Zim Online
by Simpliso Chirinda Tuesday 27 November
2007
HARARE - The Zimbabwe Chamber of Mines says it will
press for concessions on
a proposed new mining law but conceded it will be
futile trying to convince
the government to drop plans to force firms to
transfer shareholding to
local owners.
Chief executive officer
Douglas Verden on Monday told ZimOnline that chance
permitting, the Chamber
would, for example, ask Mines Minister Amos Midzi to
scrap a clause in the
draft law requiring firms to surrender 25 percent
stake to the state
virtually free of charge.
But doing so would be like "shooting ourselves
in the foot", said Verden,
adding that for now the Chamber might have to
settle for a review of the
Mines and Minerals Act Amendment Bill that could
yield some concessions from
the state.
He said: "Given a chance to
engage the Minister of Mines we would probably
ask him to scrap the 25
percent government share. But obviously doing so
would be like shooting
ourselves in the foot so we might just settle for
concessions probably
having a review of the Bill but I can't give you any
specifics at the
moment."
The mining law that analysts say will deliver a devastating new
blow to an
economy on the verge of total collapse seeks to force
foreign-owned mining
firms to transfer majority shareholding to indigenous
Zimbabweans. This
includes giving the government a free 25 percent
stake.
The law sponsored by President Robert Mugabe's ruling ZANU PF
party which
enjoys absolute control in Parliament is expected to be
presented to the
House and to be approved before the end of the
year.
Under the law, the government will take over 51 percent of firms
mining
strategic minerals such as coal and coal-bed methane, with the state
taking
25 percent of that stake free.
The government will also take
25 percent shareholding in precious minerals
such as gold, diamond and
platinum while another 26 percent will go to local
blacks, according to the
law that Mugabe says is necessary to ensure blacks
also have a share of the
country's lucrative mineral wealth.
The mining law comes hardly two
months after Harare passed another
controversial law giving indigenous
Zimbabweans majority stake in
foreign-owned companies.
Some mining
firms have responded to the new law with threats to scale down
operations or
withdraw from the country altogether but Harare has warned
that any company
found to be in "willful non-compliance" will have its
licence
cancelled.
Verden said the Chamber would engage Midzi on the issue of the
forced change
of ownership as well as the 25 percent stake that the
government is seeking
to acquire for free.
Analysts say the new laws
will worsen Zimbabwe's eight-year economic crisis
that has manifested itself
in the world's highest inflation rate of nearly 8
000 percent, widespread
unemployment and poverty.
The main opposition Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) last September
criticized the new indigenization law saying it
will frighten away potential
foreign investors worsening Zimbabwe's
unprecedented economic crisis. -
ZimOnline
Zim Online
by Patricia Mpofu Tuesday 27 November
2007
HARARE - Zimbabwe's Finance Minister Samuel Mumbengegwi
presents the
national budget estimate for 2008 on Thursday with the country
badly in need
of a fillip but analysts say political expediency will
ultimately carry the
day.
This will be Mumbengegwi's maiden budget
presentation since his appointment
to head the finance portfolio in a
cabinet reshuffle last February.
He faces the unenviable task of trying
to restore long-disappeared
confidence into an economy starved of good news
and on an eight-year
tailspin.
Judging by the slide in economic
fundamentals during 2007, Mumbengegwi faces
a more daunting task compared to
his predecessor Herbert Murerwa.
At the time of the 2007 national budget
presentation on 30 November 2006,
Zimbabwe's annualised inflation was a mere
1 070.2 percent as at October.
Although official figures are yet to come
out, inflation is now estimated to
have risen to nearly 15 000 percent by
October 2007.
One of the most viable options open to the minister would
be to tackle
head-on the contentious issue of the exchange rate and in the
process
address supply-side bottlenecks that are blamed for goods shortages
and the
country's rampant inflation.
Zimbabwe has maintained a dual
exchange rate regime comprising an overvalued
official rate and a more
market-determined parallel market rate.
This has created serious
distortions in the economy, resulting in acute
shortages of hard cash to
import fuel and power.
The minister also needs to drastically cut
government expenditure by
insisting that ministries live within their means
and outlawing off-budget
(quasi-fiscal) spending by the central
bank.
But analysts yesterday said Mumbengegwi was most likely to ignore
the advice
of the technocrats in his ministry and instead pursue an economic
path
designed to ensure the political survival of President Robert Mugabe
and his
ruling ZANU PF party.
They said he was likely to announce a
populist budget to pacify an angry
electorate and entice voters to give ZANU
PF and Mugabe a fresh mandate at
the polls next March.
"President
Mugabe needs not only to appease his and ZANU PF support base but
also to
woo those that crossed the political divide to the opposition which
he has
nearly crushed," said Eldred Masunungure, a professor of political
science
at the University of Zimbabwe.
Zimbabweans vote in presidential and
parliamentary elections expected in
March 2008.
Masunungure said
despite the economic implications of his patronage
politics, Mugabe would
not hesitate to dish out his largesse as he had his
eyes firmly on
overwhelmingly winning the polls for himself and ZANU PF.
"In addition,
we are likely to see even a supplementary budget before the
elections as
well as other interventionist (measures) from the central
bank," said
Masunugure.
Consultant economist John Robertson said, with an election
around the
corner, it would be a miracle if Mumbengegwi were to unveil a
budget that
would pull the economy out of its current
quagmire.
Robertson said like his predecessors at the finance ministry,
Mumbengegwi
was well aware of what needed to be done to "right the wrongs in
the economy
but all the economic advices are falling on deaf
ears."
"What we are likely to see are policies that are election-oriented
that will
further dent the economy long at its knees. I don't expect much
except a
further devastation of the economy," he said.
It has become
a tradition over the years for Mugabe's government to resort
to raiding the
national purse to oil its election machinery.
The analysts said Mugabe
would not hesitate even to use the Reserve Bank of
Zimbabwe to print money
to fund his party's campaign.
The Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions
(ZCTU) said the 2008 budget must
adequately address the plight of workers
who have been the biggest
casualties of the economic crisis that started in
1999.
It demanded the linking of the tax-free income threshold to the
poverty
datum line presently estimated at over $24.1 million. Workers have
in the
past derived some solace from the budget presentations through
favourable
adjustments of tax brackets.
A statement from the labour
body said the ZCTU was also proposing that the
maximum income tax rate be
reduced from the present 47 percent to 30
percent.
The main wing of
the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) said it
did not expect
much change from the budget announcement, noting that it
would be another
dump squib without any benefits for the economy.
"The current cash
shortages are the clearest indicators that the regime is
now comatose and
cannot therefore be expected to resolve the crisis facing
the nation," said
MDC spokesman Nelson Chamisa. - ZimOnline
Zim Online
by Wayne Mafaro Tuesday 27 November
2007
HARARE - Zimbabwe could miss out on a financial windfall
expected from the
2010 soccer World Cup tournament in neighbouring South
Africa as upgrading
of airports is lagging behind due to budgetary
constraints.
The tournament, the first to be held in Africa, is expected
to see a boom in
tourist arrivals in the host nation and its neighbours but
civil aviation
bosses in Harare on Monday said work to upgrade airports at
Victoria Falls,
Bulawayo and Buffalo Range was yet to
start.
Zimbabwe's largest Harare International airport built about five
years ago
has capacity to handle larger aircraft.
Civil Aviation
Authority of Zimbabwe (CAAZ) chief David Chawota told a
special
parliamentary committee that the authority had pulled out of a deal
for the
construction of a new runway to handle long haul jets at Victoria
Falls
Airport because the authority could not sustain a proposed loan from
South
Africa's Nedbank Capital.
Chawota said: "We cancelled the tender because
the financial proposals given
were such that CAAZ was being offered a loan
but our balance sheet could not
support the loan arrangements as proposed by
the Ngezi Road Joint Venture."
Ngezi is a consortium of three
construction companies Costain, Bitcon and
Tarcon and had bid for the
Victoria Falls project with financial backing
from Nedbank Capital, a
division of the Nedbank Group Limited.
However, Chawota said CAAZ was
still in discussions with Nedbank and
construction work at Victoria Falls
could still commence next February.
The CAAZ boss said the authority was
hoping to get funding for the other
airport projects from China Development
Bank and Dubai World but nothing was
agreed yet.
Lack of funding has
stalled the refurbishment of Zimbabwe's major airports
since the country
started facing economic problems in 2000.
A sharp decline in arrivals has
seen international and regional airlines
shunning Zimbabwe with Zambian
Airways the latest to announce at the weekend
that it will no longer be
flying to Harare beginning next month.
Major international airlines such
as British Airways, Swiss Air, Lufthansa,
KLM, and Air France have long
since pulled out of Zimbabwe, where airports
are said to be operating at 25
percent of capacity.
Zimbabwe is in the grip of a debilitating economic
crisis that is
highlighted by the world's highest inflation rate of nearly 8
000 percent, a
rapidly contracting GDP, the fastest for a country not at war
according to
the World Bank and shortages of foreign currency, food and
fuel. - ZimOnline
Zim Online
by Own Correspondent Tuesday 27 November 2007
JOHANNESBURG -
The United States will on Thursday present the annual
Auxillia Chimusoro
Awards to individuals and organisations that have
excelled in mitigating the
stigma surrounding HIV and AIDS in Zimbabwe.
Established by the United
States Agency for International Development in
2000, the awards recognise
individuals and organisations who have
demonstrated commitment and courage
in breaking the silence, reducing stigma
and discrimination, and caring for
infected and affected people.
The awards were named after Auxillia
Chimusoro, the first person in Zimbabwe
to openly disclose her HIV and AIDS
positive status in 1987 at a time when
silence shrouded HIV and
AIDS.
The US government spends approximately US$30 million on HIV and
AIDS
programmes in Zimbabwe per year.
"The funds support a range of
prevention, treatment, and care interventions.
The programme is implemented
by USAID, the US Centers for Disease Control
and Prevention, the Department
of Defense, and the US embassy's public
affairs section," said a statement
from the US embassy in Harare yesterday.
The awards presentation is meant
to coincide with the commemoration of World
AIDS Day, held annually on 1
December.
Awards will be presented in various categories such as media,
arts and
culture; community work; leadership awards including community
empowerment,
gender equality, greater involvement of people living with HIV
and AIDS, and
orphans and vulnerable children and youth; corporate
responsibility; and a
special recognition award.
Past winners of the
Auxillia Chimusoro Awards include journalist Sarah
Tikiwa, the parliamentary
portfolio committee on health and child welfare,
popular musician Oliver
Mtukudzi, and medical practitioner Paul Chimedza. -
ZimOnline
JOHANNESBURG, 26 November 2007 (IRIN)
- Zimbabwe's main opposition, the
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), is
threatening to pull out of talks
with the ruling ZANU-PF party over its
refusal to give way on key demands
for political reform.
Leading
members of the main faction of a divided MDC are meeting this week
in South
Africa to discuss a possible boycott of elections next March if
laws
limiting freedom of assembly and the independent media remain on the
statute
books, MDC treasurer Roy Bennett told IRIN.
The MDC had agreed to talks
at the urging of the Southern African
Development Community (SADC), mediated
by South African President Thabo
Mbeki, on the understanding that both sides
would make concessions, Bennett
said.
But while the MDC had ignored
the protests of its supporters and in
September backed a Constitutional
Amendment No. 18 Bill, allowing Zimbabwe's
President Robert Mugabe to
virtually handpick his successor, there was no
reciprocation on the MDC's
demands for a halt to political violence and the
repeal of legislation
widely seen an undemocratic.
"We have to be able to convince the people
of Zimbabwe that there is merit
for them to participate [in the 2008
elections]," said Bennett. "Because of
the lack of a level playing field and
continued violence on the ground, in
the current climate it will be
difficult to convince them to vote, and that
their vote will count for
something."
Bennett said South African President Thabo Mbeki's visit to
Zimbabwe last
week to discuss progress in the talks with all sides was
"posturing" ahead
of the European Union-Africa summit in Lisbon, Portugal,
in December.
However, political analyst and director of the Mass Public
Opinion
Institute, Eldred Masunungure, described as "brinkmanship" any
threatened
boycott of the 2008 election, as both sides had too much to lose
if the
talks failed.
"[The MDC] entered the dialogue process knowing
the decks were stacked
against them but, in my view, if they withdraw [from
the talks] they will be
the bigger losers; they will not be able to garner
any sympathy from SADC or
the AU [African Union]."
ZANU-PF "also
desperately needs some kind of agreement that could result in
the lifting of
what it terms 'Western sanctions'; ZANU-PF is as desperate as
perhaps the
MDC to get something out of the negotiating process,"
Masunungure
commented.
Although the ruling party could countenance some concessions,
such as those
contained in a newly gazetted electoral reform bill that
liberalises media
coverage during the campaign period, "it will not concede
anything that
erodes the pillars of its power".
The Zimbabwe
Electoral Support Network (ZESN), a rights group, said it was
still studying
a proposed electoral reform bill, introduced earlier this
month without any
input from the MDC. But amendments to the current law,
which limit
independent political oversight of the voting process, were only
part of the
solution.
"It's not a complete package until laws that affect the
political
environment, allow fair campaigning and a free media are
addressed," ZESN
national director Rindai Chipfunde-Vava told
IRIN.
Zimbabwe's economy stumbled in the late 1990s, but slipped into
crisis in
2000 with the emergence of the MDC as the first significant
challenge to
ZANU-PF's hold on power. A violent election campaign and a
chaotic land
reform programme divided the country, slashed foreign earnings,
and froze
foreign investment, while the government accused the West of
pursuing a
regime-change agenda.
[ENDS]
[This report
does not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations]
SW RADIO AFRICA
TRANSCRIPT HOT SEAT TRANSCRIPT: Foreign Correspondent Peta Thornycroft on MDC Violet Gonda brings the final episode of the Hot Seat
interview with veteran Zimbabwean journalist Peta Thornycroft. In the first segment she talked about her
concerns on the way the Zimbabwean media has been covering the crisis in the
country. In this final part the award-winning journalist gives us her frank
assessment of the state of the MDC. Broadcast 13 November
2007 VIOLET: We welcome journalist Peat
Thornycroft on the programme Hot Seat again. Now Peta when we ended the
discussion last week we were talking about the turmoil in the MDC. What are your
thoughts exactly on what is happening in the MDC right
now THORNYCROFT: Well, I think one has to really go back to
the beginning of the MDC as journalists and look at how we covered the MDC,
certainly how I covered it from July 2001. I’m afraid to say I was very
neglectful of looking at the MDC. My excuse is that it wasn’t such a big foreign
story, it was more of a domestic story - the opposition - but I bitterly regret
that I didn’t do more work in finding out about the various fault-lines in the
MDC, which I have subsequently discovered were there right from the very
beginning and I was totally unaware of it. I had no idea until I think it was
July 2005. I had no idea. And the domestic press, certainly The Daily News
and what else was there apart from the Daily News? What ever else, what ever
other domestic media there was, also didn’t investigate the MDC - almost at all.
And because of the polarization any criticism that appeared in the Herald or on
ZBC I think we all dismissed as propaganda, and that’s also a natural thing that
would happen. I saw that happening in South Africa as well. Nevertheless if we’d
been on our toes, a bit smarter and not so anxious and longing for the end of
ZANU PF we would have and should have seen that the MDC was in trouble almost
from the day it was launched. And so when it split in 2005 it was not a
surprise. I remember I was down in Bulawayo in early October 2005 when I
realized that an actual split was coming and that was because I had interviewed
the Mayor of Bulawayo and I asked him what he would do if the MDC called for a
boycott of Senate elections? And he said to me, ‘We’ll have to field independent
candidates because we cannot have ZANU PF taking our space. We down here we have
a different experience of ZANU PF a longer experience of ZANU PF than people in
the rest of the country. We’ve earned our place, our MPs have earned the right
to be MPs for a long time and we want them to stay. We don’t want ZANU PF to
have any position in the whole of Matabeleland particularly
Bulawayo.’ And
I remember thinking to myself ‘oh oh, this is a tricky situation,’ because in
Harare we knew that people were so against the senate elections, participating
in the senate elections. So clearly there had been inadequate consultation
within the MDC. I reported that only I think for V.O.A because quite frankly the
other newspapers were not, you know it was again a very domestic story, very
domestic story. Then we came across the violence in the MDC. I found that out in July 2005 and it
wasn’t particularly nasty, dreadful life
threatening violence but it was completely against the public perception that
the MDC had put-over of itself as being almost Gambian in its passive resistance and
its pursuit of democracy using only peaceful means. Not only was this violence
violence but it was also against its own members and I found that deeply
shocking. I then discovered that this has been going on and that the first
violence, I found out, was in 2001. So now we come to a situation of 2005 and
then the party split, dreadful accusations went on – most of the accusations
were made against the Mutambara faction although it wasn’t called that faction
at the time it split - It seemed to have been loaded against the then Secretary
General Welshman Ncube. I was told by
senior members of the party he had a farm here, a farm here, he had a
supermarket there he had a shopping mall there, he had this and that. So I went
and investigated it and wrote the story in the South African press about the
farm which they seemed to just ignore, fair enough. But all of this venom that I
was getting from the Tsvangirai faction was aimed at Welshman Ncube. To this day
I keep on saying to myself, have I missed something? Have I missed something?
What has he done? What has he done? But still I keep on wondering if I just
missed something. It seems to me that now there’s terrible anguish against ehm
em em em… VIOLET: Lucia
Mativenga? THORNYCROFT: The new secretary general,
what’s his name? VIOLET: Tendai
Biti. THORNYCROFT: Tendai Biti is in deep
problems now. And I can tell you this from Johannesburg that there’s huge
turmoil in the MDC in Johannesburg. I think they are reacting to Tendai Biti
because they are looking to him for money. The MDC is a source of some kind of
employment and resources over the last seven years when there had been no jobs
and no resources. So the MDC is one of the few ways that people can get some
money in the bank. So it’s a job, it’s a resource. As it is for the MPs -
they’ve got jobs and clearly what we’re seeing now is this jockeying for
positions ahead of the elections next year. It’s about jobs. It’s not about
ideology, it’s about jobs and I think that’s the shock to us. Perhaps we were
just naive. VIOLET: So Peta what exactly are you
saying here? Are you saying the MDC got it wrong and that the opposition party
is not the party that people thought it was? THORNYCROFT: I wonder if we ever knew
what it was. We just accepted it, didn’t we? I wasn’t there in 2000, I went to
one of its rallies in 2000 and I came in July 2001 and I think I just accepted
that the MDC had been cheated at the elections and that this was a party that
had the majority support in the country and it was only long afterwards that I
discovered that in fact of course ZANU PF had enormous support in certain rural
parts of the country. I
first saw that demonstrated to me in the March elections of 2005, I was actually
astonished by that and it is in my copy. I then saw it again demonstrated in the
Budiriro by-election when 4 000 people continued to vote for ZANU PF and it was
quite a peaceful by election. They were just as short of fuel, water and
electricity as all the other people in Budiriro. And I think that I realized
that I hadn’t taken into consideration that ZANU PF was an old established
party, which despite its appalling lack of democracy and its top down style of
doing business - because of the liberation struggle and the propaganda it’s been
able to feed everyone - it does genuinely have support. And that the MDC as the
farm workers disappeared and as the farmers disappeared a great chunk of its
support went with it. I think that was important and I think that we didn’t see
it and we didn’t sort of realize it at the time, I didn’t realize it at the
time. So when the break came (the split), I mean it was deeply shocking, it was
amazing, it was amazing when the
Tsvangirai faction seemed to think that it was a triumph and not an absolute
shattering disaster from which they would probably never recover . I’m sure the
MDC will never recover that from that split. VIOLET: From the October 12 2005
split? THORNYCROFT: Yah yah, I mean wow it has
been…… VIOLET: Do you think what is happening
now is linked to the troubles in the MDC that erupted on October 12
2005? THORNYCROFT: Of course it is, of course it is and it’s
also connected with the poverty in Zimbabwe that people are desperate for jobs
and desperate for resources. The MDC does get funding from all sort of quarters.
Let’s face it, if you going to go to a rally you used to get money. I have seen
it being handed out. People got money to just go to rallies, they get money. I’m
not saying its paid participation, they might be organizing, putting flowers or
whatever it is but an MDC political event provides resources.
And an MDC job as an MP - however poorly paid the
MPs are - it’s cheap fuel, it’s a new car every five years, its very low forex
rates. Yes there are great advantages in life being an opposition MP. And that’s why there’s this fight over why
they can’t get the corporation agreement between the two factions of the MDC to
work because it’s about jobs. And I’m afraid to say that there was an agreement
in April and I saw the agreement. Tragically it didn’t translate into an
effective agreement in May when Sam Nkomo was sent in to renegotiate the terms
of it. And so it fell aside. So we are going to have a situation as far as I can
see that certainly in some key constituencies you are going to have MDC from
both factions standing against each other in the elections, dividing the votes
and handing victory in that constituency to ZANU PF. In Johannesburg here I tell you what is going on –
and there is a huge number of MDC people here. There’s a fight going on here
that one lot of MDC supporters says Morgan Tsvangirai and Roy Bennet have to go,
Roy Bennet being the National Treasurer and Tendai Biti has to go as well. In
their place they want Tapiwa Mashakada and as President of the MDC this faction
is saying they want (Lovemore) Madhuku in Morgan’s place. It’s very serious here
in Johannesburg and they are complaining about Biti saying, ‘he’s just as bad as
Welshman Ncube was when he was Secretary General and he’s keeping all the
money.’ You know if one suspected that Ncube was short of money when he was
Secretary General and so is Biti short of money. But this is now translating
itself into Johannesburg. If the stories coming out of London in the MDC are
true (infighting), although I have no experience of what’s going on in London
and what is happening with the MDC Women’s assembly. I think you have to look at
that party and say my God what is that party? What is it - just a few months
before the elections? VIOLET:
It’s really sad that things have come to this because at the end of the
day it’s the ordinary people that are suffering and they really do not deserve
this confusion that is happening in the pro-democracy movement. But on the other
hand some may say Mugabe has skillfully dragged this crisis on for the last
seven years, for too long. To some
extent when things go wrong in the opposition it seems people forget the
problems created by the regime. Now do you think people have considered these
other risks? That the regime is armed, it has torcher chambers against an
opposition which does not even have a military wing. What can you say about
this? THORNYCROFT: No I
think that the MDC is being absolutely tormented; we’ve seen it with our eyes.
We have seen it before the 2002 presidential elections in particular it has been
tormented. Whatever rural structures or peri-urban structures it set up were
destroyed. We saw its urban structures being destroyed in April 2007, we saw
that. We were there and we witnessed it and we wrote about it and ZANU PF has
all the power but there does seem to me, and I don’t know how you’d quantify
this - a failure across the top echelons of the MDC of those people who are
prepared to actually take risks and they have to take risks. So why aren’t they
when there’s now some little spotlight on the country because of the on going
negotiations? Where are they in Mashonaland West, Central - the
three Mashonaland provinces? And I go on and on about this and I was there just
a few weeks ago, driving there with a very good cover and nobody knew I was a
journalist and I was able to speak to people and they were very open and chatty
with me. I mean the MDC just hasn’t tried to go into most of those places. And
will they ever or are they going to just remain an urban party you know an urban
party in Harare, some in Manicaland… VIOLET: (interrupts) But isn’t it a fact
that some of these rural constituencies are no go areas for the MDC
so… THORNYCROFT: (interrupts) I want to see
them, I want to know that it’s still
a no go area. You know I need to know that they have tried to go there and that
they got chased away. And there are still enough reporters on the ground in
Harare, and we’ve all got quite skilled at doing this so that we can be witness
to that. And if it is really that they can’t go into Mash West or Mash Central
and parts of Mash East - into those big rural areas and the communal areas - if
they can’t go there then we need to be writing about that.
VIOLET: And you know Peta, politics
aside, is the Lucia Mativenga issue central to the politics of gender in the
country? I mean should this be viewed as part of the patriarchal system alluded
to by some of the women in the MDC like Sekai Holland and Grace
Kwinjeh? THORNYCROFT: I think it would, the MDC is still a very
young party. I mean seven/eight years old. It was inevitable that there were
going to be splits, strains etcetera. I actually think whatever is happening in
the Women’s Assembly, in the fight between Lucia Mativenga and Teresa Makoni is
probably duplicated in other political parties everywhere around the world
especially in their infancies. The problem is that Zimbabwe is in a particular
fix at the moment that it’s facing crucial elections next year. Perhaps under a new constitution, which may
deliver what Mugabe is desperately hoping for, which is free and fair elections,
genuinely free and fair elections because the MDC is so weak.
And so there are demands on the MDC to be at its
very best - to fight the election not as two factions but as together to try and
fix these internal problems that they are having or avoid them, suspend these
problems until after the elections because there is this moment in time. I don’t
think that these eruptions that are going on are particularly significant
because they happen in all parties as they are starting up. They haven’t yet got
the mechanisms in place to deal with them in an emergency. I think one of the sad things we saw over the
negotiations in South Africa that was clear to me - was that whereas the Mutambabra faction was
able to understand what was going on with the 18th Constitutional
Amendment - somebody, or whoever was
responsible for explaining it to Morgan and his people didn’t get around to it
until the last minute and there was a lot of misunderstanding and of course a
lot of misunderstanding by the civics. And you know I had to say to the civics,
why was there a misunderstanding, why didn’t they bother to go and find out,
what did they want, do you need an invitation to find out what was
happening? Why where they just hanging
about and not making it their business to know every little bit that was going
on in the negotiations so they could see the 18th Constitutional
Amendment for what it was which may be quite different to the way they reported
it or had analyzed it… VIOLET: (interrupts) But I think to be
fair it has been quite difficult… THORNYCROFT: I think the MDC’s had a hard
time Violet, I really think it’s had a hard time. VIOLET:
Is there a trend , sorry to go back to this particular issue, is there a
trend, is there an issue regarding women and politics in Zimbabwe because if you
go by the reports that we are seeing some women have come out complaining about
these problems . Is there a trend regarding women and politics in
Zimbabwe. THORNYCROFT: I don’t know. I absolutely have no idea. I
think that’s a question that really needs to be given to Zimbabwe’s journalists
who are reporting it in a domestic way and who know the MDC much better than I
do. As I say I only got into really reporting the intricacies in the MDC almost
by default because it’s not really a foreign story. The MDC is only a foreign
story if Morgan gets tortured or if they win all these elections. The actual fighting and infighting within the
MDC is largely not a foreign story but unfortunately it wasn’t covered well by
the domestic press in the early days. It’s much better now. We get much more
information now than we used to. I think you need to ask them I mean I’ve read
what you’ve read about the lack of women representation in the MDC. I don’t know
if it’s true or not. I just simply don’t know. VIOLET: Peta let’s move on to ZANU PF. We
hear there’s infighting in ZANU PF but there’s no evidence of this, and there’s
still no indication of where ZANU PF is going. What are your thoughts on
this? THORNYCROFT: I think there are indicators that they are
fighting. I mean I think they’ve been good reports I think in The Independent
newspaper and elsewhere about the extremely tumultuous politburo meetings. We
have a situation where a former prominent banker James Mushore who fled the country and would not have come back
into Zimbabwe without believing that he can face up to the allegations against
him without ending up in the slammer. He’s still waiting to be freed and he
happens to be a relative of retired army general Solomon Mujuru in the Mujuru
camp. This is part of the successive struggle and I think we now got a situation
where we we must all pretty much expect that Mugabe is going to be the ZANU PF
candidate to stand next year and that he’s going to serve a full term in office
for five years. And so he’s managed to crush, it would seem to me, those in the
Mujuru faction and perhaps those who might have supported say Gideon Gono as the
Prime Minister. We’ve heard a lot about that or even Simba Makoni as the Prime
Minister, which would have gone down well in the world. Those seem to have gone.
It seems to me that Mugabe has managed to finally
bring a fractured ZANU PF under his wing with, once again, excluding the voice
from the floors. This fracture within ZANU PF is a fracture at the top not a
fracture at the bottom. ZANU PF has long been a party of the chefs not the
people. Whereas I would think that MDC some of its problems is actually the
people who are looking for jobs are a lot more involved in their party than the
people in ZANU PF are involved at the lower level in their party. ZANU PF is
just a joke of a party. One of the tragedies I think in the negotiations
facilitated by the South Africans is that they have not ever understood the
nature of ZANU PF. It’s thought of, I imagine, the South Africans think that
ZANU PF is sought of like the ANC perhaps not quite like the ANC but after all
it fought the liberation war. But it’s completely a different type of party. And
ZANU PF has always been run on fear right from the beginning, certainly since in
1980 and people tell me even before then when you think of what happened to
people being looked up in Mozambique during the struggle. That it’s been
dominated by one man for over thirty years and he’s going to carry on for
another five years. Regardless, that some of the better informed and the more
literate, economically literate members of ZANU PF sit in the Mujuru faction. I
think we have overwhelming evidence that ZANU PF has been incredibly divided.
That even though Mugabe is going to be endorsed as the candidate that he is
going to be endorsed with a lot of the senior members of ZANU PF being extremely
unhappy, that they could not find a solution to Mugabe, an alternative to Mugabe
being the ZANU PF candidate. VIOLET:
A couple of weeks ago I interviewed Professor Jonathan Moyo on this issue
and he also spoke about the Third Way. Now newspaper publisher Trevor Ncube also
talked about this so called alternative movement that will bring together you
know elements from ZANU PF, the MDC and civil society. Does it sound like a
viable option to you? THORNYCROFT: I read it too and I wondered who the moderate
members are of ZANU PF. I understand that Trevor Ncube was asked that question
in London when he made that speech. I think to the Oppenheimer Society and he
mentioned Emmerson Mnangagwa being a moderate member. I can’t see any Third Way
happening because I think that people like Munangagwa know that they just have
to hang on, it will only be just five years and then he will take over from
Mugabe and unless the Mujuru faction joined up with Trevor Ncube - I think Ncube
himself sees a role for himself, perhaps with some from the MDC. He made that
remark about 6 weeks ago and I haven’t heard of anything happening since then.
Not any discussions other than discussions of what he said. I think it’s too
late ahead of these elections for any Third Way. VIOLET:
On the issue of elections, it seems there’s a crisis in the MDC; no one
really knows what is happening in ZANU PF - as you say Mugabe will probably
stand again; there’s this talk of the Third Way -although at present it’s not
even known who’s behind this and who the actual leaders are. Now elections are
around the corner do Zimbabweans have a bleak choice at the
polls? THORNYCROFT: Say that again do Zimbabweans
….? VIOLET:
Have a bleak choice at the elections, at the
polls? THORNYCROFT: An enormously bleak choice and I think it’s
terribly bleak. We don’t yet know what kind of elections we going to have. We
know they are going to be Westminster-style elections and I think anyone who has
seen what proportional representation has done for diversity in South Africa’s
parliament will be very sad that the winner takes all solution could not win the
day. That Tendai Biti and Welshman Ncube could not win that round.
We still don’t know what the electoral laws are
going to look like. They’re about a month behind in their negotiations not
because of any crook-ery, I think because Biti had to go overseas for something,
ZANU PF had to do something, and then Welshman Ncube had to go somewhere and
then there was some holidays and there’s some visits and now of course we’ve got
the tragedy of Patrick Chinamasa - one of the ZANU PF negotiators’ son having
died in America. And so I think they’re about a month behind. That would take us
then; we’re talking about now nearly the middle of December before we can expect
points one to four. Points one to four being the legal requirements for new laws
for elections and in that time we have then got the ZANU PF extraordinary
congress. So unless ZANU PF agreed to delay the elections so
that if there are reforms people can get confident that these reforms will work.
Its going to be very shoddy isn’t it, it’s very shoddy. They may even have it
all down on paper but not any time to get used to it. And they’ve got a terribly bleak choice haven’t
they? I mean they’ve got the same old guy whose led them into poverty, who
allowed the country to be dismantled. We’ve seen the best and the brightest of
all flee Zimbabwe for better pastures and I doubt whether any of those will come
back. And they’ve got a country that is a wreck, literally a wreck! That is what
there is to show for 28 years of ZANU PF rule. But on the other hand you’ve got these two MDC
parties which, one of the factions is fighting with itself, and the other
faction seems to only operate in Bulawayo or in Matabeleland. I keep on getting
notes saying that they are down to Insiza etc etc. I’m sure they would do very
well in Matabeleland but I haven’t seen Arthur Mutambabra hanging about in
Rafingora either and I’m wondering when he’s going to make it and it would be
nice to see Welshman Ncube in Mashonaland West too. I just think they all going
to concentrate on their familiar stamping ground so that they can keep the
positions they already have. So that they don’t lose more seats because these
seats are jobs they see themselves as an opposition party now and not a party
that’s there to win any national elections that’s what it has got to. I feel, I
wonder if Zimbabweans would be bothered to vote. Would you really be bothered to
vote when the choice is so bleak? I can’t imagine it. VIOLET:
It’s a difficult one. Finally Peta do you think the West has made a huge
mistake where Zimbabwe is concerned? If so how? THORNYCROFT: Well (pause) I think there are two ways: I
think when the MDC started in 2000, what a pity that they where addressing
people in Santdon mostly white people in Sandton north of Johannesburg instead
of being in Dar es Salaam or Ghana or Abuja. They failed to make contact with
Africa for so long, they were in London, we’ve just seen it again, Morgan
Tsvangirai’s just been in America. Why isn’t he in Cairo? Maybe he needs
financial support and he can’t get it outside of America or the UK and the same
would go for Mutambara. They have not done enough in Africa and that was also
one of the reasons for the split, I must say, as those reasons emerged. Please
remind me of your question again. VIOLET:
The International community, you know what
about…… THORNYCROFT: The international community, you then had
Tony Blair in about 2004 making a dreadful statement about how he’s working with
the MDC, when he must have known that would feed into, that would be absolutely
marvelous for ZANU PF. And you saw the State Department in America say it was
working with the MDC. Yeah it wasn’t particularly helpful but actually I
think the West at least fed Zimbabwe. Thank God they provided the food for
Zimbabweans. There is not going to be an Ethiopia-type situation. Zimbabwe is
not particularly hot story apart from inflation and I think it’s a symbolic
thing for the British. Zimbabwe was a colony - there was the Rhodesian war.
There is a kith and kin element in it, whether we like it or not there is a kith
and kin element in it. I think Claire Short made a terrible mistake in 1997 when
the Labour party came to power and that letter she wrote to Zimbabwe saying;
‘Land in Zimbabwe has never been part of our problem.’ Of course it has
been. And
so they have withdrawn, the West have withdrawn haven’t they? Gordon Brown is
going to be exiled from his own continent in December, he has to stay in London.
He can’t even go for the two hour flight from London to Lisbon because he’s got
himself into a corner saying he won’t go there when Mugabe is there. Somehow
those are battles that were okay, but I think it’s become a domestic issue for
Gordon Brown, it affects his votes and it’s got nothing to do with the reality
of Zimbabwe. And the West is obviously simply hypocritical. It
depends on if you have got oil and you haven’t got oil, how your foreign policy
is handled. I think the West is an ex-player in the Zimbabwe situation. And if
there ever is a solution it has to come out of Africa and one doesn’t have great
hopes over that. One doesn’t have great hopes over the South African foreign
policy successes, so far they’ve had very few. One would hope that that this
time they’ll do better. There are five points on the agenda for the
negotiations. The first four are legal points, the fifth point is the political
climate. Will Mbeki deliver on that? Because that’s going to be up to him to
deliver. If they really get a new constitution or new electoral laws through
parliament in the first week of January, will Mbeki have the guts to stand up
and say to Mugabe; ‘we can’t possibly have elections in March, we have to delay
these elections until June and if you don’t then I’m afraid SADC is not going to
support you.’ Are we going to see that? Those are great unknowns. I mean how we
can possibly have an election like we had in 2002 and the voters roll in 2005?
For a start for example I’ve been cut off the voter’s roll. There are a lot of
people like me. For no reason my name’s just been taken off. VIOLET:
Even though you’re a Zimbabwean citizen? THORNYCROFT: Yah, I’m a Zimbabwean
citizen absolutely. VIOLET: Well I guess the struggle
continues and we’ll just have to wait and see what happens now in Zimbabwe.
Thank you very much Peta Thornycroft. THORNYCROFT: Okay Violet thank you. Comments
and feedback can be emailed to violet@swradioafrica.com ENDS.
After running out of basic foods like bread and milk, Zimbabwe is now running out of bank notes.
The soaring inflation rate - the world's
highest at 15,000 per cent - means locals are being forced to use more bank
notes to buy less. One customer in Harare had been waiting in line for six hours. Asked if there was money available or whether any would be delivered, another said: "I don't know." Gideon Gono, the reserve bank governor, said last week that the launch of a new currency, dubbed Operation Sunrise II, was imminent. But the last Operation Sunrise - when
three zeros were knocked off prices and notes - proved a false dawn and no one
expects any different this time.
While the situation is a goldmine for blackmarket currency traders, it does pose a logistical problem. Keen to remain inconspicuous, they stuff their pockets with notes, while large-scale dealers, operating from vehicles, are regularly exchanging blocks the size of bricks. "Everybody is buying and selling money to each other," one trader said. "Most of the guys can't put their money in the banks because they are losing value - so they buy US dollars." The government itself was driving down the Zimbabwean dollar by paying a premium on transactions just to ensure they got currency quickly, he said. Usually cash is traded at a 20 per cent premium to bank deposits. But with foreign exchange deals, the premium could reach almost 100 per cent. "The government froze the supply of cash to the banks," the trader said. It is as if Mr Mugabe, having failed to control inflation by neo-communist price controls, has converted to Thatcherite monetarism. But the reality is more prosaic. "They can't print it fast enough," said John Robertson, an independent economist in Harare. He suspects the presses are secretly being used for soon-to-be issued Z$500,000 and Z$1million notes. The government was still driving up the money supply with cheap credit and the absence of goods to buy was fuelling inflation, he said. "It's just become such an inefficient mess because of incredible shortsightedness on the part of the government," he said. |
Irish Times
24 November 2007
Zimbabwe's opposition Movement for Democratic Change leader
Morgan
Tsvangirai (centre) sits inside a house in a slum during a recent
tour of
Hatcliff township in Harare.
Photograph: Reuters
Zimbabwe : In
the second of two articles from Zimbabwe, Aoife Kavanagh looks
at problems
facing the country's divided opposition movement.
On the face of it,
things look good for Zimbabwe's opposition party, the
Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC). Three months away from scheduled
presidential
elections next year, Robert Mugabe's government has failed
miserably to stem
the country's downward economic spiral.
Voters don't usually support a
party that cannot even guarantee them water
or electricity, nor is doubling
the price of food every few months the best
way to curry favour with a
population in pre-election mode.
And yet despite all this, the MDC is
weaker now than it has been since its
foundation back in 1999.
"Zanu
is strong by default," says veteran Zimbabwean journalist and
commentator
Sydney Masumve, referring to president Mugabe's ruling party,
Zanu-PF.
Masumve works with the International Crisis Group in
Johannesburg, a think
tank specialising in conflict resolution. "While Zanu
are not in a strong
position, they are buoyed by the fact that the
opposition is paralysed."
The fact that the MDC is so divided is to some
extent the result of Mugabe's
ruthless manipulation of his rivals, but it is
also due to protracted
infighting within the party itself.
In 2005
the MDC split into two bitterly divided factions, a split that has
become
even more entrenched since then.
Morgan Tsvangirai was voted in as the
first president of the MDC eight years
ago, and he remains on as leader of
the party and head of one faction.
He paid dearly for his opposition to
Mugabe's rule last March, when he was
arrested, detained and savagely beaten
by a commando unit at an army
barracks in Harare.
En route to an
interview with Tsvangirai in the city last week, his security
men explained
that, while his movements, telephones and e-mails are all
regularly
monitored, it was a good time to meet with their boss. "The heat
is off,"
the driver explained as we approached MDC headquarters. "Right now,
the CIO
are taking a holiday," he said, referring to the Central
Intelligence
Organisation - Mugabe's much-feared secret police force.
Tsvangirai
doesn't accept that the ruling party's likely victory in next
year's
elections has anything to do with the fact that the opposition is in
disarray.
"That we are divided does not make us irrelevant. We were
united in 2000 and
Mugabe stole the election," he argues, "We were united in
2002 and Mugabe,
again, stole the election. So it's not about the
opposition, it's about the
conditions for elections."
At best,
Tsvangirai is viewed as a charismatic leader who, until recently at
least,
did have genuine support, particularly in traditional opposition
strongholds
- mostly the urban areas.
At worst, he is accused of driving divisions
within the party because he
will not tolerate challenges to his
leadership.
Claims that infiltration of the MDC by the secret police, the
CIO, have
helped stoke divisions within the party, are well founded, but the
opposition is also its own worst enemy.
Individuals on both sides of
the divide have failed to put their differences
aside in order to face down
the government, and it is reported that their
failure to do so is driven by
disagreements over who will get which
government portfolio if the party ever
does come to power.
As part of the the so-called "quiet diplomacy" being
pursued by South
African president Thabo Mbeki, talks are taking place now
between Zanu-PF
and the MDC. They are being facilitated by SADC (Southern
African
Development Community) and are aimed at constitutional and electoral
reform.
The most likely outcome of these talks, if any, is that elections
due to
take place in March will be postponed until June or even
September.
The negotiating teams are debating measures to ensure greater
transparency
at the ballot box, but many observers of the process wonder if
Mugabe would
stick to a deal on fairer elections, even if one is
agreed.
"To believe him is to believe anything under the sun," says
Masumve, who
described progress at the talks as "painfully slow".
In
previous elections the opposition has relied as much on anti-Mugabe
sentiment as it has on widespread support for the MDC to win votes. However,
allegations that the ruling party rigged the ballot in 2000 and 2002 are
backed up by international observers.
As extraordinary as it may
seem, though, Mugabe does have genuine support
among the electorate,
particularly in rural areas. His political patronage
runs very strong and it
can't be assumed that the opposition movement in
Zimbabwe would win at the
ballot box, even if the electoral process was
cleaned up.
"I think
European leaders should understand that if there is to be a change
of
leadership in Zimbabwe, then it will most likely be a Zanu-PF led
transition," says Masumve.
Tsvangirai does have a point, however,
when he asks how the MDC can
vaccinate against a strong and brutal
dictatorship that continues to weaken
and oppress the population. It is now
illegal for the MDC to hold public
rallies. There is no doubt that Mugabe's
tactic of violently oppressing his
rivals while at the same time generously
rewarding those loyal to him is
very effective.
Community chiefs -
who are hugely influential, particularly in the rural
areas - are regularly
seen driving new cars through small towns and villages
in the countryside,
while gifts of property or other pieces of valuable
equipment are also
common.
As election year approaches, human rights monitors say they are
expecting
levels of violence and intimidation against the opposition to
rise.
Richard Udah (35) was an active member of the MDC until the
consistent
hounding by the CIO and the Zimbabwean police forced him to quit.
"They beat
me, they beat my elderly father and my brother and they
petrol-bombed my
home," Udah explained.
But the final straw was when
Mugabe's recruits wrote a letter to his
pregnant wife threatening to kidnap
her and their child if he continued his
work with the MDC. "They are thugs
and we are all suffering," he said. "I
pray every night that Mugabe will
die. Nothing will change unless he goes."
The streets of Johannesburg, in
South Africa, are full of MDC activists,
forced to flee Zimbabwe because of
political oppression. But it's believed
that CIO operatives are even
infiltrating the few safe havens on offer for
exiles there.
In what
was the first formal meeting of the two leaders in as many years,
Mugabe met
his South African counterpart Thabo Mbeki in Harare last week.
Observers
say the meeting was instigated by Mbeki ahead of the controversial
EU/African Union summit in Lisbon next month which British prime minister
Gordon Brown has threatened to boycott if Mugabe attends.
That kind
of megaphone diplomacy is seen as clumsy and unhelpful in this
part of the
world.
What is not clear is whether Mbeki's more subtle approach will
deliver
anything for the opposition movement, or for the people of
Zimbabwe.
© 2007 The Irish Times
VOA
By Peta
Thornycroft
26 November 2007
In Zimbabwe, new
electoral laws have been published that are to be used in
national polls due
early next year. Peta Thornycroft reports for VOA the
proposed laws emerged
after six months of negotiations between the ruling
ZANU-PF party and the
opposition Movement for Democratic Change.
Political analysts in Zimbabwe
say the proposed election laws are a
"significant" improvement over the old
legislation.
The proposed new laws were produced after more than 40
meetings since April
between ZANU-PF and both factions of the Movement for
Democratic Change.
Harare political scientist Eldred Masungure said the
new laws provide a
better electoral framework, but free and fair elections
will only take place
if President Robert Mugabe and his ZANU-PF party honor
them.
Musungure, who is also director of the Institute of Mass Public
Opinion,
said, "The taste of the pudding will be in the eating, and
precedent teaches
us we cannot invest much confidence in ZANU-PF".
A
major change to the electoral law is that the polls can no longer be run
by
members of the security forces.
In addition, political parties are
entitled to an electronic version of the
voters' rolls, which are based on
Zimbabweans identity numbers. It is
considered the only way to check for
double voting.
In the 2002 presidential election, the founding leader of
the M.D.C., Morgan
Tsvangirai, failed repeatedly to gain access to the
electronic roll in an
effort to prove his allegations of vote
rigging.
The proposal also says state-owned media must provide equal
editorial time
to all contesting parties. And they may no longer ignore
opposition parties
or refuse their advertisements. The two daily newspapers
are both
state-controlled as are all four radio stations and the country's
only
television station.
It would also be much easier for voters to
register as they will not have to
provide a dossier of documents, including
service bills. Voter registration
will be ongoing and only close the day
before candidates are formally
nominated.
The new law allows for
foreign election observers, but the justice minister
may ban some groups.
The European Union was prevented from observing the
last presidential polls
in 2002.
Masungure and other analysts fear Zimbabwe's civil society
activists and the
opposition will not be up to the task of monitoring
electoral law abuse. He
says civil-rights groups are divided and have lost
the will to act in the
national interest while pursuing their own agendas,
and the opposition lacks
the leadership to mount significant or coherent
monitoring.
Another analyst studying the new electoral bill said although
there were
improvements these will not be of any use if the elections are
held as
scheduled in March. Civic groups and the opposition say there is not
enough
time to disseminate information on the new laws. They want the vote
postponed until later next year.
Analysts also say President Thabo
Mbeki must ensure that civic groups and
the M.D.C. in particular are able to
operate normally without fear of arrest
before the polls.
The
negotiators that finalized the new election rules are working to draft a
new
constitution, which is to include further reform to the electoral
process.
The Monitor
(Kampala)
26 November 2007
Posted to the web 26 November
2007
Grace Matsiko
Kampala
BRITAIN has given President Yoweri
Museveni his first assignment as the
chairman of the 52-nation Commonwealth
club of mainly former British
colonies to convince under fire Zimbabwean
leader, Robert Mugabe to restore
democracy and the rule of
law.
During their meeting on the sidelines of the Chogm at Munyonyo
Resort
yesterday, Mr Museveni promised to use his new office to rein in Mr
Mugabe.
"The President said that in his capacity he can influence
President Mugabe
because previously he had no capacity to involve himself in
Zimbabwean
politics," the President's Press Secretary, Mr Tamale Mirundi,
told
journalists yesterday.
The President cautioned the West that Mr
Mugabe is a revolutionary who
fought for the emancipation of his people and
therefore he will not accept
to be given orders.
"His views
(Mugabe's) should be listened to," Mr Mirundi quoted Mr Museveni
as having
told Mr Brown, the prime minister of the United Kingdom. But Mr
Brown said
Mr Mugabe had refused to listen to other views apart from his
own.
"If Mr Mugabe can accept to restore order in Zimbabwe, Britain
was willing
to participate in the rehabilitation of the country's economy
whose
inflation rate has shot up to over 15000 per cent," Mr Brown was
quoted as
having said.
At the meeting Mr Museveni asked Britain to
support a fund which squatters
in Uganda bibanja (land) owners can use to
pay landlords or mailo owners. Mr
Museveni told Mr Brown that the land
disputes were created by the British
which created mailo land and made the
initial owners into serfs of the land
owners.
"(Late President Idi)
Amin abolished mailo land but the NRM government
restored it because Amin
had tampered with the right to property of land
owners," Mr Museveni
added.
Mr Brown in response to Museveni's request on the fund said that
starting
this financial year, the UK would commit 70 million pounds in
budget support
to Uganda, part of which the country can use towards the land
fund.
Mr Museveni also asked Britain to pay Uganda's World War II
veterans who
have remained unpaid since 1945. He said Britain promised to
pay but has
not. Mr Brown promised to put the issue of veterans before the
UK
Parliament.
Mr Brown commended Uganda's education system but said
the UK is concerned
about its quality. He promised that Britain would
provide scholastic
materials to improve the quality of education.
The
UK premier also asked mr Museveni to intervene in Sudan's war-torn
region of
Darfur but Mr Museveni said the region is very far from Uganda's
border. He
advised Mr Brown to hold a meeting with the leader of South Sudan
Government, Gen. Salva Kiir.
Mr Brown also said that Britain was
concerned about the outcome of the South
Sudan mediated peace talks between
Kampala and the rebel Lords Resistance
Army (LRA).
But Mr Museveni
said with or without the talks the security situation in
Northern Uganda is
irreversible.
By Tererai
Karimakwenda
26 November, 2007
The case brought to the SADC Tribunal
in Namibia by Zimbabwean farmer
Michael Campbell has been delayed for a
second time, raising concerns that
these are just delaying tactics.
Campbell's Mount Carmel farm in Chegutu was
taken by the government and he
is contesting the seizure, saying it was
racially motivated and
discriminates against white farmers.
The regional court was established
to monitor the rule of law in member
states and Zimbabwe is a signatory to
the SADC Charter.
The court date was changed from November 20th to
December 4th because the
Tribunal registrar had failed to notify the office
of the Zimbabwean
President and government of the date - claiming a fax
machine was not
working. The case is now re-scheduled for December 11th, the
day the farmer's
legal counsel Jeremy Gauntlett will not be available.
Campbell brought his
case to the regional court after failing to get justice
in Zimbabwe. He has
been waiting 9 months for a judgement on this case from
the Zimbabwe Supreme
Court.
In a statement released by his lawyers'
Campbell said chief counsel Jeremy
Gauntlett had made himself available on
six separate days in the first two
weeks of December. He explained: "This
was communicated verbally and in
writing to the registrar and yet we are now
given a date when our lead
counsel cannot be there! They are aware it's
urgent, we know this is their
first case and that they have no other cases
so why is the court being so
unreasonable in our matter?"
In the same
statement, Campbell's son-in-law Ben Freeth said he believes the
delay is
linked to the upcoming European Union/ Africa summit in Portugal.
He said:
"They don't want the case to be heard before the summit because the
issues
at stake are too sensitive. This is a test and so far it is not going
well."
Attorney Walton Jessop, who is on the team assisting the
farmer, confirmed
the delay and said their lawyers on the ground in Namibia
are appealing
strongly to the Tribunal not to change the date that was
agreed to. He said:
"Our Windhoek lawyers have made very firm, if you like,
representations to
the registrar saying the matter must be heard on the
4th."
Asked if he believed there were outside forces at work, Jessop
said:
"Their failure to act efficiently and fulfil their duties properly is
alarming but in my view it's not sufficient to give evidence of collusion or
improper influence."
Meanwhile Campbell himself is still recovering
from injuries sustained on
November 18th when he caught armed poachers
firing shots on his farm. The
intruders included settlers from a
neighbouring farm, who abducted and
dumped him at the police station. While
detained Campbell was severely
assaulted by police officers. He is also
facing charges that he failed to
vacate his property, despite the fact that
there is a court order barring
any interference on his
operations.
SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news
The Zimbabwe Guardian
Itai Gwatidzo
19.NOV.07
PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe's assertion that the decision by his
government to
harmonise the country's crucial presidential and parliamentary
elections
next year was bent on cutting costs and that it was a position
agreed upon
by his administration is untrue, it has now emerged.
Part
of the audio interview (listen below), which Mugabe gave OMNI, a
Canadian
television station last year and which was not broadcast due to
time
limitations, was made available to The Zimbabwe Guardian. In the
interview
President Mugabe suggests that he decided, not Zanu PF, that
elections be
married without making any consultations - seemingly for his
own
ends.
The revelation crystallizes the widely held political view that
President
Mugabe made the controversial decision to call for polls next year
so as to
grant himself a life presidency while monopolizing his candidature
to
maintain a strong grip on power.
The disclosure could portray
Mugabe in unflattering light with the Southern
African Development Community
(Sadc) heads of states who mandated South
African President, Thabo Mbeki, as
chief negotiator between Mugabe and the
opposition so as to resolve
Zimbabwe's deepening crisis.
It will also come as a shock to many ruling
party and government officials
who hitherto thought the issue of holding the
harmonised elections in 2008
was done altruistically.
President
Mugabe who is set to be endorsed as the ruling Zanu PF candidate
next month
during a special party congress gave a cosmetic impression all
along through
state media that his party and government had brainstormed the
issue of
harmonizing elections.
Vice President Joice Mujuru's husband, Retired
General Solomon Mujuru, who
heads a faction opposed to President Mugabe's
continued stay in office,
tried to block Mugabe from extending his tenure to
2010.
In the audio interview Mugabe is asked by his interviewer: "I have
had talk
that the presidential elections are in 2008 and the rest of them in
2010 and
you might harmonise the two. What are your thoughts on that? Do you
have an
opinion on whether they should harmonise them?"
Mugabe
retorts, "Well, well the suggestion came from me earlier on. I said
the six
year term for a president was far too long. And then of course it
produced
the disparity, the imbalance, and the discord between the
parliamentary
elections and the presidential elections.
"Whereas before when we still
had the ceremonial president, and I was Prime
Minister by the way I began as
Prime minister, only in 1988 I became
President."
The new twist to
Mugabe's disputed and contentious endorsement to lead his
party against a
splintered opposition next year, comes on the backdrop of
the veteran
politican giving assent, a fortnight ago, to Constitutional
Amendment Act
(No 18), a legal measurement which gives him sweeping powers
and provides
for the harmonisation of the presidential and parliamentary
elections.
Legal critics argue the new legislation will deliver to
Mugabe an easy win
next year as aspiring parliamentarians from his party
will campaign on his
behalf to seek re-election, therefore bolstering their
own ballots.
President Mugabe is currently battling for political
survival owing to
growing resistance to his rule within his own government
and the Zanu PF
party.
President Mugabe has bulldozed himself to
become the party candidate in next
year's crucial Presidential elections as
a measure to thwart his imminent
oust from office, sources within the inner
circles of his party said.
Sources added that Zimbabwe's economic crisis
has also exacerbated the
situation for Mugabe, thus explaining why he wants
to keep a grip on power.
Others argue that he's bent on possibly dying in
office in order to evade
possible indictment for 'crimes against humanity'
he is alleged to have
committed in office.
Zanu PF officials
contacted last week preferring anonymity maintain that the
President no
longer trusts anyone in his party especially members from the
Mujuru faction
who have put up strong resistance to his self-imposed
candidature which is
due to be forcibly endorsed on December 14 when his
party convenes an extra
ordinary congress.
Mugabe's pendulum is now heavily tilted to his former
bodyguard and current
rural amenities minister, Emmerson Mnangagwa who has
thrown his weight
behind his controversial candidacy.
Mugabe's press
secretary, George Charamba could not be reached for comment
last night as
his mobile phone went unanswered. Charamba was also said to be
attending
meetings after numerous calls to his office last week.
Mugabe who has
clearly fallen out of favour with the ruling party's old
guard as their
choice for President next year, has turned to war veterans
for support and
the party's youth so as to intimidate his opponents inside
the party,
critics say.
The Zanu PF Women's League is also drumming up support for
Mugabe, who is
all but set to be the ruling party candidate next year after
the two Vice
Presidents publicly endorsed him, with Joseph Msika on Saturday
calling for
Mugabe to rule for life.
Mail and Guardian
M&G
reporter
26 November 2007 11:59
With
inflation reported at close to 15 000%, a quarter of the
population in need
of food aid and a currency so worthless even the
government charges for
services in foreign currency, no sitting leader
should win an
election.
Unless, of course, he is Zimbabwe's Robert
Mugabe.
Hard as it may be for many of his critics to figure
out,
especially those outside Zimbabwe, Mugabe has an open road to a sixth
successive term as leader.
Mugabe has already made light
work of what was supposed to be
the hard part -- taking out what internal
Zanu-PF opposition there was in
his path to a nomination for yet another
term. Those previously reported to
be plotting against his candidacy have
now been smoked out and paraded on
national television to deny they had any
ambition to succeed Mugabe.
Now comes the easy part, winning
an election under the sort of
conditions that will shrivel any other
incumbent.
A range of factors combine to carry Mugabe past
next March's
election.
First, the opposition is in
disarray and is unlikely to bother
him too much.
Street
clashes on Sunday between youths loyal to the Movement
for Democratic Change
(MDC) leader Morgan Tsvangirai and supporters of Lucia
Matibenga, sacked by
Tsvangirai as leader of the women's wing, ended all
remaining doubt about
what is preoccupying the opposition.
Since it split into two
bitterly opposed factions in October
2005, the MDC's threat to Mugabe has
diminished sharply. The MDC took nearly
half of all contested seats at its
first election in 2000 and Tsvangirai
lost only marginally to Mugabe in the
presidential polls in 2002. Both polls
were considered by foreign observers
to be deeply flawed.
But the MDC was already losing momentum
by the time the next
elections came in 2005, hobbled by personality clashes
and sharp differences
over how to confront Mugabe.
Earlier this year, attempts were made at least to forge a
coalition -- so
bitter were divisions that talk of outright unity was
taboo -- against
Mugabe. But, the negotiations fell through because,
incredibly, the two
factions bickered about which side would get the
choicest government posts
should Mugabe be defeated.
As late as this week Tsvangirai
and his party were still to
commit fully on whether or not they would go
into the election. It all
depended on the outcome of the Thabo Mbeki
process, Tsvangirai said.
The hesitation and constant
fighting have disillusioned voters.
People who would be likely to vote for
the MDC might stay away from the
polls. According to Thabani Moyo of Crisis
in Zimbabwe, a coalition of
opposition groups, young voters and
traditionally opposition supporters,
have grown weary of
politics.
"They [the youth] are preoccupied with issues of
unemployment
and see the political process as a dirty way of expressing
themselves," said
Moyo.
The MDC relied largely on
anti-Mugabe sentiment in previous
elections; people voting to get rid of
Mugabe rather than because they
believed in what the MDC had to offer. These
days though, there has been
deeper scrutiny of the
opposition.
In contrast, Mugabe can rely on a faithful core
support, where
voting for him is a tradition for some, whatever the
circumstances. Even in
areas where he has lost to the opposition, votes for
Mugabe have remained
fairly constant, whereas MDC numbers have
fluctuated.
Mugabe's biggest wish is to thump the MDC in its
urban
strongholds, where he is still reviled. His attempt to win urban
voters
over, a price slash in June, has backfired so badly that a meeting of
his
own MPs in August called for an end to the crackdown to keep Zanu-PF's
urban
hopes alive.
Mugabe's deputy, Joseph Msika -- while
declaring that Mugabe
should be president for life -- this week acknowledged
the difficulty of
winning urban votes, citing the collapse of service
delivery, with power and
water cuts lasting weeks.
Even
though Mugabe could well give up trying to get urban voters
to vote for him,
he will try and make sure that his party bolsters its
two-thirds
Parliamentary majority -- which must be protected at all costs to
allow for
more constitutional amendments.
So, his party may put to use
an experiment that worked very well
in the last general election, in 2005.
The only seat Zanu-PF won in Harare,
the Harare South constituency, had been
cunningly demarcated so that a large
chunk of neighbouring farmland was
grafted into the constituency, diluting
the urban vote and handing the
Zanu-PF candidate a narrow victory.
Constitutional amendments
passed in September increase the
number of constituencies in 2008 from the
current 150 to 210. To maintain
his party's two-thirds majority in the lower
house, Mugabe is certain to
push for more constituencies in his rural
strongholds. the MDC remains
largely vulnerable in the countryside, where
its message of change has not
appealed to the immediate needs of
impoverished rural voters.
Mugabe, on the other hand, is able
to promise rural voters plots
of land, and has, since September, handed out
more than 1 200 tractors and
about 500 000 basic farm tools -- from ploughs
to animal drawn carts -- for
free. He has also been dishing out free seed,
fertiliser, and grain.
His opponents call it vote buying.
Mugabe insists it is all part
of his agriculture revival
programme.
So confident is Mugabe that, this week, he
published a Bill
giving his opponents a bit more of what they wanted. The
draft Electoral
Laws Amendment Bill would bar the military, police and
prison officers from
any involvement in elections beyond providing security,
a key demand of the
MDC at ongoing talks mediated by President Thabo
Mbeki.
The new laws would also now allow aggrieved candidates
to demand
recounts and require the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission to check
with all
parties before demarkating constituency and ward
boundaries.
The country's sole broadcaster would be compelled
to "report
impartially and give equal airtime to all candidates". The Bill
is expected
to be tabled in Parliament within the next 30 days.
The Reporter (Addis Ababa)
OPINION
24
November 2007
Posted to the web 26 November 2007
Aryeh
Neier
At least for purposes of public consumption, southern Africa's
political
leaders continue to stand by Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe,
despite his
country's ever-deepening economic crisis, which is directly
attributable to
his tyrannical rule.
Indeed, years of economic
mismanagement have produced an unemployment rate
of 80%, with annual
inflation nearing 5,000%.
Though Zimbabwe was once known as "the
breadbasket of Africa," many of its
citizens now go hungry and depend on
international food donations for
survival. About 3,000 people flee the
country every day, often risking their
lives when crossing the
crocodile-infested Limpopo River - celebrated in
Kipling's tale of "How the
Elephant Got Its Trunk" - and scaling a border
fence to enter South
Africa.
By now, emigration is more than three million, about a quarter of
the
population. Yet when Mugabe was introduced at the most recent meeting of
the
Southern African Development Community (SADC) in Zambia's capital,
Lusaka,
his fellow heads of state heartily applauded him.
There are
reports that, behind the scenes, things are different. South
African
President Thabo Mbeki is said to be trying to negotiate a way for
Mugabe to
leave the scene. Yet there have been similar rumors before, and it
is
difficult to know whether Mbeki and the other southern African leaders
are
finally willing to tell Mugabe that he must go. Up to now, paying their
respects to him as a revolutionary leader, and catering to his megalomania,
has been more important to them than alleviating the suffering of Zimbabwe's
people.
The obvious way for Mugabe to leave at age 83 would be to
announce that he
has changed his mind about running again in the
presidential election now
scheduled for March 2008. Of course, should Mugabe
stand down, a fair
election next March probably would not be
possible.
The political opposition would have little capacity to organize
an effective
campaign in an environment in which Mugabe has shut down
independent media,
rewritten electoral rules, and used the police to pummel
- literally - his
adversaries.
So a period of transition would be
required for a proper election to be
organized under the auspices of the
SADC, with support from the African
Union, Europe, and the United States, in
order to get a fair result and
launch a recovery process. Yet, given the
brief period that remains until
the scheduled election, an announcement is
required soon if a fair result is
to be achieved and a recovery process
launched to halt the country's slide
into chaos.
A big factor in any
timetable for Zimbabwe's rescue is Thabo Mbeki's tenure.
He has just over a
year-and-a-half to go to complete his second and final
five-year term as
South Africa's president. In certain respects, he has been
a success. Under
his leadership, South African's multiracial democracy has
been consolidated,
and, in dramatic contrast to neighboring Zimbabwe, its
economy is
flourishing.
Yet Mbeki's achievement is severely marred by two failures.
Domestically,
his poor performance in addressing South Africa's HIV/AIDS
epidemic will
ensure that he is judged harshly. Internationally, his record
is stained by
his lack of leadership up to now in dealing with
Zimbabwe.
Nevertheless, even at this late date, Mbeki has a chance to
salvage a good
part of his reputation by taking the lead in organizing a
transition in
Zimbabwe. But, given the amount of time a transition will
take, he must act
now.
Even when a transition does take place in
Zimbabwe, the crisis will not be
over. The country has been so devastated by
the Mugabe regime that
substantial international engagement will be required
to put it back on its
feet. For now, however, the SADC should, at long last,
tell Mugabe that he
must step aside, and it should take responsibility for
managing an electoral
process whose result Zimbabweans will recognize as
fair, thereby providing
the legitimacy needed for recovery to begin.
(Project Syndicate)
zimbabwejournalists.com
26th Nov 2007 01:07 GMT
By a Correspondent
HARARE -
Barely a month after British Airways stopped its three-days-a-week
direct
flights to Zimbabwe, Zambian Airways says it is following suit due to
continued viability problems, worsened by Harare's foreign currency problems
and currency flactuations.
Hardly a year after Air Zimbabwe signed
code-share agreements with Air
Malawi and Zambia Skyways that would see Air
Zimbabwe flights to London
going through Malawi and Zambia, Zambian Airways,
which plies the
Lusaka-Harare route daily said:
"Business has been
quite rough. We will, however, be observing market trends
and we will keep
in close touch with Air Zimbabwe so that we know when we
can come back on
the route."
Mutembo Nchito, the airlines chief executive said the airline
has been
forced to end its daily flights to Harare due to high fuel costs
and
currency fluctuations.
He said the airline would be suspending
its services from December 1.
Like the British Airways, Nchito said the
airline would either reimburse or
make other travelling arrangements for
clients who had already booked to
travel with Zambian Airways. BA also
withdrew from Harare citing viability
problems.
The suspension
affects CAAZ which collects charges from all airlines that
use Harare
International Airport in terms of landing and associated fees.
Business
people using the airline will be hardly hit. The small Zambian
Airways
planes have been very useful in providing a daily source of
transport for
businesspeople in the country.
BA, which ended its service on October 28,
was the only European carrier
that flew to Harare, leaving from Heathrow
Airport. BA, however, still
continues to serve Harare through a flight
routed via Johannesburg.
The Johannesburg-Harare leg is being run by
franchise partner airline Comair
which flies in BA colours.
New Zimbabwe
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
The
following is a statement by the Refugee Legal Centre reacting to the
November 23 AIT judgment in HS (Zimbabwe) which clears the way for the UK
government to begin deporting failed Zimbabwean asylum
seekers:
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Last
updated: 11/27/2007 00:05:31
"THOUSANDS of Zimbabwean asylum seekers may now
be forcibly returned to
persecution, as a result of today's AIT decision, or
may continue to face
destitution on Britain's streets.
An Asylum and
Immigration Tribunal ruling announced today overturned a
landmark decision
in 2005 that all Zimbabwean asylum seekers faced a real
risk of persecution
in Zimbabwe if they were forced to return.
This new decision now puts
thousands of Zimbabweans who have already been
refused asylum in Britain in
fear of being forcibly returned, or leaves many
in destitution on Britain's
streets. The RLC is considering whether to
appeal.
There have been no
removals to Zimbabwe since August 2005, pending decisions
on this case,
although the Home Office has continued to try to remove many
to neighbouring
countries, from where they can face deportation to Zimbabwe.
Instead,
many refused asylum seekers from Zimbabwe have been given the stark
choice
of either returning voluntarily to the country where they fear
persecution
or staying in Britain and living in destitution.
Most asylum seekers who
have been refused asylum receive no financial help
from the Government 21
days after losing their appeals. They are then
evicted from their
accommodation and are not allowed to work. Given the very
real risk of human
rights abuse in Zimbabwe it is unsurprising that many
have chosen
destitution."
Caroline Slocock, the Chief Executive of the RLC said on
Monday:
"This decision leaves thousands of Zimbabweans at risk of being
put in
detention centres and forcibly removed to the country where they fear
persecution. The situation in Zimbabwe is highly dangerous and is only
likely to get worse in the run up to the Presidential and Parliamentary
elections next March.
The Refugee Legal Centre is considering whether
to appeal against this
decision, which overturned a ruling in 2005 that all
Zimbabwean asylum
seekers faced a real risk of persecution if they were to
return. The RLC
will also continue to support individuals who are able to
challenge removal.
In the meantime, we hope the Government will build on
Britain's long
tradition of protection for persecuted people and grant a
temporary period
of stay to all Zimbabwean asylum seekers, until such time
as conditions in
Zimbabwe improve.
Many Zimbabweans who have been
refused leave to stay face destitution here,
with no housing or financial
support, but still choose not to return home
because they have a genuine
fear of persecution. We hope the Government will
allow them to stay and work
to support themselves."
VOA
By Carole Gombakomba
Washington
26
November 2007
Zimbabwe's political opposition and civil
society groups have criticized the
government for filling positions on the
Zimbabwe Electoral Commission in
anticipation of elections in 2008 without
reference to crisis talks between
the ruling party and
opposition.
The Standard newspaper said the commission filled positions
including deputy
chief inspector and the directors of administration,
polling and training,
election logistics and human resources following a
recruitment drive begun
in October.
The two factions of the Movement
for Democratic Change and the Zimbabwe
Election Support Network said that
with an Electoral Laws Amendment Bill
still pending and the principals in
the South African-mediated crisis
resolution talks still discussing the
creation of an independent commission,
the posts should not have been
filled.
The MDC formation headed by Morgan Tsvangirai said it is also
concerned
about the background of the appointees - all former government
employees.
The MDC faction of Arthur Mutambara has also complained about the
composition of the commission.
Political commentator Chido Makunike
said the lack of a truly independent
commission raises doubts even at this
early stage about the credibility of
next year's elections.
Fin24
Nov 26 2007 10:48 AM
Chris
Muronzi
Harare - Zimbabwe's retail outlets have agreed to offer credit
facilities
again after talks with the country's central bank, reports
said.According to
the state daily, The Herald, central bank chief Gideon
Gono held talks with
a union representing retailers where they agreed to
restore credit
facilities.Retailers scrapped the facility at the height of
President Robert
Mugabe's price controls saying once inflation was brought
down to manageable
levels, shops would restore the facility.The talks
between Retailers
Association of Zimbabwe (RAZ) and the central bank are
part of efforts to
ensure that normalcy returns in the sector, which is
still battling to
recover from a quarter long price mayhem that left stocks
depleted.Now,
according to Gono, department stores first have to consider
the
creditworthiness of their customers.Shops agreed to re-introduce the
credit
facilities with shorter credit periods of between 21 and 30 days.The
stores
hoped cutting credit facilities would help hedge against the
country's
runaway inflation now believed to be above 15&nbnsp;000%, the
world's
highest.Clothing retailers were feeling the pinch of the current
hyper-inflationary environment as evidenced by a slowdown in sales figures
in the third quarter.Retailers who were offering credit facilities include
Meikles, Barbours, Greatermans' clothing and food units and
Clicks.Truworths, Topics and Edgars Stores had also scrapped credit
facilities.Edgars Zimbabwe Limited executive chairperson Themba Sibanda a
few months ago said the group anticipated a loss after panic buying saw
"higher-than-expected" July sales that left stocks at precarious
levels.Sibanda said August sales fell because of low stocks while admitting
that the SA controlled clothing retailer has found it challenging to restock
to normal levels ever since.In fact, Edgars fears this quarter will be worse
than the current one because Christmas and the festive season's stock has
not be secured.This is because under normal circumstances, such stock would
have been secured but the company says it will miss the biggest party of the
year on the country's retail calendar.The company says it traditionally
sells the majority of its stock and generates close to 60% of its earnings
in the last quarter of every year.Sibanda says the company might only be
able to successfully restock in April next year because the merchandise
supply line has been severely damaged.Despite Zimbabwe having the highest
inflation rate in the world, retailers have been charging minimal rates of
up to 25% with others offering zero deposit facilities while other furniture
retailers charged then ruling market rates of over 600%, making credit
purchases meaningful but very expensive.Civil servants, especially teachers,
soldiers and policemen, who were affected by the scrapping of credit
facilities, have over the years largely depended on credit facilities.Edgars
management told the market at an analysts briefing earlier in the year that
his company has traditionally enjoyed the bulk of its credit business from
civil servants.Civil servants and security guards are the lowest paid
workers in the country and would have had to bear the brunt of cash
purchases. - Fin24
VOA
By Jonga Kandemiiri
Washington
26
November 2007
A magistrate's court in the Zimbabwean town
of Mutoko admitted charges of
malicious injury to property and assault
against two members of the ruling
ZANU-PF party on Monday in connection with
the stoning of an opposition
vehicle Saturday night.
The court set
bail of Z$15 million, about US$10 at the parallel market
exchange rate, for
ZANU-PF activists Gift Katanha and Rodgers Saidi. The
ruling party members
are accused of stoning a truck belonging to the
Mashonaland East provincial
branch of the Movement for Democratic Change,
the country's main opposition
party.
MDC sources said one person was injured in the attack.
The
court dismissed two MDC members who were arrested on their arrival late
Saturday at the Mutoko police station to hand over their alleged assailants.
They were charged with assaulting the two men in the process of apprehending
them.
MDC Organizing Secretary for Mashonaland East Piniel Denga told
Jonga
Kandemiiri that political intimidation continues though crisis
resolution
talks between Zimbabwe's ruling party and the opposition continue
under
South African mediation.
By Lance Guma
26 November 2007
A group known as ‘Zimbabwe Democracy Now’ is causing quite a stir in South Africa after putting up over 5 large billboards in Johannesburg, all with a call for action on Zimbabwe’s crisis. Washington Times journalist Geoff Hill told Newsreel that the billboards seem to have been put up between Saturday and Sunday this weekend, although officials from the organisation are unwilling to confirm the exact date. Hill says he accompanied someone travelling to Zimbabwe and dropped them off at the Park Station bus terminus. There he was met by a huge billboard with the words, ‘Zimbabweans Demand; POWER TO THE PEOPLE; We demand, one citizen, one vote, independently run elections and an end to political violence.’
Several journalists have also confirmed sighting similar billboards in a number of other Johannesburg locations including Orange Grove suburb, Thembisa Township and Diepsloot in Soweto. The other design for the billboards reads, ‘There is a reason so many Zimbabweans are in South Africa: FREEDOM.’ The message ends with the same demand for independently run elections.
Hill managed to speak to a woman activist who is part of Zimbabwe Democracy Now and she confirmed they were behind the first billboard that was erected in Musina in October. At that time armed South African police, accompanied by 9 soldiers in a troop carrier, swooped on the two advertising workers erecting the billboard. The billboard read, ‘We know why you are in South Africa: Life in Zimbabwe is Murder; But please go back to vote in March. We can all be free.’ Musina city council allegedly ordered it to be pulled down, before a backlash from the media, politicians and the courts forced a u-turn and the billboard was left alone.
It’s now unlikely the authorities will tamper with the wave of new billboards
sprouting up all over Johannesburg. Hill says it will take a very bold
politician to try and get them pulled down. The people behind the campaign want
to remain anonymous but the one who spoke to Hill said
Zimbabwe Democracy
Now is a coalition of church and NGO groups that work in and outside Zimbabwe.
The publicity surrounding the first billboard in Musina has apparently helped
them secure more funding to put up more billboards in South
Africa.
SW Radio Africa (London)
26 November
2007
Posted to the web 26 November 2007
Henry
Makiwa
Workers at a government-owned company have taken a bizarre
form of protest
at poor pay by sleeping-in at work.
At least 70
workers from Kingstons Limited, which specialises in stationery
and music,
have been sleeping at the Kingstons' head office for a week now.
The
workers, from eleven branches across Harare, are protesting at poor
working
conditions and a paltry salary.
According to reports, the Kingstons'
employees have converted the company's
forth floor offices, at the corner of
Leopold Takawira Street and Kwame
Nkrumah Avenue, into a "dormitory". A
nearby gymnasium is said to be
providing them with toilet and bath
facilities.
Kingstons has interests in books, music, stationery and
newspaper
distribution. Its fortunes have been failing since the government
acquired
the company from its private owners in 2003, and started using it
as a tool
to expand its propaganda campaign against the
opposition.
The workers are accusing the government of paying them "slave
wages" as they
can hardly cover transport costs with their monthly wages.
They reportedly
earn as little as Z$11 million a month, when transport costs
each worker an
average of Z$20 million.
According to The Standard
newspaper, the workers wrote to appeal to the
Ministry of Public Service,
Labour and Social Welfare to "restore order in
our organisation" or face a
"sleep in". Government is yet to respond to the
demands except to offer some
lip service promising to "look into the issue".
Trade unionists have
accused the government of turning a blind eye to
workers amidst a harsh
economic environment. According to statistics
released by the Zimbabwe
Congress of Trade Unions, the dilemma of Kingstons
workers represents the
plight of over 80% of workers who can no longer
survive on their
salaries.
Meanwhile the government has said it is unable to raise
salaries to end
a strike of magistrates and state prosecutors that has
crippled the court
system.
According to the state owned Sunday Mail
newspaper the Public Service
Commission said magistrates were classed as
civil servants whose salaries
were only due to be reviewed early next
year.
Other civil service pay demands have been put off, after the
government said
it had run out of money in the current budget to meet pay
increases in the
crumbling, hyperinflationary economy.
.
US Department of State
Press Statement
Sean McCormack,
Spokesman
Washington, DC
November 26, 2007
Zimbabwe: Civil
Society Organization Beatings During President Mbeki's Visit
We strongly
condemn the severe beating of 22 members of the National
Constitutional
Assembly, a pro-democracy civil society organization,
following a peaceful
November 22 demonstration in Harare. We call on the
Government of Zimbabwe
to end immediately the violent attacks against
democratic activists and
civil society organizations, to respect the rule of
law, and to allow the
Zimbabwean people to exercise peacefully their
political rights. That such a
brutal attack would occur during South African
President Thabo Mbeki's visit
demonstrates the Mugabe regime's continuing
disregard for democracy,
internationally accepted human rights standards,
and the opinion of the
international community.
We fully support the Southern African
Development Community's (SADC)
initiative in bringing together Zimbabwe's
ruling and opposition parties for
talks on resolving the political and
economic crisis and commend President
Mbeki for his leadership and public
commitment to deliver free and fair
elections in
Zimbabwe.
2007/1038
Released on November 26, 2007
The Zimbabwean
Monday, 26 November 2007 07:25
The current cash shortages are the
clearest indication that the regime is
now comatose and in a permanent state
of hibernation and therefore cannot be
expected to solve the crisis facing
the nation.
It is an open provocation to the people of Zimbabwe
to make them spend
nights outside banks as they seek to withdraw their
hard-earned cash. It is
criminal for any government to be the source of the
people's agony and
tribulations.
People simply want to
withdraw their hard-earned money so that they can buy
food, uniforms and
other basic commodities for their families. They want to
buy maize seed and
fertilizer. They want to maintain their dignity. They do
not want to
negotiate for what is supposed to be an ordinary service. They
want peace
and economic stability. They do not want to be taken for granted.
Accessing
their money is their basic right.
The month of November is
supposed to mark the beginning of the festive
season. The fanfare has since
gone due to Zanu PF's mismanagement but
Zimbabweans still want to maintain
their dignity. They do not want yet
another queue where they spend
productive time seeking to withdraw their own
money which banks are supposed
to be holding in trust. They have every right
to withdraw their limited
daily maximum even though it will not take them
anywhere. They cannot bear
the brunt of a crisis authored and nurtured by
the Zanu PF regime through
decades of patronage, corruption and
mismanagement.
Cash
shortages are a an insult to business, a blow to families and
households, a
mockery to civil servants and workers in general and a death
sentence to
investment possibilities. For our parents, grandparents and
women in the
rural areas, is the last straw to their hopes of ever enjoying
a better life
under this regime. In short, the cash crunch punctures the
economic wheels
of the nation, rendering it stagnant.
It has become a monthly
ritual by the regime to inflict pain and suffering
on Zimbabweans. A few
months ago, the regime emptied supermarket shelves
of basic commodities.
This month, the weapon of cash shortages seems to have
been retrieved to
bludgeon Zimbabweans. Instead of giving a Christmas
present to Zimbabweans,
the regime offers penury and impoverishment.
It is a shameful
indictment on this heartless regime that it has run out of
the worthless
paper that it imposed on the people as currency. Even though
the purchasing
power of token wages has since been eroded, it is a
provocation to the
innocent people of Zimbabwe to make them spend long hours
outside financial
institutions. After spending nights in bank queues, there
is no guarantee
that they will be able to find basic goods on the black
market as the
supermarket shelves are still empty owing to a populist price
blitz which
has since backfired.
Zimbabweans are now clear that Zanu PF does
not deserve any month, any week,
any day, any hour or any minute longer in
office. Zanu PF is better as
history and part of the archives. People want
the dawn of a new era through
free and fair elections which will effect a
legitimate and accountable
government that will address the current crisis
besetting the nation.
Zimbabweans want to recover the lost years and prove
to the world their
capacities, competencies and utility to the global family
of nations. They
want a new Zimbabwe and a new beginning. They want 2008 to
be the year of
change, prosperity and reversal of all that is bad about
Zimbabwe..
The MDC is the people's alternative. It offers a
leadership for change, a
leadership for jobs, a leadership for stability and
a leadership for quality
and affordable health care and
education.
The MDC has a comprehensive economic blueprint that
will take Zimbabwe along
the route to economic recovery. The MDC will give
Zimbabweans real and
valuable currency not bearer's cheques or "tissue"
money.
The MDC is the party of choice. It is the people's only
hope to stability
and economic prosperity.
Nelson Chamisa,
MP
Secretary for Information and Publicity