Fierce jockeying for top Zanu PF posts By Foster
Dongozi
THE provinces of the ruling party will meet today to elect
holders of the four topmost senior positions in Zanu PF and members of its
central committee.
President Mugabe is the First Secretary and
President of Zanu PF and it is assumed there is no challenge to his
leadership. But interest will focus on the other three posts, one of which
will be held by a woman. Zanu PF leadership will, as a result, have to engage
in some delicate ethnic balancing if it is to avoid losing the support of
followers disgruntled at being left out of key party positions.
On
Thursday, the Politburo resolved that at least one post out of its top four
positions should be reserved for a woman. The resolution followed pressure
from the Zanu PF women's league.
After President Mugabe, the other top
posts are: two second secretaries (and vice presidents) -Vice President
Joseph Msika and the late Simon Muzenda's; and chairman of the party, John
Nkomo.
The woman widely tipped to land the top post at next month's
congress is Water Resources and Infrastructural Development Minister Joyce
Mujuru.
She would join the presidency of Zanu PF and ultimately of the
country.
Mugabe comes from Mashonaland West, while Mujuru and Msika are
from Mashonaland Central.
Msika is in the presidium representing PF
Zapu under the Unity Accord arrangement of 1987.
This would mean the
two most senior people from the old Zanu would be Zezurus.
This
scenario, party sources say, has resulted in some ethnic groups feeling
shortchanged.
Topping the list of those disgruntled are the Karangas
who feel the elevation of Mujuru to Vice President would mean that Zezurus
would perpetuate their stranglehold on the Zanu PF political
landscape.
There is a groundswell of opinion among Karangas and Manyikas
that Zezurus have had their time and the leadership should be passed on to
another ethnic group.
With the late veteran politician Eddison
Zvobgo, who was regarded as presidential material out of the picture, The
Standard understands that Karangas would be pacified if Speaker of
Parliament Emmerson Mnangagwa becomes Vice President.
But the
Politburo's Thursday meeting appear to have but not exactly dashed their
hopes.
"Vanhu vokuMashonaland West nevokuMashonaland Central vachavhotera
Zanu PF voga," fumed Maxwell Shindi from Zaka. (Let Zanu PF supporters from
Mashonaland West and Central vote for the ruling party on their
own.)
Shindi added: "The way we are being left out of the presidency will
make us start reading something into the death of General Josiah Tongogara.
The Manyikas are also not happy at being left out."
Sources within
Zanu PF, however, said Joyce Mujuru was not likely to make it as vice
president as Mugabe was aware of the implications of sidelining other ethnic
groups which have traditionally supported Zanu PF, especially the Karangas
and Manyikas.
The recommendation by the Politburo was that one of the
vice presidents be a woman. There was nothing about Joyce Mujuru being
recommended to the vice presidency. "Thenjiwe Lesabe is the most senior
woman in the Women's League and if seniority is applied, Lesabe would become
vice president, on condition that Msika is retired," said a Zanu PF senior
official.
However, Lesabe, a former Zapu stalwart can only move up to the
position of vice president if Msika agrees to retire.
Msika has
already indicated that he will not retire any time soon.
However, a
politburo member told The Standard that with Msika staying put, Lesabe could
not move up as the Unity Accord reserved only one position for Zapu in the
presidency.
"Those of us from Zapu are aware that if Msika is in the
presidency, then Lesabe cannot move up the ladder in line with the Unity
Accord," said a Bulawayo based politburo member.
Another politburo
member said contrary to some perceptions created by media reports, Mnangagwa
was not out of the race.
"The ruling party leadership only capitulated to
the women's demands to avoid losing votes ahead of next year's general
elections. Moves are already underway to ease Mnangagwa within striking
distance of the presidency of Zanu PF," he said.
Assuming Mujuru
becomes vice president and Mugabe and Msika are no longer around, it is
unlikely that the patriarchal Zanu PF leadership would allow a woman to
become president of the party.
It has also emerged that some politicians
from Masvingo, Midlands and Manicaland provinces, believing that they have
been sidelined, have formed an alliance, which is expected to register their
disapproval at being snubbed. Details of the alliance were still sketchy at
the time of going to press.
Nkomo said: "At the end of the day, we
should remain national."
Contacted for comment Msika said: "Phone me
later, I am in Mazowe."
Yesterday various provinces were tightlipped over
their preferred candidates for the Vice Presidency.
Themba Ncube, the
Zanu Provincial chairman for Bulawayo said they would meet today to decide
on which female candidate to support.
However senior members of the
Women's League were over the moon after successfully arm-twisting the main
wing.
"What we wanted was to have women recognized and we are not really
worried about which woman becomes vice president," said a member of the
women's league.
"We are not allowed to divulge any information
concerning that. Majaira vanhu veku Standard, enda unobvunza varume," said
Shuvai Mahofa, the Deputy Minister of Youth, Development, Gender and
Employment Creation. (Standard journalists you are a problem. Go and ask the
men.)
ZIMBABWE has not seen any real tourism business from China,
contrary to official claims, the head of the country's largest hospitality
company has said.
Shingi Munyeza, CEO of Zimsun Leisure Group and
president of the Zimbabwe Council for Tourism - which represents Zimbabwe's
main tourism companies -says Zimbabwe is yet to see any real rise in
arrivals from the Asian giant, nearly a year after being granted the
Approved Destination Status (ADS) by China. "Nothing of significance has
happened in terms of China, to be completely honest. None of the
requirements of ADS have been concluded. There are a lot of outstanding
issues in terms of immigration and licensing," Munyeza said.
Under ADS,
Chinese tourists can travel to the approved country at their own expense
under the organisation of Chinese travel agents.
However, ADS demands
that local operators be licensed by China, through co-operation with local
legal authorities. Tourism officials say there has not been any such contact
between the two sides. The delays on the part of Zimbabwean bureaucrats have
meant that Zimbabwe does not yet satisfy even the basic requirements to
qualify for ADS.
Munyeza spoke as Air Zimbabwe prepared for its maiden
direct flight to Beijing, scheduled for today, which government officials
say will "open the floodgates for Chinese tourists to
Zimbabwe".
However, tour operators on the ground are apparently taking a
cautious view of claims of a flood of Chinese tourists. According to
Munyeza, arrivals from China have largely come in from South Africa. Even
then, he says, the Chinese are high volume but low margin
tourists.
"The Chinese move in high numbers, but they are bad spenders,"
Munyeza said.
Instead, the Zimsun boss reported encouraging signs from
South and Western Europe, led by Spain. Munyeza attributed this to the
language barrier, which had shielded those markets from the negative media
publicity.
Chinese tourists are particularly difficult to please,
especially for an industry such as Zimbabwe's, which has been tailored for
Western visitors. Chinese tourists do not speak English, and are hardly ever
interested in local cuisine. In fact, most tour groups drag a Chinese chef
along with them. This has prompted local operators to scurry for Chinese
language lessons, which are difficult because of the vast differences in
dialects there.
Munyeza also forecast Zimbabwe's already battered
tourism industry to suffer further decline next year on renewed political
concerns. Zimbabwe will hold a general election in March, and since the
violent land seizures ahead of the 2000 poll, every subsequent election has
brought more damage to local tourism. Not even a tourism police unit has
helped ease worries over safety.
Zimsun last week reported a set of
financial results which show that Zimbabwe's tourism industry is yet to see
any of the recovery that government officials claim is in full throttle.
Room occupancy was down to 36% from 39% in the comparable season last
year.
Zimsun's resorts and hotels have rustled up 100% bookings in the
festive period from the third week of December to the first week of January.
Much of these bookings are from the domestic market.
o Concerns raised over lack of gains after release of cheap
funds
THERE are no material economic gains to show for the massive chunks
of money poured into the productive sectors of the economy early this year,
industrialists say.
In interviews with Standard Business
industrialists noted that no meaningful economic rewards had been attained
within the first year of doling out the cheap funds. They said there is
really nothing to show on the ground in terms of economic benefits. "It
is almost a year now since the unveiling of the Productive Sector Facility
but the facility is not showing in terms of economic activity," says Luckson
Zembe, president of the Zimbabwe National Chamber of Commerce
(ZNCC).
Since January the central bank has disbursed concessional
financing facilities valued at over $2 trillion to the productive sectors of
the economy. Furthermore, the Zimbabwe Development Bank is currently
disbursing an ambitious $200 billion loan facility meant to breathe life
into several companies in poor health.
"We have pumped a lot of money
into the economy but the results are really hard to come by," laments
Zembe.
Agriculture, manu-facturing, mining, transport, tourism and
construction among others have been the main sectors that benefited from the
cheap funds which are being parceled out at 50% interest while $72,64
billion has been chewed by parastatals.
"It is worrying that after
committing such enormous funds no any positive gain is there to show," says
one Harare-based industrialist who spoke anonymously. "What we are only
reaping is a build up in inflationary pressures."
The International
Monetary Fund (IMF) has previously warned Harare to put a stop on the
low-cost funds if it is to reduce out-of-control inflation currently the
highest in the region.
The ZNCC president decries the lack of indicators
such as an upstring in economic activity, creation of more jobs and
increased exports to complement the enormous funds.
"We are not
seeing that," observes Zembe.
Zembe says the economy's failure to respond
positively to the large sums of funds availed to different economic sectors
validates allegations of the abuse of the cheap funds.
"There is need
to monitor and investigate how money has been used. If it was used for its
intended purpose we should be getting the results," he said.
Zimbabwe is
in an economic freefall that is marked by regular power blackouts and acute
shortages of fuel, spare parts and new technology. In an admission of
economic weakness the government is increasingly resorting to command
economics, which were dumped by its pioneers decades ago.
The
Confederation of Zimbabwe Industries (CZI) - which groups small and
large-scale manufacturers - reports that more than 800 companies have closed
shop since 2000 citing the debilitating economic conditions. Another 25
companies are reported to be scaling down operations while eight risk
closure before the end of the year.
Zembe said enough financial
resources have been channeled towards the agricultural sector, which
government says is the backbone of the economy. Up to the end of September
the agricultural sector had absorbed $1,642 billion, about 57% of the total
disbursements under the productive sector facility.
"We have pumped
enough money into the agriculture sector," says Zembe. "It is time now we
get a return from the agriculture sector."
The industrialist also laments
the persistent scarcity of foreign currency on the central bank's auction
market, which is failing to satiate importers' growing appetite for hard
currency.
"The supply of foreign currency is barely 20% of what the
economy requires, so where do we get the other 80%," Zembe
questioned.
For many, Zanu PF Congress a non-event By Walter
Marwizi
AS the ruling party national fundraising committee goes across
the country raising billions of dollars required to finance the fourth Zanu
PF People's Congress, many people appear unconcerned about the mammoth event
expected to draw thousands of delegates to Harare.
The ruling party
has in the past made a grand show of these high profile gatherings where the
rank and file of the party membership rub shoulders with the powerful in an
informal setting. This time around, $20 billion is required to make the
congress, scheduled for 1 to 5 December, a worthwhile event for more than 10
000 delegates expected to come from all the corners of the
country.
Party followers are upbeat that the congress will be a watershed
event in that "it will send a strong message to re-elected President George
W. Bush and British Prime Minister Tony Blair that Zimbabwe will never be a
colony again."
Also, they say, a new party leadership will emerge to
spearhead the 2005 "anti-Blair" general election slated for March.
Dr
Nathan Shamuyarira, the party spokesman said last week the congress would
definitely see the election of a new party leadership.
And it is this
issue that has generated excitement among many Zanu PF politicians who want
to have a stake in choosing the person who will replace the late Vice
President Simon Muzenda.
It is generally understood in party circles that
whoever is elected Vice President will succeed President Robert Mugabe
whenever he chooses to leave office.
Officially, Mugabe's term, won
in controversial circumstances, is set to expire in 2008.
The crucial
vice presidential race has narrowed down to two candidates: Speaker of
Parliament Emmerson Mnangagwa and Water Resources and Infrastructural
Development Joyce Mujuru.
Party insiders say Mnangagwa is the favourite
of the majority of the 10 party provinces while his rival Mujuru, also a
veteran of the liberation struggle, is backed by the once powerful Women's
League.
The league has made it clear that it wants a woman to occupy that
top position and First Lady Grace Mugabe had also lent her full support for
that bid.
But while excitement in Zanu PF circles reaches its peak
less than two weeks before the Congress kicks off, The Standard found out
that ordinary people in the streets were largely unconcerned about the
five-day event.
"Do you think the appointment of any of the two
(Mnangagwa and Mujuru) will put bread on our tables?" asked 36-year-old
Laura Moyo as she waited for transport to take her to Budiriro 4 where she
lodges.
At around 8:00PM, Moyo was losing hope that she would be able to
find transport to get her home in time to find her three children
awake.
Close to her were two other elderly women who were getting
worried.
"If it gets very dark, we risk getting mugged," said one of the
women who refused to answer any questions from The Standard.
"Please
leave me alone, I have got a lot on my mind. What has Zanu PF got to do with
me?" she asked.
Close to the intersection of Mbuya Nehanda and Kwame
Nkrumah Avenue where hundreds of people were milling around in search of
transport to Norton, The Standard asked one man whether he thought his life
would be better after the Zanu PF congress?
"My brother, are you
coming from the moon? This is the same Zanu PF we have come to know over the
years. It's just their feast and it has nothing to do with me. In fact, I
don't give a hoot about it," said the man who commutes each working day to
and from Harare forking out $10 000.
He was not the only one sharing
these sentiments.
A snap survey by The Standard last week revealed that
many people felt that the Zanu PF congress was only important to followers
of the ruling party.
"There was a time when we were interested in such
events hoping that delegates could come out with practical solutions to
Zimbabwe's problems, now we know nothing meaningful comes out, so why
bother?" asked Catherine Rumhizha from Kuwadzana.
A man who claimed
that he had been following news about the congress said he had come to the
realisation that the event was of no significance to him and his
family.
"I hear apart from the elections, they want to talk about the
land. My main fear, though, is that there is nothing meaningful that will
come out of those discussions. A new Vice President will not make any
difference as long as Mugabe is in charge of the country. What we need is
change of the status quo and anything short of that is meaningless," he
said.
Govt orders Bulawayo to eavesdrop on NGOs By our own
Staff
BULAWAYO- The government has ordered the city council to monitor
activities of Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) operating in Bulawayo
and its outskirts, The Standard can reveal.
Latest minutes of council
meetings show that last month the government ordered the Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) dominated city council to monitor and supervise all
the activities of NGOs in the city. The directive came through the Ministry
of Public Service, Labour and Social Welfare and was apparently triggered by
NGOs operating in Bulawayo without what the Ministry deems "proper
supervision".
However, Bulawayo councillors rejected the government
directive saying the local authority had no money for such an exercise. The
city fathers felt that the monitoring and supervision of activities of NGOs
would gobble up millions of dollars.
Bulawayo executive mayor, Japhet
Ndabeni-Ncube, told The Standard they could only provide government with a
list of NGOs and international food donor agencies working in the
area.
"This (monitoring of NGOs) is an expensive exercise, but as a local
authority under the government command, we shall compile a list of NGOs and
international donor agencies operating in Bulawayo and the surrounding areas
and submit them to the government," Ndabeni-Ncube said.
MATABELELAND
South had no Zimbabwe Broadcasting Holding transmission from Friday after
the ZESA Holdings cut off power supplies due to no payment of
debts.
Sources at the state run broadcaster told The Standard they
did not have exact figures at hand but noted ZBH owed Zesa several millions
of dollars. "There was a dispute between the subsidiaries of ZBH over who
would be responsible for the debt prompting the power utility to cut off
supplies to the transmitters."
Since Friday until yesterday evening,
the region could not receive signal from the television and the various
radio stations.
Rino Zhuwarara, the executive chairman of ZBH could not
be reached for comment. His phone was constantly unavailable.
Zesa
officials were also not available to shed light on the size of
debt.
Sources however said things were not well at ZBH, even after the
government assumed most of its debts.
SENIOR Assistant
Commissioner Rudo Muchemenyi has resigned from the Zimbabwe Republic Police
(ZRP).
Muchemenyi has worked in a number of provinces around the country
and by the time she left she was the officer commanding Matabeleland
North. On Friday, Muchemenyi declined to shed light on reasons for her
resignation. "I cannot comment," she said before switching off her mobile
phone.
Police spokesperson Assistant Commissioner Wayne Bvudzijena said
the matter was a personal one. "I don't think we can discuss that since this
is a personal issue. Why don't you talk to Muchemenyi and get her own side
of the story? I think we will have to talk about that when the time comes,
she might change her mind and decide not to retire," Bvudzijena
said.
He added that there was nothing wrong with someone retiring when
they feel they want to do so.
Tsvangirai invited to visit 22 countries By Foster
Dongozi
MORGAN Tsvangirai the president of the Movement for Democratic
Change, has been invited to visit 22 countries, since his acquittal in
October, MDC spokesperson, Paul Themba Nyathi has said.
Speaking in
an interview with The Standard, Nyathi said: "The MDC president has up to
now been invited by 22 heads of State and governments to visit their
countries so that they can get a clearer understanding of the crisis in
Zimbabwe. "He has been going through the list of invitations to see which
countries would enhance the programme of Zimbabwe and the MDC if he visits
them."
Nyathi said contrary to reports being peddled by some sections of
the media, the opposition party did not request to be hosted by the foreign
heads of State and government.
"The Zanu PF government is obviously
very worried and jittery because of the success of the MDC forays in Africa.
African leaders are now aware that the problem in Zimbabwe is a crisis of
governance which has seen the emergence of black-on-black
violence."
He said African leaders were also coming to the realization
that ambitious developmental programmes such as the New Partnership for
Africa's Development (NEPAD) could not be implemented as the Zimbabwean
crisis was proving an obstacle.
"For example, SADC and EU meetings
cannot take place because of the Zimbabwean crisis. However, because of the
meetings being held with fellow African countries, Zanu PF can no longer
claim sole ownership of African solidarity based on the false claims of
brotherly/sisterly solidarity of being the only custodians of African
values."
Nyathi said they had received information there were plans to
confiscate Tsvangirai's passport when he returns. It was not immediately
possible to independently verify Nyathi's statement by the time of going to
print.
"We know of plans to use the second treason trial as an excuse for
taking our president's passport but this would only confirm that Zimbabwe
has become a delinquent state where there is no rule of
law."
Tsvangirai has been away for more than two weeks during which he
embarked on a whirlwind tour of West African states.
This saw the
former trade unionist visiting Ghana, Burkina Faso and Nigeria.
He
followed this up with a visit to Botswana.
The MDC leader has already
been to Mauritius and South Africa.
Tsvangirai is on the final leg of his
diplomatic onslaught, which has taken him to the Scandinavian countries and
will see him visiting Sweden and Norway before returning home this
week.
"As you may know, Sweden and Norway were some of the countries
which supported the ushering in of democracy in Zimbabwe during the
liberation struggle and they have to synchronize with other African states
on the Zimbabwean crisis," Nyathi said.
Mohadi threatens Mbedzi as battle for Beitbridge hots
up By Savious Kwinika
BEITBRIDGE - The Minister of Home Affairs and
Beitbridge Member of Parliament, Kembo Mohadi has threatened to bar rallies
organized by his political rival, Bulawayo acting Provincial Administrator
Edson Mbedzi if he continues "peddling lies" that he had a hand in his
(Mbedzi's) recent arrest, The Standard can reveal.
Mohadi, who
has been quiet all along, broke his silence recently and threatened to
descend heavily on the Bulawayo acting provincial
administrator.
Mohadi told The Standard that there was no reason why
he should begrudge Mbedzi whose ascendancy into politics he
helped.
"If Mbedzi alleges that I engineered his arrest, then I will be
left with no other choice but to instruct police to bar all of his political
rallies in Beitbridge.
Mohadi said since he became the MP for
Beitbridge in 1985, he had always accepted challenges by other people
aspiring to become legislators in the same constituency.
"So what is
peculiar about Mbedzi's case?" asked Mohadi.
Mohadi said he helped Mbedzi
transfer from Lupane district in Matabeleland North to Beitbridge, where he
became the district administrator. If he had bad feelings about him he could
have seen no reason to assist.
Asked whether he would stand in the 2005
parliamentary election, Mohadi said people were yet to tell him to step
down, implying that they still wanted him.
"As a party cadre, I am
yet to campaign because the party has not declared election campaign open.
So I wonder what drives Mbedzi to start campaigning now when the party is
yet to finalize party primary election dates," Mohadi said.
Mbedzi, a
former freedom fighter, has defied all odds and gone ahead, launching his
election campaign at Chituripasi Business Centre some 80 kilometres east of
Beitbridge, despite fresh allegations of corruptionlevelled against
him.
Thousands of people including 14 local village heads, Chief Mathide,
Beitbridge Zanu PF district leadership and the Matabeleland South war
veterans' provincial council graced Mbedzi's rally.
Mbedzi is seeking
to unseat the Minister of Home Affairs, who has been the MP for Beitbridge
since 1985.
But since Mbedzi announced his intention to contest in the
2005 parliamentary election on a Zanu PF ticket, it has not been smooth
sailing for him.
Police hauled him before the courts on corruption
charges, but Bulawayo High court judge, Justice Caesar Rukobo dismissed the
allegations for lack of substance.
Detective Inspector Elphas Nhire,
the senior investigating officer dealing with Mbedzi's case, openly admitted
before the courts that the order to arrest the acting provincial
administrator had come from the "head office" in Harare.
Mbedzi is
suing Mohadi for $1 billion after his acquittal.
However, police have
opened a fresh docket on similar charges arguing that Mbedzi corruptly
utilized the services of District Development Fund (DDF) without paying for
services provided. The allegation is widely viewed as politically
motivated.
Mbedzi told The Standard he had nothing to be afraid of hence
his interest in the Beitbridge parliamentary seat.
War veterans accused of vandalising boreholes By Savious
Kwinika
LUPANE - Suspected Zanu PF supporters and war veterans in Lupane
district, Matabeleland North, are allegedly vandalising water pipes and
bore-hole equipment in villages believed to be strongholds for the
opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), The Standard has
learnt.
As a result of the rampant theft of water pipes and illegal
removal of borehole equipment, hundreds of villagers in Maqaqeni, Siziphili,
Jibajiba and Bhelabantu communal lands, are competing with livestock for
unsafe drinking water from nearby Bubi River. During a visit to Maqaqeni
communal lands by The Standard last week found that villagers from this
remote part of the country travel distances of between 10-to-12 kilometres
to fetch drinking water from unprotected sources.
Pregnant women and
children could be seen extracting water from the riverbeds where the water
table is receding.
Ethel Lunga (36) of Maqaqeni village said the entire
community had been struggling for reliable water sources for the past three
months and that the situation was fast deteriorating since rivers were
drying up.
She said the local authority, and the District Development
Fund (DDF) were not replacing the stolen and vandalised property. "It's so
painful. We wake up early at four in the morning and start queuing for
water. If you arrive around 5AM you will not find anything," Lunga
said.
Women and children, who travel long distances to fetch water, were
the most affected.
In some cases, she said, the Zanu PF supporters
could be seen bringing in their livestock to compete for drinking water with
the villagers.
"Drinking water dries up as early as 8AM forcing villagers
to hope and wait for more of the precious liquid. We appeal to the NGOs to
come and sink boreholes for us," she said.
Echoing the same
sentiments was a 19-year-old pregnant woman, Simangele Tshuma, who
castigated the authorities for not taking care of their plight,
"Water
and politics should not be mixed. Whether one is Zapu, MDC or Zanu PF, at
the end of the day he or she needs drinking water in order to survive. Water
is crucial for human life in terms of bathing, drinking, irrigation and for
construction purposes but we are denied that right," Tshuma said.
MDC
candidate for Lupane constituency, Njabuliso Mguni, said he was aware that
some Zanu PF officials were instructing their supporters and suspected war
veterans to vandalise borehole equipment in the rural areas believed to be
MDC strongholds.
"Zanu PF has no respected for human life at all.
Development should be there for everybody in Zimbabwe regardless of one's
political affiliation," Mguni said.
MUTARE -THE British government does not support the opposition
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) Rod Pullen, the new British ambassador
to Zimbabwe, said here last week.
"It is for the people of Zimbabwe
themselves to determine who should be their next government. But, it is
important that they are able to express their wishes freely and fairly, and
without fear of intimidation or reprisals." Dr Pullen, who was in the
city for a two-day road show in Mutare, said the current economic conditions
in Zimbabwe were not a result of any action by the international
community.
"There are no general economic sanctions against Zimbabwe, or
the people of Zimbabwe, by Britain, or the European Union.
"What all
member states of EU have agreed are targeted measures against a limited
number of named individuals - no more than that," he said.
Zimbabwe, he
said, had not embraced the ideas of economic reform and political
development taking place elsewhere on the continent.
Countries on the
continent such as Nigeria, Tanzania, Ghana and Kenya had already embraced
reforms.
"Equally, closer to home, elections are imminent in Mozambique
and in Namibia, where the current Heads of State have come to the end of
their terms of office and are not seeking re-election.
"All this must
inevitably determine the approach of the broader international community,
including the UK, towards relations with Zimbabwe," he said.
The
ambassador said many people in Zimbabwe misconstrued British policy towards
this country.
"Britain is not looking to re-colonise Zimbabwe, nor to
impose its own ideas. We recognise the need for all countries and people to
develop in a way that reflects their own culture and history," Dr Pullen
said.
He said Zimbabwe like any member of the United Nations which signed
up relevant agreements and covenants, should realise that there were certain
values that were universal.
Meanwhile, the British Embassy through
the Small Grants Scheme, (SGS) donated $70 million in medical equipment for
the Mutare City Council's Sakubva Infectious Diseases Hospital.
SEVERAL teachers in Mashonaland Central Province and Bulawayo have
not received their salaries for the past two months after they took part in
a failed job action last month, The Standard has established.
Sources
said the Salaries Services Bureau (SSB) issued directives to banks to put
the teachers' salaries on hold following instructions from the Public
Service Commission. The Zimbabwe Teachers' Association (Zimta) called the
strike. It began on 15 October but was abandoned three days later.
A
teacher from Bulawayo said: "We had our pay slips last month but we could
not access the money."
He told The Standard that most of the affected
teachers had not received any correspondence from the Ministry of Education,
Sports and Culture.
"We do not know our fate. Not a single teacher has
received an explanation from the Ministry since last month," said the
teacher, speaking on condition of anonymity.
"This month our names
are not even appearing on the pay roll and I don't know what that means.
They deliberately ignored us so that the examinations would go smoothly," he
said.
Another teacher said they were struggling to survive given the
harsh economic conditions.
"You can not imagine anyone going for two
months without a salary these days. We are suffering. We do not even know
whether we are on suspension or we have been expelled," she
said.
Dennis Sinyolo, the secretary general of Zimta, said he was aware
that some of their members had their salaries withheld.
"We are aware
that their salaries were actually withdrawn because they were alleged to
have gone on strike. The move is clearly against the laws of this country
and the international labour standards. We hope the problem will be resolved
soon," Sinyolo said.
The PSC, he said, as a government institution should
operate according to the laws of this country and explain the
matter.
"We are currently holding some negotiations with the PSC and we
hope they will be fruitful. Some of the affected teachers might have been
away for only a few hours and I don't think that should lead to the whole
salary being withheld," he said adding that it would be unfortunate if the
matter were to end up in the courts.
The PSC could not comment last
week, however insiders said the decision to withhold the salaries was passed
by the PSC after some investigations.
Efforts to get a comment from the
SSB proved fruitless as the Deputy Paymaster a Mr Chitambara, who is
supposed to talk to the press, was not available.
Teachers are among
the lowest paid professionals, with a basic salary of only $670 000 a
month.
AN emergency Zanu PF politburo meeting last Thursday has set
off a train of events that will unfold for a very long time to come.
Speculation about succession to President Robert Mugabe has once again been
ignited not only within the ruling party itself but also within the
Zimbabwean society at large.
The factual position that emerged from
the meeting is clear but it is the interpretations of that position that are
running riot. Battle lines have been drawn and these are being played out
not only in the media but also in homes, workplaces and wherever people
gather to socialise and exchange views and opinions. Against this
background, it is important for the media to avoid being used by one camp or
another for that game plan. It is crucial for the media to have a rounded
view of what is happening rather than a one-sided view of things. We must
refrain from presenting people's opinions as facts and celebrating fictions
existing only in the minds of us fellas in the media.
It is one thing to
reflect accurately what has happened on the ground. It is quite another to
be used by different factions within Zanu PF to push the agendas of these
factions. We, as the media, must be alive to this fact. Let the debate rage
on but let us reflect the different positions in their totality and not get
caught up in the celebratory mode of one faction or the other.
There
is no doubt that we are entering a very interesting period and for many
within Zanu PF, it is a very painful one at the moment. Unexpected things
are going to happen at an individual level. Change is the only constant
thing in life - in addition, of course, to death and taxes.
Some senior
people will fall by the way side. New people will emerge while others will
be elevated to join the presidency. This is what democracy is all
about.
Elsewhere in this particular issue of our newspaper, we have
presented a number of likely scenarios as the jockeying for positions hots
up within the ruling party. We will not have long to wait as today all the
provinces will be sitting as an Election Directorate to choose the top four
posts in Zanu PF and members of the Central Committee.
The top four
positions include the party's President and First Secretary which, it is a
foregone conclusion, wil be taken by President Robert Mugabe, two
vice-presidents, one of whom has to be a woman and the national chairman of
the party. Election of members of the Central Committee will be a mere
routine exercise. It is the four top positions minus that of the President
and First Secretary that supporters of the ruling party will be eagerly
waiting for the outcome.
Names that are being touted include those of
Emmerson Mnangagwa, Tenjiwe Lesabe, Joyce Mujuru, Didymus Mutasa and Patrick
Chinamasa in addition to the sitting incumbents Vice-president Joseph Msika
and national chairman, John Nkomo.
But let us be warned. In the game
of politics, nothing can ever be taken for granted. Things rarely move in a
straight line, and often, what appears to be may not be at all. Shifting
positions constantly cannot be avoided. That is why it is important for the
media not to allow itsself to be torn between factions. This should be
strictly left to the politicians themselves.
The media must report facts
as they see them. There is so much interest in Zanu PF ahead of its Congress
next month because it is the party that is in Government. This is natural
and to be expected.
But it is important for the media to keep things in
perspective. We must not report on these developments as if the country will
be transformed overnight. For most Zimbabweans, life will not change just
because Parliamentary Speaker Emmerson Mnangagwa or Minister Joyce Mujuru
has ascended to the Vice Presidency of the ruling Zanu PF party. These are
fights within a family and they must be seen as such.
As ordinary
Zimbabweans have said elsewhere in this issue, all this fighting for
positions will not put food on their tables or make available affordable
transport to enable them to travel to and from work in good time. This is
the crux of the matter. It is suffer continue.
What most Zimbabweans
are looking forward to are major improvements in the quality of their lives,
and the identity of who is elected to the hot seat will not matter much.
This is the fundamental lesson that is being lost to both the media and the
ruling Zanu PF party.
There is a lot of personality politics that passes
for debate or no debate in our various media. Is it not strange that the
State-owned media has remained mum about the Politburo meeting, which to all
intents and purposes has been a major event this week?
Perhaps it is
not surprising after all given the fact that parameters of what they publish
or air are set by the junior Minister of State for Information and
Publicity, Jonathan Moyo. This underscores the tragedy of our
times.
Be that as it may, our parting shot with the media is that in our
reportage, let us remain above the different levels of intrigue and
factional shenanigans within Zanu PF.
The real truth frees us but
then it is freedom which enables us to speak the truth and not mislead the
public by speculations of sorts. The importance of striking a balance in the
way we report all factions cannot be over-emphasised.
What is crucial
at the end of the day is what is in it for all Zimbabweans rather than
fuelling wars within the ruling party - wars which produce neither
appreciation nor understanding of what it all means for the long-suffering
Zimbabweans.
Amazing tales from Freedonia overthetop By Own
Correspondent
AFTER months of celebrating the great revolution, we
discovered that the seed and livestock producers were unable to provide for
the next phase of Chamupupuri (the whirlwind).
One of the senior
leaders of the revolution went up in a flying machine. He said he was
surveying the state of the revolutionary fervour throughout the country.
When he descended, he declared a bumper harvest would be experienced - one
similar to the years following the defeat of the former oppressors. When
a frail old man asked how it could be when the country had no seed because
the growers had been chased from their land, their farms looted, the seed
they grew confiscated and the cattle they reared slaughtered to accompany
the celebrations of victory over the return of the land to the people, he
was denounced.
The senior leader of the revolution said the man was an
agent of the oppressors, who had been defeated. In fact, he doubted if the
man was one of us. The suggestion was that he was indeed one of the former
oppressors posing incognito as one of us!
News from the seat of
power, the Great House, trumpeted the achievements of the revolution and how
people now had the power and were able to parade the exploits of their
achievements at working the land.Somehow we never saw the real results. When
we went into the stores, they told us they ordered the staple pap, but no
one seemed to tell us when it would be delivered, even though the country
was said to have produced a bumper crop.
When our relatives travelled
into the towns from the rural areas they would bring with them buckets of
grain, but these would be confiscated. They were informed that they were
trying to sabotage the gains of the revolution by importing grain into towns
because the country had produced a bumper crop, and there was no reason to
deprive the people in the rural areas - the very people who were supposed to
have grain pouring out of their ears.
The great oracle announced from the
high mountain that the consistent leader had decreed it was patriotic to
consume less of the staple pap. The reason, we were told, was the nation
should remain alert because the former oppressors were busy plotting to come
back in order to reverse the gains that had been achieved. Indulging too
much in the staple caused fatigue and consequently people tended to let down
their guard!
The enemy, we were cautioned, was working overtime. The
transport problems, which left many Freedonians spending more time in queues
than they did at home and work combined, were the work of the former
oppressors. The former oppressors were waylaying Freedoina's supplies on the
high seas and when that did not work, the former oppressors, or their
surrogates - who were the most vocal supporters of the revolution - were
busy stealing the payments Freedonia made for the supplies it needed to oil
its business and industry.
The former oppressors are cunning indeed. They
were busy all over the world spreading the rumours that Freedonians did not
have enough to eat and that many would starve. Friends of Freedoinia were
asked to persuade it to allow foreign shipments of the staple pap into the
country.
Our revolutionary leadership have been resisting. They say that
this is the most dangerous and covert action to come from the former
oppressors. The food has been tampered with and will cause Freedonians to
forget who they really are and what is good for them.
So in defence
of the revolution, the countryside will be deemed off limits to most people
except card-carrying members of the revolutionary party. Any gatherings in
the countryside will now be at the discretion of the revolutionary party's
political commissars, who have been supplied with vehicles to ensure that
they are mobile and capable of policing any underground activities
reactionaries and agents of the former oppressors may be planning.
TAKURA
Zhangazha writes under the banner headline "Challenging Chombo's undue
influence" (Opinion, October 17, 2004). As a member of the residents'
movement for the last six years and an office bearer of the Combined Harare
Residents Association (CHRA) since 1999, I can comment from experience on
many of the problems that he raises.
Historically local government
has always been regarded as an extension of central government and the
concept of local democracy has seldom been discussed let alone
implemented. Zhangazha correctly although reluctantly acknowledges that
everything is political. Of course it is. Politics is essentially the
process that determines 'who gets what'. Local issues are no less political
than national issues and while everyone is affected by issues of water,
refuse, sewerage, etc, it is obvious that different people have different
ideas about addressing the problems.
The issues are not only
technical: whether your road or mine is repaired is an archetypal political
decision. In an ideal situation, such a decision would be made primarily on
technical grounds (road usage, age, etc) but it would still be a political
decision. I think Zhangazha conflates two distinct phenomena: 'political
process' and 'partisan politics'.
The water crisis is a political crisis.
The failure of successive councils to invest adequate capital and
maintenance in the provision of potable water was a political decision to
use resources elsewhere and to live off the fat of the land, leaving the
inevitable crisis to future councils to sort out.
Harare is inundated
with garbage. Far from being a question solely of money or fuel, the failure
of council to ensure refuse collection is again a political decision. The
ill-conceived and poorly-executed privatisation of refuse services which saw
the awarding of contracts to political heavyweights was a political decision
which took service delivery away from a public body and placed it in the
hands of profit-driven unaccountable private companies.
These
problems arise essentially because of the failure of our political system.
Instead of moaning about the symptoms of our problems, CHRA chose to focus
on the cause of our problems and to address questions of democracy,
legitimacy, accountability and transparency. While most people don't wish to
consider these so-called abstract concepts, such principles are at the very
core of 'good governance'. Without them, council will be inefficient and
will continue to exist primarily to serve the regime at our
expense.
Those who call CHRA too political fail to understand our
position and would rather see our energies going into symptom patching. We
will not become accomplices to a fraudulent and corrupt system however and
will continue to highlight the serious political, institutional and
structural causes of our plight.
This is a reality that we must
accept unless we are committed to quixotic delusions. The problems arise
from an opaque and corrupt process which excludes the residents and imposes
decisions that cannot be challenged. This can only be solved through a new
political culture that not only permits the participation of residents but
demands it. Transparency and accountability are prerequisites of any
acceptable system. Such a culture can only develop through cultural change
enhanced by legislative and structural frameworks. We must therefore examine
our current political economic and social reality.
The Urban Councils Act
of 1996 which gave rise to directly elected executive mayors is fatally
flawed. While minimal elements of democratic participation appear to be
incorporated in the Act (direct elections and the ability to object to
budget proposals), that alarming word "notwithstanding" appears 28 times in
the legislation, thoroughly negating such elements and placing absolute
power in the hands of central government.
While the provision for the
election of councillors and an executive mayor would seem to allow
implicitly for non-ruling party members to be elected at local level, one
must remember that when the bill was enacted, Zanu PF believed that it would
rule in perpetuity and the very idea of a meaningful opposition would have
been dismissed out of hand. The drafters of the bill obviously had no
conception of the potential conflicts that would arise from such faulty
legislation and were working on the assumption that the de facto one-party
state prevailing since 1987 would not disappear.
So we have an entrenched
arrogance by the holders of state power that prevents any movement to a
decentralised participatory democratic dispensation. The idea of autonomous
councils implementing the mandate of residents bestowed through free and
fair elections is frankly laughable under this centralist nightmare foisted
upon us by this rogue regime. This is the political obstacle we have to
overcome before we can progress.
We must also consider the socio-economic
realities of Harare to understand people's motivations and the social
dynamics of the city. Some years ago CHRA carried out a survey of residents'
perceptions to provide an objective guide to our activities. It was clear
from the results of the survey that the great majority of residents did not
regard themselves as permanent citizens of the city and that their primary
allegiances lie kumusha.
Ask the people you meet where their homes are
and usually the answer will be Bikita or Murewa or Murambinda, etc, and
seldom Kuwadzana or Glen View or any of our suburbs. This is a fundamental
problem since people prefer, understandably to invest their resources in
developing their homes. If they are only migrant workers in the city, they
will reap what they can and send any surplus 'back home'. As late as the
mid-fifties, most residents of Harare were technically 'foreigners'; whites
or migrant workers from Mozambique or Malawi.
I would argue that most
residents continue to be foreigners, albeit internal, and until we have
indigenous Hararians with no other loyalties, we will not see the civic
consciousness that characterises Bulawayo for instance. This is essential if
we are to see a broad-based commitment to the well-being of our
city.
Zhangazha states that "there is a subtle if sometimes non-existent
discontent with the Chombo sanctioned remnants at Town House". This
dissatisfaction does not develop into a critique let alone action but
remains at a semi-conscious level, rationalised away by any number of
self-serving delusions. CHRA has on many occasions sought to articulate the
concerns of residents and to seek solutions.
We have been successful
in some areas but we have failed in the essential business of getting
residents to commit their energy to the well-being of the city. Most people
do not want to know since they would then have to think and, God forbid.,
even take a stand!
In view of the massive growth in Harare's population
caused by rural poverty and exacerbated by ill-conceived 'land reforms', it
is unlikely that the current situation will change. Harare will continue to
be inhabited by those who only want to make a quick buck and get out, to use
and abuse our facilities while giving nothing back to society. Nearly every
aspect of city life bears the scars of this abuse.
From collapsing
council health and education facilities to the litter on the streets to the
theft of street lights and signs to non-payment of rates by chefs and
others, Harare is being sucked dry by parasites who take advantage of the
breakdown in law and order to rip off whatever they want in pursuit of
private profit at the expense of the public good, confident that they will
never be caught, let alone prosecuted.
For the foreseeable future, the
residents' movement will be driven by a vanguard of residents who have the
vision for and commitment to our city. At some point in the future we may
see mass membership develop and a legislative framework installed to give
recognition and power to residents associations but certainly not under this
regime! Personally I would like to see statutory associations created in
every ward funded through rates with automatic membership for legitimate
residents who then have sole or cheaper access to council
facilities.
CHRA believes that people should have control over their
lives and environments. We are committed to decentralised local government
structures that function independently of central government control. By
clearly defining responsibilities, conflict with central authorities should
be reduced and a myriad of living arrangements encouraged to develop.
Contrary to nationalist mythology, it is not through trumpeting fake unity
(of the "Now we are united, shut up and do what I tell you" type) but
through embracing diversity that we will achieve the social maturity that
allows for pluralism, debate and progress.
oMichael Davies is the
chairperson Combined Harare Residents Association
I don't share Tsvangirai's optimism Sundaytalk with Pius
Wakatama
I RECENTLY read of how the national trade union organisation in
Nigeria threatened to stage a nation-wide strike over the increased cost of
petrol. The move would have brought that country's commerce and industry to
a stand still, which would have affected the economy
negatively.
Seeing that such action would be problematic for the
government, as it would affect the well being of ordinary Nigerians the
government called in the trade unionists for dialogue. After heated
negotiations the government offered to decrease the price ofpetrol by 5
percent. The trade unionists accepted the offer and the strike action was
averted. The government was not happy to move from what they thought was an
economically reasonable price for petrol. The trade union organisation was
also not entirely happy because the government did not agree to the price,
which they thought was economically reasonable. But, that is what democracy
is all about. It is about tolerance, understanding and balancing opposing
views through compromise.
After an agreement was signed the trade
unionists and government officials shook hands over the deal and life
returned to normal.
Would what recently happened in Olusegun Obasanjo's
Nigeria happen today in Robert Mugabe's Zimbabwe? I think not. After
independence in 1980 Zimbabwean workers expected the new political
dispensation to usher in better wages and better working conditions
throughout the country as Zanu PF had promised during its election campaign.
On the eve of independence Prime Minister Robert Mugabe had himself promised
that basic wages and working conditions of blacks and whites were going to
be the same. Workers, who had suffered so much discrimination under
successive white governments, were delighted.
The workers wanted
immediate redress and were rather impatient. Managers, who were mostly
white, were not in a hurry to effect meaningful change. To them it was
business as usual. After several failed negotiations workers decided to take
strike action.
According to Brian Raftopoulos and Lloyd Sachikonye in
their book, Striking Back: "The strikes posed a direct challenge to the
untested governing abilities of Zanu PF and threatened to disrupt the
fragile stability of the productive sector. The state's immediate response
was to appeal to workers not to disrupt the political economy and to refrain
from placing undue pressure on the new government. This was accompanied by a
political position, which dismissed labour militancy as a threat to
nationalism and the gains of the national struggle to which Zanu PF alleged,
the labour movement was marginal.
"Soon the government turned to more
concrete threats and repressive action. In May 1980, Labour Minister
Kumbirai Kangai, sent in police to break up 1 000 striking transport workers
after warning them: "I will crack my whip if they do not go back to work. If
this appeal is not heeded and the workers persist in continuing with
strikes, then government will take whatever action is necessary to ensure
that the country as a whole does not suffer."
From this time on the
relationship between the government and the trade union movement became
confrontational. Labour Minister John Nkomo at one time threatened to
deregister the labour umbrella organisation, the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade
Unions (ZCTU) but was prevented from doing so by a High Court
order.
The relationship between the government and the labour movement
continued to deteriorate and can at best be described as a running battle.
Workers organised strike after strike and each time the government moved in
with the full force of the police and the army. Striking or demonstrating
workers were beaten up and arrested.
As time went on the economy
started to decline due to ineptitude and corruption in government. The
negative effects of the Structural Adjustment Programme added to the
suffering of the masses as inflation and retrenchments took their toll. In
1999 workers concluded that the real solution to their problems and the
problems of the masses was political. They therefore decided to form a
political party to challenge Zanu PF at the polls. This was how the Movement
for Democratic Change (MDC) was born.
Gibson Sibanda, President of the
ZCTU, expressed the workers feelings at the launch of the MDC at Rufaro
Stadium in Harare. He said: "For how long shall we wait for the biblical
Moses to deliver us. When Zimbabweans are poorer today than they were in
1980, is that not a crime against humanity? When 12.5 million landless
peasants and workers cry for food and water, is that not a crime against
humanity? Throughout history, from deep within our culture, there are times
when people take back the power they have entrusted to their leaders,
demonstrating firmly that power comes only from the people, and entrust that
power to new leaders. Today we are here to fulfil a promise because in 1980
we removed the Union Jack here, so we are here to remove the Zanu PF
government."
As the MDC grew in popularity and almost swept the seats in
the 2000 general elections, Zanu PF went berserk. We all know of the
violence, rape and murder unleashed on MDC supporters and their leaders.
This was accompanied by a host of repressive laws, which now make it almost
impossible for the MDC to function as a legitimate political party. The
onslaught is still in full swing.
The MDC was labelled a puppet of
the British being used by Prime Minister Tony Blair to destabilise and
recolonise Zimbabwe. Just last week Patrick Chinamasa, the Minister of
Justice was frothing at the mouth in Parliament. He called Morgan
Tsvangirai, leader of the MDC, "public enemy number one". Anyone who does
not support Zanu PF is labelled "unpatriotic" and "sell out".
I was
thrilled to read about Tsvangirai's successful diplomatic foray into Africa
and Europe. I chortled with glee to hear that President Obasanjo of Nigeria,
the present chairman of the African Union gave him the red carpet treatment.
That battle is won, I think, but the real one is at home.
The Daily
Mirror of 18 November reports Tsvangirai as saying sustained pressure by the
electorate would result in free and fair elections next year as the curtain
of repression was slowly drawn back due to the bravery of MDC
members.
I don't share his optimism. Zanu PF history clearly shows
that next year's elections will not be free and fair unless a miracle
happens. Zanu PF cannot change just like that. The struggle is just
beginning. The MDC should forget about next year's elections and mobilise
for non-violent civil action. Tsvangirai will need the resolution and
courage of Mahatma Ghandi or Martin Luther King Junior in order to lead
Zimbabwe to real freedom.
By Staff
Reporter Last updated: 11/22/2004 10:46:44 THE race for Tsholotsho hit a
topsy-turvy highway after two Zanu PF cabinet ministers from different
factions were elected to represent the party in next year's parliamentary
elections.
Hundreds of people including cabinet ministers, and top
provincial and district officials descended on rural Tsholotsho for two
separate meetings, pitting Zanu PF spin doctor, Jonathan Moyo and party
chairman John Nkomo.
In what has been described as a clear sign of deep
divisions, the two party heavyweights were each nominated and selected
unanimously by two sets of supporters, the independent SW Radio Africa
reported.
The ultimate prize for Moyo and Nkomo would be the fight to get
approval from the party. Only one of them will eventually be the party
candidate.
It's believed this is when the real fight between the two will
begin. But for now, it was all confusion in the district as both politicians
used unorthodox methods to gain ground over each other.
Usually all
aspiring candidates go through party primaries, but it is unlikely this will
hapern in Tsholotsho.
RESERVE BANK GOVERNOR FACILITATED ILLEGAL FOREX DEALS, COURT
TOLD Mon 22 November 2004 JOHANNESBURG - A South African lawyer has
accused Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe governor Gideon Gono of personally
facilitating the deal which saw jailed Zimbabwe Finance Minister, Chris
Kuruneri, buy properties worth million of rands here.
Lorenzo
Bruttomesso, who is representing Kuruneri, last week told the Cape Town
Magistrate's Court that Gono had personally facilitated the deal while he
was still chief executive officer of the partly state-owned Commercial Bank
of Zimbabwe.
Bruttomesso also claimed Gono had assured him that
Kuruneri's funds were legitimate. Kuruneri, who has been awaiting trial in
remand prison for the last seven months, was arrested in April for allegedly
externalising 5.2 million rands, 34 371 pounds, 30 000 euros and US$582
611.99 without government authority.
The court hearing in Cape
Town followed requests by the Zimbabwean authorities to their South African
counterparts to help investigate Kuruneri's financial activities in South
Africa.
Kuruneri has denied he illegally externalised foreign
currency from Zimbabwe saying the money he used to buy a mansion in Cape
Town and other properties here was raised through consultancy work he did
outside the country.
He was arrested as part of the
government's anti-corruption campaign which saw several other top business
executives fleeing the country. - ZimOnline
ZANU PF women's wing to nominate Mujuru for
vice-presidency Mon 22 November 2004
HARARE - The ruling ZANU PF
party's women's league meets tomorrow to formally nominate Water Resources
Minister, Joyce Mujuru, to the vacant post of party vice-president bringing
her in line to succeed party and state President Robert Mugabe.
If Mujuru's nomination as ZANU PF's second vice-president is approved at a
critical party congress in December, Mugabe will then automatically appoint
her Zimbabwe's second vice-president.
With the other party and
state vice-president, Joseph Msika, expected to retire at the same time with
Mugabe in about three years, ZANU PF insiders insist Mujuru would be
virtually assured of succeeding Mugabe as party and possibly national
president.
Confirming tomorrow's meeting, a senior member of the
league's national executive yesterday told ZimOnline: "Yes it is true that
the national executive will meet on Tuesday to formally nominate our
candidate (Mujuru) for the post.
"We are currently working on
the logistics and we have agreed to meet this week before the congress to
implement the politburo's position. This is important for women in
Zimbabwe."
An emergency meeting of ZANU PF's decision-making
Politburo called by Mugabe last Wednesday agreed to requests by the party's
women's wing that a woman be appointed to replace the late Simon Muzenda as
the other vice-president of the party.
Mujuru, who has remained
tight-lipped since ZANU PF's powerful women's wing declared they wanted her
appointed vice-president, could not be reached for comment on the matter
yesterday. ZANU PF spokesman Nathan Shamuyarira was also not reachable
yesterday.
The emergence of Mujuru as a front-runner to take the
vice-president's post has thrown into disarray ZANU PF secretary for
administration and Speaker of Zimbabwe's Parliament, Emmerson Mnangagwa's
bid to take the position as a stepping stone to the presidency.
Long-viewed as Mugabe's preferred choice, Mnangagwa's political star seems
to be fading amid reports he has fallen out with Mugabe because of his
alleged involvement in various corruption scandals.
Former
party administration secretary Didymus Mutasa, is the other aspirant for the
vice-president's job. - ZimOnline
Death robs MDC of one more seat Mon 22 November
2004
HARARE - Zimbabwe's main opposition Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) party now controls 50 seats in the 150-seat Parliament
following the death on Friday of its legislator for Mkoba constituency,
Bethel Makwembere.
The ruling ZANU PF party controls 97 seats and
another smaller opposition party holds one seat.
ZANU PF could
easily win a by-election to replace Makwembere in Mkoba if the MDC opts out
of the contest because it is boycotting elections until Zimbabwe's electoral
laws are sufficiently democratised.
The ruling party is also set to
retain its Masvingo South seat which fell vacant after the death of Eddison
Zvobgo last August, which could see ZANU PF controlling 99 seats, which is
just one seat short of a two thirds majority in Parliament that would enable
the party to unilaterally amend Zimbabwe's Constitution.
At the
moment, ZANU PF can enact any law in Parliament but cannot amend the
constitution. The party is believed to want to amend the Constitution and
guarantee President Robert Mugabe and other senior leaders immunity from
prosecution should they leave office. - ZimOnline
MDC wants regime change through ballot box November 22
2004 at 01:52AM
London - Zimbabwe's main opposition leader has
taken his campaign against President Robert Mugabe to Britain on Sunday,
rallying expatriates and declaring their destitute southern African country
ready for "regime change".
"We want regime change in Zimbabwe.
But we want regime change by through the ballot, not the bullet," said
Morgan Tsvangirai, the head of the main opposition Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC).
"They may beat us, they may kill us, they may burn
our houses but they can not take our independence away from us. The struggle
we are waging against the regime it's a justified struggle," he told a
packed audience in the British capital.
Tsvangirai kicked off a
European tour last week, the second foreign trip he has made since being
acquitted of treason charges and his passport was returned to him one month
ago.
Mugabe's regime has already warned the 52-year-old, a former
weaver turned union leader and then politician, he should not return to
Zimbabwe if he has been calling on Western governments to keep up sanctions
against the state.
"That would make him the state's enemy
number one, and I don't think he would want to come back to the country,"
Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa said Wednesday after Tsvangirai's
stopover in Sweden.
But in London the political rival to Mugabe
sounded a defiant note, shouting "No apologies to Chinamasa!"
"I will be back home. Zimbabwe is not the private property of Robert
Mugabe," he added, to huge cheers from a largely Zimbabwean
crowd.
He brushed aside criticism from Mugabe's camp that he was a
"puppet" of former colonial power Britain, saying the crisis in Zimbabwe was
the making of the 80-year-old Mugabe, who led the country to independence in
1980 and has clung to power since.
"It is not a creation of
British Prime Minister Tony Blair, it is not a creation of US President
George W Bush," he said, adding that accusations of his collusion with
Western powers were signs of Mugabe's own guilt.
"They have to say
it. They have nothing to offer the people of Zimbabwe. They've destroyed all
the we entrusted them with. Zimbabwe has gone from a breadbasket to a
basketcase."
European Union sanctions on include a travel ban on
Mugabe and his close associates, as well as a freeze on his Eropean
Union-based assets.
The MDC has boycotted all by-elections in
Zimbabwe in a bid to push for electoral reform ahead of the 2005 general
election.
In 2002, Tsvangirai, former secretary general of the
powerful Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions, lost the presidential polls
which were slammed by international rights groups as unfair, and is
challenging the outcome in court.