,
agricultural-related production systems, facets and processes. The reality,
however, is altogether more complex. Providing new, in-depth and much-needed
empirical research, Zimbabwe’s Fast Track Land Reform examines how processes
such as land acquisition, allocation, transitional production outcomes, social
life, gender and tenure, have influenced and been influenced by the forces
driving the programme. It also explores the ways in which the land reform
programme has created a new agrarian structure based on small- to medium-scale
farmers. In attempting to resolve the problematic issues the reforms have
raised, the author argues that it is this new agrarian formation which provides
the greatest scope for improving Zimbabwe’s agriculture and
development.
Table of
Contents:
1. Understanding Fast
Track Land Reforms in Zimbabwe
2: Land Occupations as the Trigger for
Compulsory Land Acquisition
3: Interrogating Land Allocation
4: Juggling
Land Ownership Rights in Uncertain Times
5: The Complexities of Production
Outcomes
6: Accessing Services and Farm Level Investments
7:
‘Revolutionary Progress’ without Change in Women’s Land Rights
8: Social
Organisation and the Reconstruction of Communities
Conclusion: From a
‘Crisis’ to a ‘Prosperous’ Future?
‘More than a decade on,
Prosper Matondi provides a comprehensive, evidence based analysis through which
surfaces the ‘emerging order’ and a future out of the ‘chaos’ of Zimbabwe’s
controversial Fast Track Land Reform Programme.’ – Mandivamba Rukuni, Director,
The MandiRukuniSeminars
‘Refreshingly measured in
its evidence-based analysis, Matondi’s work is scholarly, non-partisan and
eschews the entrenched, dogmatic and often vested stances and positions that
have been adopted by many of the analysts of the FTLR Programme. This book not
only constitutes a valuable addition to the growing literature on the programme,
but also is a sound academic addition to the corpus of international land and
agrarian reform literature.’ Professor Rudo Gaidzanwa, dean of the Faculty of
Social Studies, University of Zimbabwe
‘The study addresses an
extraordinarily rich array of issues with economy, nuance and insight. In its
attention to the role of the civil servants and in its disaggregation of
multiple actors from the centre to the grassroots, it confronts the important
question of whether the beneficiaries of land were predominantly political
cronies. This is an exceptionally useful and intelligent response to a chaotic
and complex moment of history.’ Diana Jeater, professor of African history,
University of the West of England, Bristol
Zimbabwe Takes Back Its
Land
The news from Zimbabwe is
usually unremittingly bleak. Perhaps no issue has aroused such ire as the land
reforms in 2000, when 170,000 black farmers occupied 4,000 white farms. A decade
later, with production returning to former levels, the land reform story is a
contrast to the dominant media narratives of oppression and economic
stagnation.
Zimbabwe Takes Back it Land offers a more positive and nuanced
assessment of land reform in Zimbabwe. It does not minimize the depredations of
the Mugabe regime; indeed it stresses that the land reform was organized by
liberation war veterans acting against President Mugabe and his cronies and
their corruption. The authors show how “ordinary” Zimbabweans have taken charge
of their destinies in creative and unacknowledged ways through their use of land
holdings obtained through land reform programs.
US and European sanctions are
a key political issue today, and the book points out that sanctions are not just
against a corrupt and dictatorial elite, but also against 170,000 ordinary
farmers who now use more of the land than the white farmers they
displaced.
Table of
Contents:
Abbreviations 1) Veterans and Land 2) Starting Points 3) Land
Apartheid 4) Independence and the First Land Reform 5) Adjustment and Occupation
6) The Second Land Reform 7) Tomatoes, Maize, and Tobacco New Smallholders 9) New World of Commercial
Farming 10) Women Take Their Land 11 )Cutting Down Trees 12) Workers, Water, and
Widows 13) Conclusion: Occupied and Productive Bibliography Index
“Land and
farming rights have been the most powerful issue in Zimbabwe for over 100 years,
as I discovered when I wrote my MSc thesis on this subject in the 1960s. While
white farmers were evicted in a brutal fashion and many of Mugabe’s cronies were
the beneficiaries, this is not the whole story. This excellent book describes
how agricultural production is now returning to the level of the 1990s. If tens
of thousands of poor Zimbabwean farmers are now able to make a livelihood from
the land, some significant good will have emerged from a terrible period of
Zimbabwe’s history.” – Sir Malcolm Rifkind, MP, Former UK Defence Secretary and
Foreign Secretary
“This book provides a
panoramic assessment of the land question in Zimbabwe over the last century,
tracing how European settler land grabbing and farming was built through state
subsidies and protection against black peasants and external markets. It
examines how land reform since 1980 has reversed this trajectory of land
ownership and agrarian development, and provided live narratives on the
struggles of various classes of people to secure land and farm inputs, and gain
access to markets, while revealing their hopes and pride as new farmers.
Although it is critical about various deficiencies of the fast track land reform
process and the subsequent agrarian reforms, it represents one of the few
comprehensive renditions of the multi-faceted progressive outcomes of these
reforms, which bring life to the social transformation underway and the
challenges that remain. The authors combine various research approaches in their
investigation, with an extensive reading of the relevant literature cutting
across the ideological and political divide of the narratives, before
independence and since 2000. It is a must read for scholars and lay people
alike.” – Professor Sam Moyo, Executive Director of the African Institute for
Agrarian Studies (AIAS), Harare
The above first
appeared on Ian Scoone’s blog Zimbabweland.