http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Tererai
Karimakwenda
28 November, 2012
There was drama in Harare on Wednesday
after the breakaway Bishop Nolbert
Kunonga, and his supporters, refused to
vacate the main Anglican Cathedral
in Harare, ignoring a Supreme Court
ruling.
Police have refused to intervene and the premises are being
guarded by the
ZANU PF aligned Chipangano gang from Mbare. The gang
assaulted security
guards that had been posted by the Harare Bishop Chad
Gandiya’s main church.
SW Radio Africa correspondent Simon Muchemwa said
a child suffered a broken
arm while trying to escape when the Chipangano
thugs arrived. A security
guard was also injured but it is not clear how
serious his condition is.
Muchemwa said Kunonga had watched the deputy
sheriff break the locks and
remove his furniture from buildings at the
Cathedral this morning, without
any resistance. He also cooperated with
clergy from Gandiya’s church.
The ex-communicated Bishop had up until 4
P.M. Tuesday to comply with the
Supreme Court ruling, which ordered him and
his supporters to vacate the
Anglican Church properties that he had seized
since he split from the main
church in 2007. The court ruling also confirmed
Gandiya as the Bishop of
Harare.
But Kunonga reportedly filed an
urgent application at the High Court on
Tuesday, in an attempt to block the
evictions. Lawyers from both sides were
said to be battling it out at the
High Court on Wednesday.
According to the Daily News, the renegade Bishop
dismissed the 4pm deadline
during a telephone interview. Kunonga was quoted
as saying: “What do they
have? Can they shoot us with guns? No, they can’t.”
before hanging up the
line.
Last week, in a surprise ruling, the main
church won its Supreme Court
battle to regain control of all Anglican Church
properties, and to have it
acknowledged that Bishop Chad Gandiya is the
legitimate Bishop of Harare.
The court said Kunonga had resigned and started
his own Church Province of
Zimbabwe, therefore giving up the right to own
any church property.
The main church immediately engaged the Messenger of
Court and issued
eviction notices to Kunonga, giving him 48 hours to vacate
Anglican
buildings. The deadline passed on Tuesday at 4pm and Kunonga is
legally in
“contempt of court” and liable to arrest.
But the police
have supported Kunonga for the five years since he split from
the Anglican
Church. Our correspondent said police are now refusing to
assist the
Anglicans in removing the Chipangno thugs from the Cathedral
premises.
It’s also been reported that violence broke out in
Manicaland on Tuesday,
when Kunonga loyalists refused to vacate the church
buildings they were
occupying.
http://www.newzimbabwe.com/
28/11/2012 00:00:00
by Phyllis
Mbanje
THE shamed former Anglican bishop Nolbert Kunonga lashed out
at journalists
on Wednesday and threatened to shoot a photographer as he
intensified his
fight to keep church property.
Despite a Supreme
Court ruling that Kunonga had been illegally occupying
Anglican property
since 2007 when he announced a breakaway during a row over
homosexuality,
his lawyers were back at the High Court on Wednesday seeking
to stop his
eviction.
In two separate applications, Kunonga’s lawyer Jonathan
Samukange is trying
to stop his eviction and also have the renegade bishop’s
Anglican Church of
the Province of Zimbabwe declared the legitimate owners
of the church
properties, including the Cathedral in Harare.
Kunonga
arrived at the Cathedral early Wednesday and found the Deputy
Sheriff Andrew
Chakanyuka shipping out movable property from the cathedral’s
pre-school.
The irate Kunonga – who once called President Robert
Mugabe “the son of
God” – was met by hordes of journalists.
Literally
frothing at the mouth, he shook his finger at the gathered
journalists who
were shouting questions at him.
“Musatore mapictures angu please [Don’t take
pictures of me please,” he said
as he advanced on the NewsDay photographer
Hardlife Samuwi.
“I will shoot you,” Kunonga told the snapper.
Minutes
later, as Kunonga walked off the premises with his aide, the deputy
sheriff
Chakanyuka ran after him demanding keys to three vehicles – a Toyota
Hilux,
a Toyota Fortuner and a Mazda 626.
Kunonga, visibly distressed, told the
sheriff: “Handina kuuya nemota ini
ndisiyeiwo [I din’t bring a car, leave me
alone].”
The Supreme Court order last week in favour of the Church of the
Province of
Central Africa represented by Bishop Chad Gandiya empowered the
deputy
sheriff to eject Kunonga and 10 others from the cathedral offices,
Paget
House along Kwame Nkrumah Avenue and from 101 Central Avenue in
Harare.
http://www.dailynews.co.zw
By Richard Chidza, Staff Writer
Wednesday, 28
November 2012 10:19
HARARE - Members of the Anglican Church yesterday
demonstrated in Mutare
demanding access to church premises still held by a
faction headed by
disgraced former bishop Nolbert Kunonga.
About 100
members of the Church of the Province of Central Africa (CPCA)
marched
through the eastern city before officers asked them to present their
grievances at the police station.
Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights
Manicaland regional manager Blessing
Nyamaropa told the Daily News the group
later dispersed peacefully.
“When we were advised, the group was already
at Mutare Central Police
Station. We arrived after they dispersed and we
could not get much
information,” Nyamaropa said.
CPCA Manicaland
Diocese Bishop Julius Makoni said the police had been very
helpful.
“The police actually bend over backwards to accommodate us.
They did not
want us to block traffic and advised our members to follow the
proper
channels and that is what we are doing now.
“We have since
approached the deputy sheriff and should be able to access
our properties at
least by the weekend,” Makoni said.
However, Kunonga’s Manicaland proxy,
Elson Jakazi, maintained he would not
move unless there is an order
specifically for the diocese.
“I am not privy to what Makoni might have
or might not have discussed with
the police,” Jakazi said. “This has now
become a nuisance, we cannot be
talking about the same things over and over
again. Makoni is behaving like a
madman and I choose not to be engaged in
such foolish discussions.
“Unless there is an order that affects this
diocese (Manicaland) I will not
move. I am in my office now and they can
keep dreaming. Why are they
rushing?” queried Jakazi.
“It (the Makoni
group’s moving in) is impossible, Manicaland is different
from the Harare
Diocese and they should get that. Our lawyers are preparing
heads of
arguments for the case as we speak and we are waiting for the trial
at the
Supreme Court,” he said.
The Supreme Court last week delivered a
devastating blow to Kunonga after
ordering him to vacate church premises he
had been occupying since 2007 in
Harare.
http://www.voazimbabwe.com
Violet Gonda, Jonga
Kandemiri
27.11.2012
President Jacob Zuma’s South African facilitation
team arrived in Zimbabwe
Tuesday evening to break an impasse over the
constitution-making process,
following accusations by the Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) led by
Professor Welshman Ncube that he was blocked
from attending a principals
meeting convened to discuss the draft
constitution Monday.
This follows serious disagreements between Zanu PF
and the MDC formations on
handling the draft document following the holding
of the Second All
Stakeholders’ Conference last month.
President
Robert Mugabe, Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and his deputy
Arthur
Mutambara met in Harare to discuss the outstanding stakeholders’
report and
resolved to set up a cross-party committee tasked with devising a
mechanism
to incorporate submissions from the stakeholders’ conference.
But
Priscilla Misihairambwi-Mushonga, secretary general of the Ncube-MDC
told
VOA Studio 7 that her party leader did not attend the meeting that
decided
to form the committee, comprising the lead negotiators from the
Management
Committee representing the three main political parties in the
inclusive
government.
Misihairabwi-Mushonga said: “He (Ncube) was certainly not a
part of that
decision.”
She said Ncube disagrees with the issue of
creating another committee. “He
disagreed first with the principle but also
disagreed with the issues around
the terms of reference of what that
committee was going to do.”
The secretary general said Ncube was
initially given the wrong venue, made
to sit outside while the other three
principals held their meeting, and was
only invited to join the leaders
after they had made their decision despite
“personal assurances” from
Tsvangirai that he had threatened to boycott the
meeting if Ncube was not
invited.
“By the time they called Professor Ncube they had already had
discussion
among themselves and had a conclusion to which they then asked
Professor
Ncube to comment,” Misihairabwi-Mushonga revealed.
However,
Tsvangirai’s spokesperson William Bango issued conflicting
statements as to
what transpired during meetings of the unity government
leaders.
Bango said the premier told him that Ncube participated
in the second
meeting in which the constitution-making process was discussed
and the MDC
leader did not raise any objections about being left out of any
discussions.
“The meeting started in the afternoon as scheduled … And at
the beginning
they were discussing normal government business at which
Professor Mutambara
has to be part of, while professor Ncube and
(Constitutional Affairs
Minister Eric) Matinenga and Professor Ncube were
waiting in a small holding
room.
“When they were through with the
normal government business, Tsvangirai
insisted that Professor Ncube be part
of the constitution-making discussions
and they discussed the issues
together.
“Professor Ncube did not raise any objections at the time. He
participated
in that discussion and after that the three principals on the
constitutional
matter made a decision on a number of issues,” Bango
said.
Bango insisted that the premier wanted to include his counterpart
in the
other MDC in the principals meeting, as mandated by the Southern
African
Development Community, noting that “unfortunately Ncube is in
dispute with
the deputy prime minister and also with President Mugabe as to
who the
legitimate leader is”.
Asked to comment on why the premier
did not walk out of the meeting in
protest since he invited Ncube, Bango
said: “Professors Mutambara and Ncube
have a problem which is under judicial
scrutiny. What these principals were
discussing at the beginning was the
normal government business of which
Professor Mutambara is deputy prime
minister.”
Meanwhile, Constitution and Parliamentary Affairs Minister
Eric Matinenga,
who also attended the Monday meeting, said that the
committee will be made
up of three members from the current management
committee.
But the Ncube-MDC says the setting up of this committee
forced it to appeal
for intervention by the South African facilitation team
because there is an
impasse on the way forward.
Misihairabwi-Mushonga
said the Tsvangirai-MDC’s latest move is confusing
because her party was
under the impression, through MDC-T secretary general
Tendai Biti, that they
too had written to the facilitation team to come in
and intervene after
indicating that there is a stalemate.
She said: “The Global Political
Agreement says the moment you have a
stakeholders’ conference and the moment
you have a draft you take them to
parliament and you proceed to a
referendum. If anybody is unhappy they can
vote no. Those that are happy can
vote yes. That is our position. It has not
changed.”
She accused Zanu
PF of trying to bring in some “rejected amendments in their
second draft and
renegotiate them.”
Zanu PF spokesman Rugare Gumbo said it was the duty
and the right of the
principals to take over the constitution making
process.
http://www.voazimbabwe.com
Studio
7
27.11.2012
WASHINGTON/HARARE — More than 500 members of activist
group, Women of
Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA), staged a peaceful protest outside
parliament Tuesday
as legislators arrived in the august house to resume
sitting following its
adjournment.
The WOZA women demanded a speedy
completion of the constitution-revision
process and other issues.
The
legislators returned two weeks after the presentation of the $3.8
billion
2013 national budget by Finance Minister Tendai Biti.
WOZA coordinator
Jenni Williams said the demonstrators managed to present
their petition to
the Clerk of Parliament Austin Zvoma.
Williams said unity government
principals should lay their hands off the
draft constitution and focus on
water problems affecting the majority of
people in urban
areas.
Meanwhile, presenting the parliamentary budget committee’s report
about the
2013 national budget, chairman Paddington Zhanda, said the
Constituency
Development Fund (CDF) is the fairest way of distributing money
for capital
development throughout the country.
Zhanda said while
some legislators abused the fund in the past, most had
used it for capital
projects.
He expressed concern over treasury’s failure to disburse CDF
money in 2011
and 2012 despite making provisions for such funds in the
budget.
Several legislators are under investigation for abusing the fund
which was
launched in 2010.
Under the scheme, each of the 210
legislators in the lower house receives
$50,000 for development projects in
their areas.
Zhanda also questioned the running of the Distressed
Industries and
Marginalized Areas Fund created last year to resuscitate
struggling
companies, saying there is no deliberate marginalization of
companies in
Bulawayo.
Both houses of parliament are expected to pass
the budget this week before
breaking for the Christmas
holidays.
Elsewhere, the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) said its
proposed vote in
the 2013 national budget is not enough for conducting the
referendum and
harmonized elections expected to be held next
year.
ZEC is expected to get $50 million in the 2013 national budget, a
far cry
from more than $200 million the commission says it needs next
year.
Chairman Solomon Zwana of the Zimbabwe Election Support Network
told VOA
Studio 7 that Harare must find resources required by the commission
to
ensure they smoothly run the referendum and national polls.
http://www.ch-aviation.ch
28NOV2012:
Air Zimbabwe (UM,
Harare International (HRE)) is again expected to be put up
for sale by the
Zimbabwean government. The national carrier's last
privatization attempt had
failed in February of this year after the
government and potential Chinese
investor HNA Group, the parent of Hainan
Airlines (HU, Haikou Meilan
International (HAK)), could not agree on who of
the two parties would
control the airline. This time around, the government
seems to be willing to
give up control and to sell 74% of shares in the
national carrier while at
the same time also putting legislation in place to
protect Air Zimbabwe from
creditors until 2015 according to the African
Aviation Tribune. Air Zimbabwe
has launched and then again suspended
operations several times already this
year. It is currently offering some
limited domestic flights and one
international route from Harare to
Johannesburg Oliver Reginald Tambo
International (JNB).
http://www.zimdiaspora.com
WEDNESDAY, 28 NOVEMBER 2012 00:27 EUGENE MAJURU
BUSINESS
THE government has proposed a temporary reprieve for Air
Zimbabwe to shield
the debt-ridden national carrier from creditors as it
searches for a new
strategic partner, it has emerged.
According to
new amendments to the Finance Act, Air Zimbabwe creditors will
not possess
the airline’s assets until 2015.
This, according to the proposed law,
would give Air Zimbabwe ample time to
settle its debt.
Air Zimbabwe,
which had been struggling to service domestic, regional and
international
debts until its resumption of flights to South Africa, has
debts in excess
of $150 million.
“In order to protect the assets of the Air Zimbabwe
Corporation or its
successor company from attachment by its creditors, it is
proposed to extend
to it the provisions of the State Liabilities Act
(Chapter 22:13).”
However, this protection is only temporary to enable
the corporation to
repay its creditors in an orderly fashion and will expire
on January 1 2015,
reads the Finance Bill in part.
This comes as
government indicated that Air Zimbabwe’s debts were
discouraging new
investment into the national carrier.
The government, which wholly owns
Air Zimbabwe, said it was prepared to
relinquish 74% shareholding to a new
strategic partner.
The proposal is contrary to empowerment laws
compelling foreign investors to
cede controlling stakes in companies
operating in Zimbabwe.
The airline has in recent months lost its market
share to new and old
airlines that have resumed flights to
Zimbabwe.
Economic Planning and Investment Promotion minister Tapiwa
Mashakada last
month appealed to KLM Royal Dutch Airlines to partner Air
Zimbabwe.
Mashakada made the plea at a function to mark the return of KLM
to Zimbabwe
after 13 years.
He said the government would support the
new strategic partner even though
they may exceed foreign investor threshold
under the country’s equity
laws. - News Day
http://www.radiovop.com
Harare, November 28, 2012 - Aeneas Chapinga
Chuma, A Zimbabwean, has been
appointed by United Nations secretary-general
Ban Ki-moon, as his deputy
special representatives for recovery and
governance of the UN mission in
Liberia (UNMIL).
Chuma will also serve as
the UN resident coordinator, humanitarian
Coordinator and resident
representative, a UN statement said on Tuesday.
He will replace Moustapha
Soumaré of Mali, who now serves as the
secretary-general’s deputy special
representative in the Democratic Republic
of the Congo.
“Chuma brings
with him a wealth of development and leadership experience,”
the UN
said.
“He is currently serving as the resident coordinator, humanitarian
coordinator and resident representative in Kenya.”
Prior to that
appointment Chuma served as the resident coordinator and
resident
representative of the UN in Zambia from 2003 to 2008, as well as
the deputy
resident representative in Mozambique from 2000 to 2003 and in
Uganda from
1996 to 2000.
He also held various positions with the United Nations
Development Programme
in New York, Oman and Zimbabwe.
“In addition to
Chuma’s extensive experience with the United Nations, he
also served as a
macroeconomist and econometrician with the Reserve Bank of
Zimbabwe,” the UN
said.
Chuma holds a Master’s degree in Applied Economics from the
University of
California.
http://www.dailynews.co.zw
Wednesday, 28 November 2012 10:02
HARARE -
Authorities in Harare are on high alert after a typhoid outbreak
that has
claimed four deaths so far and affected over 500 people.
The High Glen
districts of Glen View and Budiriro — the epicentre of a
devastating 2008
cholera outbreak that claimed over 4 000 lives — are once
again under siege,
according to the city’s department of Health Services
director Prosper
Chonzi.
“Provision of water and sanitation remains a priority,” he said.
“We would
rather have people with water that can be treated or boiled than
with no
water at all. We are taking every diarrhoea report as a typhoid
case.
“Although we have confirmed four deaths so far, it is possible that
they may
be higher as some occurred before we realised there is an
outbreak.”
Chonzi said there were concerted efforts from different
departments of the
city to contain the outbreak.
“The city has also
embarked on an exercise to rehabilitate boreholes.
Although the water has
been said to be contaminated by sewerage, we are
providing free aqua tablets
and urging residents to boil all water
regardless of source,” he
said.
“Food is also a key driver of typhoid and residents must be wary of
the food
they take. Do not just buy food, particularly cold foods. We have
also
engaged the Waste Management department to make sure there are no heaps
of
waste lying around. Where the waste has not been collected, we are urging
residents to call us so we can disinfect before collection.”
Harare’s
public relations manager Leslie Gwindi said people are just calling
every
diarrhoea case, typhoid which he said sends out the wrong impression.
“We
are collecting information and only after that can we provide truthful
information,” he said. “I will only be able to give figures by tomorrow
midday, so call me then.”
Harare has been reeling under the weight of
a crippling water shortage that
has seen most areas without water, some for
as much as five years now.
Chonzi said the city is working on repairing
pumps to make sure residents
have water all the time.
“We have
received the required parts and pumping should resume soon,” he
said. -
Staff Writer
http://www.dailynews.co.zw
Wednesday, 28 November 2012 09:48
HARARE - Barely
two months after the police stopped the performance of the
play No Voice No
Choice on political grounds, a different play, The Coup was
also blocked in
Bindura on Monday.
Bindura police denied the performance of the Rooftop
Promotions production
play at Chipadze Bus Terminus saying it was
“political”.
Daves Guzha of Rooftop Promotions said for a country that
has a 90 percent
unemployment rate, it just boggles the mind why anyone
would want to deny
people decent employment.
“The people who are
stopping us have no direct link with us. The
professionals have looked at
the content, they are happy with it, so which
leg is ZRP standing
on?
“What makes it worse is that they have not even seen the showcase but
were
quick to stop us from performing,” complained Guzha.
The
producer said this was the second time since the creation of the
Government
of National Unity (GNU) that a Rooftop Promotions production has
had a brush
with law enforcement agents.
“In 2010 the cast of the play Rituals was
arrested in Cashel Valley and we
proceeded to have a full trial, hence the
landmark ruling when the state
lost the case,” said
Guzha.
Interestingly, Lesley Moyo, Rooftop Promotions publicist said the
same
police station had on Wednesday last week cleared the show. The
Censorship
Board had also cleared the play.
“When the cast arrived at
the performance venue on Monday afternoon they
were informed by police
details from Bindura Central Police Station that
they could not go ahead
with the performance.
“DISPOL assistant commissioner Chiwoko, who is in
charge of Glendale,
Chiweshe and partly Bindura informed the tour manager,
Annamore Ziweya that
the play was too political and therefore the cast could
not go ahead with
the show. He also instructed the other two police stations
Glendale and
Chombira to revoke the clearance granted earlier,” he
said.
The play had a successful start at the University of Zimbabwe on
November 19
and is currently on a national tour.
The Coup was written
by Stanley Makuwe and revolves around a group of dead
bodies crammed in a
broken down hospital mortuary. The bodies decide to rise
up and approach the
country’s leaders to demand better service delivery and
good
governance.
The play zooms in on failing economy, the demise of the
industrial sector
and the worsening of the health delivery system and also
focuses on the
relationship between the coalition partners in the GNU. -
Staff Writer
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
By Tichaona
Sibanda
28 November 2012
Twenty-six of the 29 MDC-T activists who are
facing murder charges after the
death of a police officer in Glen View last
May will spend another Christmas
in custody, their second in a
row.
The majority of the activists were picked up a few days after the
murder of
Inspector Petros Mutedza and have been incarcerated ever since,
without
convictions.
Defence lawyer Charles Kwaramba told SW Radio
Africa on Wednesday the
activists are likely to spend another Christmas
behind bars as the courts
close down for the festive season on
Friday.
‘This case is far from over…the State still has about four
witnesses they
wish to call to testify including a medical doctor. When the
State is done
with its submissions our clients are entitled to apply for
discharge and if
the judge decides otherwise, they will be put to their
defence.
‘This will mean calling more witnesses to give testimony on
their behalf.
Unfortunately for our clients this means spending another
Christmas and New
Year in custody,’ Kwaramba said.
The trial of the
activists was postponed from Monday to Thursday and nothing
much is expected
from the bail hearing on Thursday, while the ongoing trial
is expected to be
postponed to early next year.
Two weeks ago, Youth Assembly chairman
Solomon Madzore was granted a $500
bail by High Court Judge, Justice
Chinembiri Bhunu. Also granted bail was
Lovemore Taruvinga Magaya, while
another activist Cynthia Manjoro, was
granted bail in early October.
http://www.newzimbabwe.com
27/11/2012 00:00:00
by Staff
Reporter
PRIME Minister Morgan Tsvangirai has denied attempting
to dribble Welshman
Ncube in the constitution-making process, insisting he
refused to hold a
meeting with President Robert Mugabe in the absence of the
MDC leader on
Monday.
Tsvangirai met Mugabe and Deputy Author
Mutambara at State House to
deliberate on the stalled constitution reform
while Ncube waited outside.
Ncube was later called in an hour into the
meeting that sought to devise
ways of breaking the constitution
logjam.
The process had stalled a fortnight ago after sharp differences on
what to
do with the report of the Second All Stakeholders’ conference with
Zanu PF
supporting the takeover of the process by the political leaders,
while the
MDC factions wanted the report sent to
Parliament.
Tsvangirai’s spokesperson William Bango said his boss had no
problems with
Ncube and had been strongly in support of his former secretary
general
despite strong opposition from Mugabe and
Mutambara.
“Tsvangirai demanded that Ncube be part of the meeting and
when he heard
Ncube was outside, he personally took him into the meeting,”
Bango said on
Tuesday.
Tsvangirai had been personally calling Ncube
since last week because he
wanted him to be part of the meeting, his
spokesman explained.
“Tsvangirai respects the Maputo [SADC] declaration
that recognises Ncube as
a principal,” he added.
“Ncube has problems with
Mutambara and Mugabe, not the PM. Tsvangirai does
not want to interfere in
the internal affairs of the MDC. It is unfair for
the MDC to blame
Tsvangirai for their problems with Mutambara.”
He said Ncube never raised
any objections when he was allowed in the
meeting.
However, Ncube
maintained he was not told of the venue and suspected the two
did not want
to have him in their meeting.
“When I tracked them down to State House, I
found them already in the
meeting,” Ncube said.
“I waited outside with
Matinenga (Parliamentary and Constitutional Affairs
Minister). Mutambara
came out to ask Matinenga to come in. That was when
they were told I was
waiting outside. They proceeded with their meeting for
an hour while I was
outside.
“When I was taken in by Lawrence Kamwi, Mugabe’s private
secretary, Mugabe
pretended as if he was not aware I was outside all the
time. Mugabe said he
intended to call another meeting of party leaders on
Tuesday after cabinet
meeting, although they had already agreed on a way
forward.”
This, Ncube said, was despite having been called by Ian
Makone, who is in
charge of government affairs in Tsvangirai’s office, who
told him Mugabe was
not willing to have him in the meeting and that
Tsvangirai would boycott.
Ncube said he had been told by Matinenga that
the MDC-T executive had agreed
that Tsvangirai should boycott a meeting
where he is not invited, but
surprisingly, Tsvangirai was already in the
meeting, deliberating a report
Matinenga had produced on the way
forward.
In his report seen by New Zimbabwe.com Matinegna said PF was
delaying the
constitution-making process by reviving issues already resolved
by the
political parties in the fragile coalition government.
In the
report, titled “Mechanisms to unlock the stalled constitution making
process”, Matinenga said Zanu PF was bringing back issues already resolved
by the COPAC Management Committee.
The Management Committee brings
together GPA negotiator from the political
parties. Zanu PF was represented
by Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa and
Transport Minister Nicholas
Goche.
“A robust assessment shows that these issues are the same
disagreed issues
noted in the Second All-Stakeholders’ conference,”
Matinenga wrote in his
report.
“Each of the disagreed issues was at
some stage, prior to the production of
the current draft, a parked issue.
Each parked issue was negotiated over a
lengthy period of time and finally
resolved.”
Matinenga said the Second All Stakeholders’ report showed that
there were
disagreements on such issues as devolution of power, the National
Prosecuting Authority, the Constitutional Court, the executive, citizenship,
land commission and the national peace and reconciliation
commission.
Matinenga said Zanu PF first responded to the first draft
produced by COPAC
in April by coming up with 29-page document listing 225
issues for
amendments. The management committee then resolved the
issue.
Zanu PF responded again by coming up with 266 proposed amendments
to a new
draft produced in July.
“These are the same disagreed issues
set out in the second All-Stakeholders
Conference report,” Matinenga
wrote.
Matinenga proposed the establishment of a committee to expeditiously
deal
with the issues raised to save the process from collapse.
“The
parties need to find each other again,” he said. “The whole draft must
be
edited and cleaned up. This should apply to where the changes were not
recommended and the areas where recommendations for change were made and not
countered.
“In the event that there is no finality after this round,
the SADC
facilitator will have to intervene.”
The leaders agreed to put
all the disputes to a three-member ministerial
team which will advise on the
mechanism to break the impasse.
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
By Tichaona Sibanda
28 November
2012
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai’s party has come out in defence of
its
leader who has been the target of strong criticisms and personal attacks
from leaders of the smaller MDC formation.
Officials and aides in the
MDC-T on Wednesday condemned what they called the
strategies being employed
by Professor Welshman Ncube’s party.
SW Radio Africa is reliably informed
that officials and aides in Tsvangirai’s
office are concerned that he’s
being subjected to a media harassment
campaign which has been intensified
since the deadlock of the COPAC draft.
The officials hit out at political
parties who don’t speak out about how to
resolve the COPAC deadlock, but are
more concerned with just ‘flinging mud’
at each other.
Sources said
Tsvangirai had angered Ncube and the secretary-general of the
party,
Priscilla Misihairambwi-Mushonga, who assumed he was lending support
to
Robert Mugabe and Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara to block Ncube
from
the constitution making process.
It is believed this stemmed from the
fact that Ncube had to wait an hour
before he was invited to join Mugabe,
Tsvangirai and Mutambara, who were
meeting as GPA principals, which Ncube is
not.
A source told us Ncube was invited to join the meeting of political
leaders
after the first meeting had finished. During this meeting Ncube,
together
with Mugabe, Tsvangirai and Mutambara, endorsed a proposal brought
up by
Eric Matinenga, the Constitutional Affairs Minister, to set up a
committee
to look into the submissions made by delegates at the Second
All-Stakeholders’ Conference.
A senior official at Harvest House said
for the past two months Tsvangirai
had been insisting that Ncube be present
in their political leaders
meetings.
‘Zimbabweans deserve better than
false attacks and fabricated negative news.
Ncube can’t back up any of his
false attacks with an actual fact. In as much
as we endorse the rights of
individuals to free expression, we are rather
surprised to see via media a
blitz of uninformed malicious remarks streaming
out of the leadership of the
smaller MDC formation.
‘They must tread on the path of caution and
exhibit political maturity in
their attempt to win the hearts and minds of
the electorate. You can’t win
the election on false accusation and
propaganda against your opponents,’ the
official said.
Tsvangirai’s
new chief of staff Dr Alex Magaisa waded into the fray, when he
clarified
that following the SADC Maputo decision, the MDC-T leader has
always
insisted that Ncube should be involved as one of the principals.
‘He
personally called Ncube, who was in Uganda for a COMESA conference,
advising
him that he had to be involved and that the discussion due to be
held on the
19th November 2012 would be deferred to the 26th November to
enable him to
attend and participate.
‘It was duly deferred. Tsvangirai has insisted on
a point of principle, on
complying with the SADC decision on the issue of
principals. It is incorrect
and false that Tsvangirai has endorsed the
exclusion of Ncube in the
constitutional negotiations,’ Magaisa wrote on his
Facebook page of the
social network site.
He continued:
‘Unfortunately, in the selfish pursuit of political space and
the politics
of divide and conquer, a false impression has been created that
Tsvangirai
is acting in cahoots with Mugabe to sideline Ncube.’
Political analyst
Sanderson Makombe said Ncube needs to break the tradition
of political
mudslinging, especially against Tsvangirai when his target
should be
Mugabe.
He said there is consensus among many Zimbabweans that political
leaders
should rise above party interests and make a grand alliance against
the
forces of corruption and bad governance that have destroyed the country
since independence.
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
The MDC Today
Tuesday, 27 November 2012
Issue –
477
Goromonzi MP, Beatrice Nyamupinga of Zanu PF has blasted Robert
Mugabe’s
agricultural input scheme saying the programme was haphazard,
caused
confusion and was partisan.
Speaking before thousands of MDC
members who included President Tsvangirai
and the party’s senior leadership
at the burial of Mai Martha Nhamburo,
Nyamupinga added her voice to calls by
the MDC for transparency in the
distribution of agricultural inputs and
grain to villagers across the
country.
The MP pleaded with President
Tsvangirai to intervene in his capacity as the
Prime Minister in ensuring
that there was food aid in the community as only
a few aligned to Zanu PF
were benefiting.
“I have more than 12 000 registered voters in my
constituency and most of
them have no aid and I want to appeal to the Prime
Minister to come to the
assistance of these people,” said
Nyamupinga.
Meanwhile, addressing the same mourners, the headman for
Mungati, Sekuru
Murape said he will not accept any form of political
violence in his area.
“In the elections to be held next year, all political
parties concerned
should approach us and our chiefs to get proper direction
on what ought to
be done to ensure a violence free election,” said Headman
Murape.
He said he had worked very well with Councillor Nhamburo whom he
described
as a respectful leader who was concerned for all the people in her
ward
regardless of their political affiliation.
Councillor Nhamburo
who died on Sunday was buried today in Domboshava at
Mungati
Village.
President Tsvangirai described the late Mai Nhamburo, the
Chitungwiza
provincial Women’s Assembly chairperson, as a leader who
dedicated most of
her time in bringing about development and real change to
Chitungwiza and
her home area of Domboshava.
The Last Mile: Towards
Real Transformation!!!
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Tererai
Karimakwenda
28 November, 2012
No salaries have been paid to Council
workers in Chitungwiza for the last
three months, as the municipality
struggles with huge debts and expenditure
far greater than the income
generated.
The workers have now resorted to strike action and it is not
clear how the
officials plan to deal with the crisis.
Eddington
Shayanowako, from the Chitungwiza Community Development Network
(CCDN), told
SW Radio Africa that they spoke to several workers from
different
departments, who had last received wages in August.
Asked how they are
surviving, Shayanowako said: “We are wondering ourselves
how they are
surviving and were surprised to see many of them drinking at a
place called
Pagomba. It seems some of them are now surviving by doing
criminal
activities.
The state run Herald newspaper said Chitungwiza receives $1.4
million in
revenue per month, but pays out $1.7 million in wages. This means
the
Council is falling behind by $300,000 each month without any plan to
eliminate this growing deficit.
The report said three banks are owed
huge amounts by the Council, with the
debts accumulating $200,000 per month
in interest.
Shayanowako said the Council is run by mostly MDC-T
councillors, as well as
several “special interest” councillors that were
appointed by the Local
government Minister, Ignatius Chombo. It has been
alleged that these
councillors were put there by Chombo to cause problems
for the elected
MDC-T.
Shayanowako visited the Council offices on
Tuesday and said there appeared
to be a full council meeting in progress.
Some striking workers outside the
offices said they had been given no
information and had no idea when they
would be paid.
http://www.thezimbabwemail.net/
Staff Reporter 11 hours 29
minutes ago
ZANU PF MP for Goromonzi, Beatrice Nyamupinga,
has attacked President Robert
Mugabe’s US$20 million agricultural input
scheme, dismissing the programme
as partisan and causing unnecessary
confusion around the country.
An official statement from the MDC-T claimed
Nyamupinga attacked the
programme while addressing mourners at the funeral
Tuesday of senior MDC-T
official Martha Nhamburo, who was a Ward councillor
for Goromonzi West.
In a bid to patch-up her stance, Nyamupinga, a sister to
MDC-T leader Morgan
Tsvangirai’s ex-girlfriend Locardia Karimatsenga, has
batracked saying that
she attended and addressed mourners at the funeral
with the MDC-T leader,
but rejected claims that she lambasted Mugabe’s input
scheme.
The programme, said to have been funded by donors, has angered
Mugabe’s
rivals as parties step up campaigns for next year’s key
elections.
In a statement, MDC-T said: “Goromonzi MP, Beatrice Nyamupinga of
Zanu PF
has blasted (President) Robert Mugabe’s agricultural input scheme
saying the
programme was haphazard, caused confusion and was
partisan.
“Speaking before thousands of MDC members who included president
Tsvangirai
and the party’s senior leadership at the burial of Mai Martha
Nhamburo,
Nyamupinga added her voice to calls by the MDC for transparency in
the
distribution of agricultural inputs and grain to villagers across the
country.
“The MP pleaded with president Tsvangirai to intervene in his
capacity as
the Prime Minister in ensuring that there was food aid in the
community as
only a few aligned to Zanu PF were benefiting.”
But
Nyamupinga denied ever making reference to Mugabe’s input scheme and
dismissed the MDC-T claims as a “desperate but ultimately futile" attempt to
drive a wedge between her and her party.
“What they are saying is a load
of nonsense. I never made any reference to
the Presidential input scheme.
They are trying to drag my name through the
mud but it’s not going to work,”
she said.
“People need help with inputs but the Ministry of Finance which is
headed by
the MDC-T says there is no money. So, why would I criticise a
programme that
is going some way in addressing what is clearly a serious
problem?”
The MDC-T has dismissed the scheme as a cynical election campaign
gimmick
and demanded that Mugabe reveals the identity of his donors at a
time the
government has been forced to admit it was practically
skint.
Tsvangirai has accused Zanu PF of diverting Marange diamond funds to
help
build a war chest for elections which are expected to be held in
March.
But the claims were recently trashed by Mugabe’s spokesman George
Charamba.
Charamba insisted that the programme was financed by local and
foreign
donors who “threw coins into the President’s begging
bowl”.
“Certain parties in the inclusive government view agriculture as
synonymous
with supporting Zanu PF which is why it never occurs to them that
it feeds
their stomachs more than it feeds the Zanu PF ballot,” Charamba
said.
“The donor is not the President. The donor are the men and women of
goodwill
who made available the resources to buy inputs so that the
Zimbabwean
farmers, after being failed by their own government, can still go
back to
the field.
“Those donors are not only African but some of them
come from foreign
countries who have been charitable enough to drop coins
into the President’s
begging bowl.”
http://www.newzimbabwe.com/
27/11/2012 00:00:00
by
Business Reporter
ZIMBABWE’S US$3,8 billion budget for 2013 must
shock the government into
prioritising revenue generating sectors of the
economy, the House of
Assembly’s Budget, Finance, Economic Planning and
Investment Promotion
Committee said Tuesday.
Paddy Zhanda, the
committee’s chairman, said it was embarrassing that a
resource-rich country
like Zimbabwe could stake its economic fortunes on a
“supermarket
budget”.
Presenting the committee’s report on the budget to the House of
Assembly, he
said Zimbabwe’s economy could achieve a US$10 billion budget if
the
government got its priorities right.
“We find ourselves talking
about a US$3,8 billion budget which can be
equated to the budget of a single
supermarket in the UK,” Zhanda told MPs,
kicking off a debate on Finance
Minister Tendai Biti’s budget statement.
“The issue before us is what can
we do with a US$3,8billion budget? We now
must look at ways of addressing
balance of payments, increasing investment
inflows, improve industrial
productivity, reduce company closures, create
employment and expand the
revenue base for the economy.”
He said that the revenue side of the
economy has to perform adding that
critical sectors such as agriculture,
mining and manufacturing need to be
incentivised for them to
perform.
Zhanda said critical to the economic transformation will be
increased
performance by all sectors including agriculture, saying the
future of the
sector lay in both introducing contract farming on all
agricultural products
as well as import duty on agricultural
products.
“We have seen some positives of contract farming in crops such
as tobacco,
maize and soya beans but we feel this has to be extended to
include all
agricultural products such as wheat and vegetables,” he
said.
“In the same vein, we must also see import duty being extended to
all
agricultural products. We applaud the decision to have import duty on
chickens but what effect will the import duty on chickens have? We must have
such duty levied on all agricultural products as a way of incentivising the
producers.
“We must learn to protect ourselves; we cannot go on
exposing ourselves
simply because we are signatories to various trade
protocols. The USA is a
signatory to the WTO but subsidises its cotton
farmers and third world
countries feel the pain of that. There is no point
in importing cabbages,
lettuce, and tomatoes from South Africa which also
incentivises its farmers
and companies.”
On manufacturing, the
committee recommended the establishment of a taskforce
comprising the
private sector and the government to address some of the
challenges.
“The cost of manufacturing in this economy is too high,
rendering our
exports uncompetitive,” said Zhanda.
The committee
recommended DIMAF to be extended to all companies saying the
scourge of
company closures was not only confined to Bulawayo.
“There are no
industries that have been deliberately marginalised, as such
DIMAF must be
extended to all companies in the country. It is wrong to say
companies that
are closing are from Bulawayo alone”, said Zhanda.
The poor performance
by the country’s key economic sectors saw the country
revising downwards its
projected economic growth rate from 9.4 percent to
4,4
percent.
Revenue inflows remained low with only US$3,5 billion being
collected.
http://www.express.co.uk
Wednesday
November 28,2012
By Charlotte Meredith
BRITISH taxpayers have
unknowingly been funding violence and repression
across the globe, while
dictators such as Zimbabwe’s Robert Mugabe owe the
UK billions of
pounds.
Ł2.35billion of loans handed out to foreign countries without any
form of
regulation – including payments to Iran, Burma and North Korea –
remain
unpaid, an MPs’ investigation has found.
Much of the money has
been spent on British-made arms, which are then used
to control citizens of
repressive regimes.
The funds were handed out by UK Export Finance (UKEF)
– once dubbed the
‘department of dodgy deals’ – which lends foreign
governments money to buy
British goods.
UKEF insisted it "abides by
international agreements that apply to the
operations of export credit
agencies, including those on anti-bribery,
environmental, human rights and
social impacts and sustainable lending."
However, the investigation also
revealed that the organisation, which makes
no human rights or environmental
checks on loans under Ł10million, also
supplied money for the BP-backed
Baku-Tblisi-Ceyhan oil pipeline, which
breached 170 World Bank and European
standards on human rights and the
environment.
Let no British taxpayer
flatter herself or himself that they are helping
Rwanda. No, you are merely
extending their misery
The news follows a former senior aide to Rwanda’s
president claiming that
British foreign aid to the country is "funding a
dictator".
Earlier this week David Himbara, who was private secretary to
President Paul
Kagame until two years ago, said the Ł270million of British
aid that will be
given to the country over the next three years is
"sustaining a bad regime."
Kagame’s regime is alleged to be funding and
arming a bloody rebellion in
the neighbouring Democratic Republic of the
Congo.
Britain has promised aid for President Kagame at a rate of more
than
Ł80million a year until 2015.
"Britain is not funding Rwanda. It
is funding a dictator. Let no British
taxpayer flatter herself or himself
that they are helping Rwanda. No, you
are merely extending their misery," Mr
Himbara said, speaking to Channel 4’s
Dispatches programme.
Britain's
multi-billion-pound ring-fenced foreign aid budget is rising every
year,
despite David Cameron coming under fierce criticism.
International
Development Secretary Andrew Mitchell – who developed a close
friendship
with President Kagame – allowed a Ł16million package to be handed
over on
his last day in office before being replaced in the September
reshuffle.
Last month, Mr Cameron defended the decision to unfreeze
the latest
Ł16million tranche of aid.
He said: "I am clear, Rwanda
has been, and continues to be, a success story
of a country that has gone
from genocide and disaster to being a role model
for development and lifting
people out of poverty in Africa.
"I am proud of the fact that the last
government, and this government, have
continued to invest in that success."
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Final, the Zimbabwe FA (Zifa) has
released the full list of Asiagate
suspensions and fines, and details of the
new national technical team.
27.11.12
by Mkhululi Chimoio
The
list includes all 70 players, officials and coaches banned or fined in
the
match-fixing scandal.
Sentences vary ranging from wholly suspended
sentences; wholly suspended
sentences with a fine; and effective
bans.
The sentences are in effect from the date of the
pronouncement.
15 players and officials who were handed life bans by
football mother board
are not included in the list. These are former Black
Leopards coach Sunday
Chidzambga, Thomas Sweswe (Bidvest Wits) and Method
Mwanjali (Mamelodi
Sundowns).
Nyasha Mushekwi (Sundowns) has been
handed a wholly suspended ban, as has
Washington Arubi (University of
Pretoria).
Lionel Mtizwa (University of Pretoria) has been given a wholly
suspended ban
but must pay a fine of US$7,000 by December
31.
One-year suspended bans also go to AmaZulu's Ramson Zhuwawo ($3000
fine),
Moroka Swallows' Gilbert Mapemba ($2000) and Ajax Cape Town's
Tafadzwa
Rusike ($2000).
Players and officials have until November 30
to appeal.
"[Those] who want to appeal against the decision of the Zifa
Independent
Disciplinary Ad Hoc Committee may do so by filing their notices
of appeal
and paying the appeal fee of US$ 6000 through the Secretariat by
no later
than Thursday November 30, 2012," Zifa's statement
reads.
New Zimbawe technical team
Zifa has also resolved to
appoint an interim technical team for the Zimbabwe
national team, tasked
with the rebuilding of the team, "following the
dismantling of the Warriors
after the failed 2013 African Cup of Nations
Campaign".
Current Zifa
technical advisor Klaus Pagels will head up the interim
technical team, and
is tasked with recommending assistants and technical
staff, as well as
preparing a new squad for the 2014 World Cup qualifiers.
Zifa appointed
the German coach as they needed a "highly qualified coach in
the shortest
possible timeframe", but added that they are on the look-out
for a local
coach to lead the team in the long term.
The new technical team will be
unveiled at a "special function" in mid
December.
The full
list:
NAME TOURNAMENT POSITION SENTENCE
1. Solomon
Mugavazi Malaysia Monomotapa Fc Official Five
(5)years
2.
Luke Masomere Vietnam Former National Team Coach Two
(2)
years
3. Methembe Ndlovu China Former National U20 Coach Two
(2)
years
4. Lloyd Maungwa Thailand and Malaysia Former Senior
National Team
physiotherapist One (1) year, wholly suspended for two
(2) years
5. Dr Sachikonye Thailand and Malaysia Former Senior
National Men's
Team Doctor One (1) year, wholly suspended for two (2)
years
6. Norman Mapeza CECAFA Kenya Former Senior National Men's
Team
Coach Six (6) Months
7. Nyasha Mushekwi Thailand and
Malaysia Former National Team
Player One (1) year wholly
suspended
8. Washington Arubi Thailand and Malaysia Former National
Team
Player One (1) year wholly suspended
9. Ernest Sibanda
Malaysia Former Senior National Team's
Manager Five (5) years wholly
suspended
10. Joseph Antipas Thailand and Malaysia Former Senior
National Team
Coach Five (5) years wholly suspended
11. Godfrey
Mangove Malaysia and Tunisia Player One (1) year wholly
suspended on
condition that a fine of US $ 2000.00 is paid by 31st
December
2012
12. Daniel Zokoto Malaysia and Tunisia
Player One (1) year wholly
suspended on condition that a fine of US $
2000.00 is paid by 31st December
2012
13. Daniel Kamunhenga
Malaysia and Tunisia Player One (1) year
wholly
suspended on
condition that a fine of US $ 2000.00 is paid by 31st
December
2012
14. Tendai Gwata Malaysia and Tunisia
Player One (1) year wholly
suspended on condition that a fine of US $
2000.00 is paid by 31st December
2012
15. Tapiwa Mapfunga
Malaysia and Tunisia Player One (1) year wholly
suspended on
condition that a fine of US $ 2000.00 is paid by 31st
December
2012
16. Charles Chiutsa Malaysia and Tunisia
Player One (1) year wholly
suspended on condition that a fine of US $
2000.00 is paid by 31st December
2012
17. Abel Chimusara
Malaysia and Tunisia Player One (1) year wholly
suspended on
condition that a fine of US $ 2000.00 is paid by 31st
December
2012
18. Brian Mapfumo Malaysia and Tunisia
Player One (1) year wholly
suspended on condition that a fine of US $
2000.00 is paid by 31st December
2012
19. Vorster Chitema
Malaysia and Tunisia Player One (1) year wholly
suspended on
condition that a fine of US $ 2000.00 is paid by 31st
December
2012
20. Mackay Kawashu Malaysia and Tunisia
Player One (1) year wholly
suspended on condition that a fine of US $
2000.00 is paid by 31st December
2012
21. Lawrence Mdhluli
Malaysia and Tunisia Player One (1) year
wholly
suspended on
condition that a fine of US $ 2000.00 is paid by 31st
December
2012
22. Luckmore Simango Malaysia and Tunisia
Player One (1) year
wholly
suspended on condition that a fine of
US $ 2000.00 is paid by 31st December
2012
23. Tendai Samanja
Malaysia and Tunisia Player One (1) year wholly
suspended on
condition that a fine of US $ 2000.00 is paid by 31st
December
2012
24. Asani Nhongo Malaysia and Tunisia Player
One (1) year wholly
suspended on condition that a fine of US $ 2000.00 is
paid by 31st December
2012
25. Christopher Samakweri Malaysia and
Tunisia Player One (1) year
wholly suspended on condition that a
fine of US $ 2000.00 is paid by 31st
December 2012
26. Eusebio
Manuwere Vietnam Tour Player One Year wholly suspended on
condition
that a fine of US$ 3000.00 is paid by 31st December 2012
27. Mtshumayeli
Moyo Vietnam Tour Player One Year wholly suspended
on
condition that a fine of US$ 3000.00 is paid by 31st December
2012
28. Lionel Mtizwa Vietnam Tour Player One Year wholly
suspended on
condition that a fine of US$ 3000.00 is paid by 31st
December 2012
29. Johannes Ngodzo Vietnam Tour Player One Year
wholly suspended
on
condition that a fine of US$ 3000.00 is paid by
31st December 2012
30. Johannes Ngodzo Merdeca Tournament Player One
(1) year
wholly
suspended on condition that a fine of US $1000.00
is paid by 31st December
2012.
31. Tsungai Mudzamiri Merdeca
Tournament Player One (1) year
wholly
suspended on condition
that a fine of US $1000.00 is paid by 31st December
2012.
32. Ramson
Zhuwawo Merdeca Tournament Player One (1)
year
wholly
suspended on condition that a fine of US $1000.00 is
paid by 31st December
2012.
33. Ali Sadiki Merdeca Tournament
Player One (1) year wholly
suspended on condition that a fine of US
$1000.00 is paid by 31st December
2012.
34. Lionel Mtizwa Merdeca
Tournament Player One (1) year
wholly
suspended on condition
that a fine of US $1000.00 is paid by 31st December
2012.
35. Philip
Marufu Merdeca Tournament Player One (1)
year
wholly
suspended on condition that a fine of US $1000.00 is
paid by 31st December
2012.
36. Beaven Chikaka Merdeca
Tournament Player One (1) year
wholly
suspended on condition
that a fine of US $1000.00 is paid by 31st December
2012.
37.
Progress Mutepfa Merdeca Tournament Player One (1)
year
wholly
suspended on condition that a fine of US $1000.00 is
paid by 31st December
2012.
38. Eusebia Manuwere Merdeca
Tournament Player One (1) year
wholly
suspended on condition
that a fine of US $1000.00 is paid by 31st December
2012.
39. Edward
Tembo Merdeca Tournament Player One (1) year wholly
suspended on
condition that a fine of US $1000.00 is paid by 31st December
2012.
40. Menard Mupera Merdeca Tournament Player One (1)
year
wholly
suspended on condition that a fine of US $1000.00 is
paid by 31st December
2012.
41. Mtshumayeli Moyo Merdeca
Tournament Player One (1) year
wholly
suspended on condition
that a fine of US $1000.00 is paid by 31st December
2012.
42.
Benjamin Marere Thailand and Malaysia Player One (1) year
wholly
suspended on condition that a fine of US $ 2000.00 is paid by 31st
December
2012
43. George Karimapfumbi Thailand and Malaysia Player One (1)
year
wholly suspended on condition that a fine of US $ 2000.00 is paid by
31st
December 2012
44. George Magariro Thailand and Malaysia
Player One (1) year wholly
suspended on condition that a fine of US $
2000.00 is paid by 31st December
2012
45. Gilbert Mapemba Thailand
and Malaysia Player One (1) year wholly
suspended on condition that a
fine of US $ 2000.00 is paid by 31st December
2012
46. Philip
Marufu Thailand and Malaysia Player One (1) year wholly
suspended
on condition that a fine of US $ 2000.00 is paid by 31st
December
2012
47. Ashley Rambanepasi Thailand and Malaysia
Player One (1) year
wholly suspended on condition that a fine of US $
2000.00 is paid by 31st
December 2012
48. Tafadzwa Rusike Thailand
and Malaysia Player One (1) year wholly
suspended on condition that a
fine of US $ 2000.00 is paid by 31st December
2012
49. Daniel
Vheremu Thailand and Malaysia Player One (1) year wholly
suspended
on condition that a fine of US $ 2000.00 is paid by 31st
December
2012
50. Ramson Zhuwawo Thailand and Malaysia
Player One (1) year wholly
suspended on condition that a fine of US $
2000.00 is paid by 31st December
2012
51. Artwell Mukandi
CECAFA-Kenya Player Three (3) years wholly
suspended on condition that
a fine of US $ 3000.00 is paid by 31st December
2012
52. Tafadzwa
Dube CECAFA-Kenya Player Three (3) years
wholly
suspended
on condition that a fine of US $ 3000.00 is paid
by 31st December 2012
53. Zephania Ngodzo CECAFA-Kenya Player
Three (3) years wholly
suspended on condition that a fine of US $ 3000.00
is paid by 31st December
2012
54. Ndumiso Khanye CECAFA-Kenya
Player Three (3) years wholly
suspended on condition that a fine of US
$ 3000.00 is paid by 31st December
2012
55. Casper Machona
CECAFA-Kenya Player Three (3) years wholly
suspended on condition
that a fine of US $ 3000.00 is paid by 31st December
2012
56.
Ocean Mushure CECAFA-Kenya Player Three (3) years wholly
suspended
on condition that a fine of US $ 3000.00 is paid by 31st
December
2012
57. Khumbulani Banda CECAFA-Kenya Player Three
(3) years wholly
suspended on condition that a fine of US $ 3000.00 is
paid by 31st December
2012
58. Lionel Mtizwa CECAFA-Kenya
Player Three (3) years wholly
suspended on condition that a fine of US
$ 3000.00 is paid by 31st December
2012
59. Brian Mapfumo
CECAFA-Kenya Player Three (3) years wholly
suspended
on
condition that a fine of US $ 3000.00 is paid by 31st December 2012
60.
Thabani Kamusoko CECAFA-Kenya Player Three (3) years
wholly
suspended on condition that a fine of US $ 3000.00 is paid by 31st
December
2012
61. Tapiwa Mangezi CECAFA-Kenya Player Three
(3) years wholly
suspended on condition that a fine of US $ 3000.00 is
paid by 31st December
2012
62. Nicholas Alifandika CECAFA-Kenya
Player Three (3) years
wholly
suspended on condition that a
fine of US $ 3000.00 is paid by 31st December
2012
63. William
Kupera CECAFA-Kenya Player Three (3) years wholly
suspended on
condition that a fine of US $ 3000.00 is paid by 31st
December
2012
64. Daniel Kamhunhenga CECAFA-Kenya Player
Three (3) years wholly
suspended on condition that a fine of US $ 3000.00
is paid by 31st December
2012
65. Nqobile Mpala CECAFA-Kenya
Player Three (3) years wholly
suspended on condition that a fine of US
$ 3000.00 is paid by 31st December
2012
66. Tawanda Nyamadzawo
CECAFA-Kenya Player Three (3) years wholly
suspended on condition
that a fine of US $ 3000.00 is paid by 31st December
2012
67.
Qadir Amini Bulgaria Tour Player Two (2) years wholly suspended
on
condition that a fine of US $ 2000.00 is paid by 31st December 2012
68.
Tawanda Mandicha Bulgaria Tour Player Two (2) years
wholly
suspended on condition that a fine of US $ 2000.00 is paid by 31st
December
2012
69. Augustine Mbara Bulgaria Tour Player Two
(2) years wholly
suspended on condition that a fine of US $ 2000.00 is
paid by 31st December
2012
70. Artwell Mukandi Bulgaria Tour
Player Two (2) years wholly
suspended on condition that a fine of US $
2000.00 is paid by 31st December
2012
http://nehandaradio.com
on November 28, 2012 at 2:51 am
By
Steve Vickers
The Zimbabwe Football Association (Zifa) has named German
Klaus Deiter
Pagels as interim national team coach. The move is part of
Zifa’s rebuilding
process begins after the Warriors’ failure to qualify for
the 2013 Africa
Cup of Nations finals.
Pagels has been Zifa’s
national technical advisor since 2010 on a
government-to-government
agreement. His main task is to find a Zimbabwean
assistant coach, who he can
groom to take over permanently next year.
Zifa disbanded the Warriors
squad after losing on away goals to Angola in a
Nations Cup final-round
qualifier in October, and coach Rahman Gumbo
resigned last
week.
Pagels, who has coached in the German third division, says that he
will look
at building a team with young talent, and that he will have a bias
towards
those playing in the domestic league.
“I’ve seen so many
talented young players here and I will want to bring in
more players from
the domestic league into the national team in a short
time,” Pagels told BBC
Sport.
“The reason that I said I can take the job is because I’m not
afraid of
anything, and from my experience I’ve seen so many things in
football, good
things and bad things, and it’s not a problem for me to
handle it.”
Pagels is the third German to take charge of the Zimbabwe
national team,
after Rudi Gutendorf and the late Reinhard Fabisch, who was
one of the most
popular Warriors coaches, having taken the team to within
one game of
qualifying for the for 1994 World Cup finals.
Zimbabwe’s
next competitive matches will be two 2014 World Cup qualifiers
against Egypt
next year, with the Warriors already struggling with one point
from two
games. | BBC Sport |
In the continuing discussion with Copac spokesperson Jessie Majome, journalist Lance Guma asks if Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara is being protected and kept in the position by President Robert Mugabe as a Trojan horse to influence the outcome of the constitution making exercise.
Majome is the Deputy Minister for Women’s Affairs, Gender and Community Development, MP for Harare West constituency and spokesperson for the Constitutional Parliamentary Select Committee (Copac).
Interview first broadcast 20 November 2012
Lance Guma: Just out of curiosity, if Mugabe and some of his supporters are saying the Principals will have a final say, would that be the reason why Arthur Mutambara despite not leading a political party, is there as a principal, is he like the Trojan horse that they want to use, what do you think?
Jessie Majome: Actually the issue of whether or not Professor Arthur Mutambara is a Principal or not is a moot point. It’s a very controversial point, there are court decisions to this effect, the fact that he is not. I understand he has appealed against it and there is also a decision by SADC to the effect that he is not a Principal.
But again if we look at the Select Committee of Parliament (Copac), remember this process is being prosecuted by a Select Committee of Parliament that is representing the parties to the Global Political Agreement.
So if we look at the composition of the Select Committee and find out who are the people, which are the parties in there, if Professor Arthur Mutambara is of the same political party as Professor Welshman Ncube then the problem is solved, there is no problem.
But if Professor Arthur Mutambara is of a different political party to Welshman Ncube’s party then he is in trouble because in the Select Committee of Parliament (Copac), as far as I know, there no representatives from Professor Arthur Mutambara.
The members of the Select Committee that are in the Select Committee are Honourable (Edward) Mhkosi and (Believe) Gawule. As far as I know they reflect allegiance and membership to Professor Ncube.
And even when we held the Second Stakeholders conference the participants that came and that were deployed by that MDC, were members from professor Ncube’s party, there was not a single person from Professor Arthur Mutambara’s side who came to the conference.
Guma: So Professor Mutambara is seeking symbolic recognition rather than practical recognition based on actual participation in the process?
Majome: Lance I do not hold the brief for Professor Mutambara. I wouldn’t be able to say yes, but what I will just refer to are the facts on the ground which is more interesting because the Stakeholders Conference was an All Stakeholders Conference. It had the three political parties that are party to the GPA.
It had civil society, in addition there were also political parties that are not party to the GPA. There were political parties that took part in the outreach process, they were also represented. If you ask Mavambo, if you ask Zanu Ndonga, if you ask even the Christian Multi-Party Democratic Party, they were also there.
And Zapu was there, they were other parties that were there. But the political party that is led by Professor Arthur Mutambara to the best of my knowledge was not a participant at all in the Second Stakeholders conference and it is not reflected in membership of the Select Committee, so…
Guma: ….So you don’t have to be a rocket scientist to work that one out and coincidentally he (Mutambara) is a rocket scientist….. (Majome laughs)…
Next will be Part 3 of this transcript looking at criticism of the Copac draft
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
When I was going to school, my mother was
virtually a single mom, trying to
raise four kids. Life was tough and there
were very few luxuries, we had the
basics, but could afford little else. I
went to school and because of an
accident of history, I was able to get a
world class education at virtually
no cost to my family, because I was
white.
28.11.12
by Eddie Cross
Today, some of my
classmates are doctors, a few are professors at good
universities, others
have done well in business and the professions. They
are all real achievers
and recognised as such. But that has nothing to do
with where they came from
– we were a rough bunch and came from a generally
poor community.
It
was the school that gave us our foundation for life and I think this
lesson
has to be learned and appreciated by all in our society if we are to
give
education its rightful place and spend what is needed to empower the
next
generation.
Education costs money. In the new budget for 2013, the MDC
has committed
over 27 per cent of the national budget to education– much
more than is
called for under AU guidelines. For the first time our national
state
expenditure on education will exceed $1 billion. But the reality is
that
spread across 3,2 million children of school going age and perhaps
150,000
students in tertiary institutions, it’s a pretty thin budget. It
also has to
provide salaries for about 120,000 professional teachers and
administrators.
That’s $225 per child per year, $1,600 per student per
year in tertiary
education. My own grandchildren all go to private schools
at a cost of about
$3,600 a year each. When they go to university, if they
go outside the
country, it will cost their parents $6,000 a year or
more.
It is critical that the state continue to commit a bigger share of
national
tax revenues to education. Included in the Millennium Goals for
2015 are
universal education rights, but they are not doing a great deal to
ensure
that poor countries can actually provide a decent system of basic
education.
Here in Zimbabwe the international community spends about $900
million a
year, of which only about $50 million finds its way to
education.
We have to set up a benchmark against which we set our goals
for funding. In
a country like ours I suggest the benchmark is a
five-year-old girl child,
from a peasant family in the rural areas, who has
to walk six km to school.
When she walks through that gate, she should be
safe, able to have a food
supplement if food is in short supply at home,
meet her teachers in a clean,
well-built classroom that has electricity and
be taught by a well-trained
and motivated teacher. She should also have
access to the international
world of the internet and IT services.
Is
that too high a benchmark; too far ahead of our ability to fund the
system?
I do not think so if we get our priorities right and put our
collective
shoulders to the wheel. What is needed is to first empower the
child – give
her the basic resources to pay for her own education by
adopting a basic
school grant system. Instead of funding the teachers and
the school
directly, give each child a grant per month that can accrue to
the school
they chose to go to. Put the power into the hands of the child
and her
parents. Make the schools compete for students, punish schools that
do not
perform or give service.
Secondly, involve the parents in every aspect of
the education system; put
school boards in charge - elected by parents. Give
them responsibility for
selecting and paying teachers. Give the teaching
profession the right to
negotiate terms of employment with their employers.
Provide enough money to
pay teachers as professionals who are highly
regarded and respected in their
communities. Give teachers the opportunity
to buy their own homes and
vehicles through special credit schemes. Provide
the profession with decent
retirement rights. Pay special attention to Heads
of Schools.
Thirdly, provide for a rigorous system of education with a
curriculum that
will prepare every child for life in the career of their
choice. National
examinations that will give the schools and their parents
and future
employers real standards against which they can assess the
abilities of
every child.
Fourthly, provide financial support systems
that will ensure that every
child can complete at least 12 years of formal
education before they have to
start making a living.
If we put such
systems into place, parents would make sacrificial efforts to
make sure that
it happened. Foreign donors could be sure that the money they
put into the
system at any level (school nutritional support, school grant
aid support or
individually targeted financial support for children from
poor families or
orphans) was well spent and productive.
No other programme of government
would yield bigger or better results. No
other programme could empower and
enable the least advantaged in our
societies. Nothing could compare to this
as an investment in our common
future.
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
28.11.12
Vince Musewe
We have accepted
a substandard life and we are getting the leadership that
we
deserve.
The commander in chief of the armed forces, the first secretary
of ZANU
(PF), the President of the Republic of Zimbabwe, His
Excellency,Comrade
Robert Gabriel Mugabe saw it fit to “donate” USD 20
million worth of seeds
to poor Zimbabweans as a token of his appreciation of
the suffering that
they are enduring as a result of illegal sanctions
imposed by the
imperialist British and the West.
There have been
accusations by mischievous and misguided detractors in the
media, that the
USD20 million was secured from diamond revenues. This has
proved once more,
how the West continues to influence and control our media
in their wish for
regime change.
On giving out the seeds to registered ZANU (PF) members
only in Highfileds
recently, an old woman was accused of being an MDC
supporter and was
accordingly beaten up. She reported this to the police,
who insisted that
she first get a doctor’s report on her injuries before
they could arrest the
perpetrators. She returned with a doctor’s note and
the police, on noting
that the medical report had been provided by a private
doctor, further
insisted that they would only accept a report written by a
doctor from a
government hospital before they could take any action. She
gave up.
The attorney general came out guns blazing the other day, and
stated that
those who speak against the interests of the country will face
dire
consequences in the future and be charged with treason. This was after
some
accusations that Marange diamonds were conflict diamonds, something the
honorable gentleman did not take kindly to. We have all been duly warned,
that the authorities have been rather lax to date and will tighten the
screws on those that seek to discredit this regime. This of course, involves
anyone who sees it fit to exercise their constitutional right and criticize
ZANU (PF) or point out where they are going wrong. Such is our democracy and
how those who swore to protect the constitution of the country behave. Our
banana republic thrives.
The Essar deal worth billions of dollars is
on hold once more. This is
because the government has suddenly realized that
they must perform a due
diligence on the transaction? The minister
responsible clearly under priced
the asset and in normal circumstances, he
would have resigned but his
silence on the matter is rather deafening. The
cabinet also approved the
transaction and even held a reception to celebrate
it, but there has been no
progress to consummate the deal. Now the Indian
ambassador to Zimbabwe is
not impressed and it is likely that we will not be
receiving any investors
from India in the near future. What a
joke.
The silly season is upon us once more. I am not talking about
Christmas
here, but primary elections where we are meant to select those
individuals
that will stand for parliamentary seats in the next elections.
It is time to
connive and be crafty, time to back stab and climb up the
political ladder.
It is time to give out food hampers, tractors and seeds.
It is opportune to
hold babies and once again, promise poor communities
projects that will be
embarked upon to improve their lot but only after the
elections. This
formula works all the time. I am also reliably informed,
that it is only in
Zimbabwe where, an MP does not have to reside in their
constituency and
therefore has no clue of his or her community’s day to day
issues. Talk
about absentee MPs’. It’s frightening.
The inscrutable
bishop Kunonga’s chickens have come home to roost. What
amazes me is that
during this whole despicable saga, the police ferociously
guarded the
properties he had taken over and did not allow other Anglican
parishioners
to worship in their churches. The lesson here is that; you can
expropriate
anyone’s property and be protected by the police during your
illegal
occupation. The courts will take about five years to evict you. In
the mean
time, you can collect rent and make a bundle and nobody will ask
for the
money back. Now that’s indigenization for you. The astounding
development is
that the not so venerable bishop is now actually fighting
back a Supreme
Court Judgment. The same happened to our commercial farmers I
guess, so
nothing is new here.
Now these things make me laugh, not because it’s
funny, but it so tragic
that I have to release some stress. I have been in
Harare for the last six
months and if I were normal, I would be on my way
out of here once more.
That is not about to happen this time, simply because
I believe that this
country of ours needs us now more so than ever. It is
distressing to hear
what’s going on in every sector of our economy and on
the political front.
It is even more distressing when you look around and
see nobody protesting
and most re going on with their lives as if all is
well. We are truly
damned.
I have sadly realized that our problem is
not ZANU (PF) as such, but
Zimbabweans in general. We have accepted a
substandard life and we are
getting the leadership that we deserve. I have
been talking to a lot of
Zimbabweans locally and abroad, funny enough, we
all agree on what is wrong
with Zimbabwe, but it seems none of us are
prepared to do anything about it.
We are all waiting for somebody somewhere
to emerge and do something for us.
Everyone wants to go to heaven, but
nobody wants to die.
Watching the recent developments in Egypt and how
they will not accept
anything but democracy, has made me realize that
Zimbabweans are doomed
unless they unite and act against a dictatorship
which must now end.
However, this will not guarantee us democracy, because
to be honest, we have
never really tasted true democracy. In my opinion, we
would not be able to
live up to it. It is highly likely therefore, that even
a new government in
Zimbabwe will continue to dominate and dictate and
Zimbabweans will continue
on with their lives as usual. I think being
educated sucks because you
rationalize, theorize and criticize, sit back and
wait.
If there is anything ZANU (PF) has managed to do over the last
thirty two
years, it is to steal the dreams, passion and aspirations of most
Zimbabweans. It is so frightening that one has to deliberately escape from
that mindset or one can easily become average and also accept substandard
politicians whose main concerns are their purses and stomachs. That is the
power that ZANU (PF) continues to wield over the majority of
Zimbabweans.
To Zimbabweans in the Diaspora I say that, as Americans have
shown us, you
must begin to support democratic organizations in Zimbabwe
financially as
individuals. Criticizing from the sidelines is important, but
it will not
change things on the ground. Contribute the little you can and
your numbers
will speak for themselves. You can change Zimbabwe politics
overnight by
doing so little and the good news is that you don’t have to be
physically
here for now to achieve that.
To those waiting for change
locally my challenge is that, unless you become
involved in politics, we
will continue to get the bad leadership that we
deserve. We all must be
activists; nobody is going to change things for us.
Yes, voting is important
but it will not be enough, because those you vote
for may not necessarily be
the best of breed and once they are in power,
they are no assurances they
will act in your interests or benefit the
country at large.
As for
me, I refuse to accept ZANU (PF) leadership, I refuse to believe that
the
MDC as our only solution for a better future. My spirit tells me that we
deserve much better and it is not impossible for us to create the Zimbabwe
we desire. We can no longer accept a majority party in government; we have
tasted its bitter fruit over the last thirty two years. We must set high
standards of democracy and high expectations for the masses. It is
imperative that we all contribute our multiple voices and resources to
change our circumstances for the better. Yes we can.
Hmmm, there is
much to done, so God help me!
Vince Musewe is an independent economist in
Harare and you can contact him
on vtmusewe@gmail.com
DISSIDENT NUMBERS
The numbers of dissidents were probably no more than 400 at their height. Their attrition rate was very high, with approximately 75% being killed, captured, injured or fleeing to Botswana.
While the dissidents themselves did not fear 5 Brigade much, considering it to be an inefficient fighting unit dedicated to killing civilians, the local population feared the Brigade greatly. Locals therefore gave help only with reluctance, or at the point of a gun.
At their peak, dissident numbers in Matabeleland South were around 200, but by the Amnesty this had been reduced to 54. In Matabeleland North, dissidents numbered around 90 at most, but again, by the Amnesty, only 41 remained.
In western Matableland, dissidents numbered 90 at their peak, and around 27 at the Amnesty. Ultimately, only 122 dissidents would turn themselves in, countrywide. It is possible that a handful of people who were more correctly criminals than dissidents, and who had committed similar crimes, did not surrender at this time.
POPULAR SUPPORT
Dissidents frequently point out that, in direct contrast to the war for liberation, they had very little popular support in the 1980s. This they attribute to the comparative strength of the forces against them, and the dissidents’ inability to protect civilians who fed them from being persecuted in turn: “quite the opposite: their activities drew Government crackdowns in which civilians suffered greatly.”
In addition, while civilians had been prepared to suffer to protect the armed comrades when liberation was the clear goal, there was no perceivable long or short term benefit for civilians in helping dissidents in the 1980s. In 1981, dissidents were sometimes greeted with sympathy, when they told how they had been persecuted in the army.
However, sympathy deteriorated rapidly, partly because of ZAPU policy regarding dissidents, partly because of the disrespect and violence with which dissidents treated local people, and partly because some blamed the dissidents for the heavy costs to civilians of the government repression which followed.
While the dissidents themselves did not fear 5 Brigade much, considering it to be an inefficient fighting unit dedicated to killing civilians, the local population feared the Brigade greatly. Locals therefore gave help only with reluctance, or at the point of a gun.
The dissidents were particularly resented for their insistence that villagers kill chickens, a luxury food, to provide them with relish: they also raped young women. When help was given, the dissidents did not perceive this help as politically motivated: “They gave us support knowing our lives were at stake”.
Interviews in the case study areas make it clear that civilians saw themselves as once more “caught in the middle”, as they had been in the 1970s liberation war.
On the one hand, if they supported dissidents, they were likely to be punished, detained or killed by 5 Brigade or other army units, but if they refused this support, or if they reported dissidents, they were likely to be punished or killed by the dissidents.
This phenomenon is marked in the resettled villages of Nyamandlovu. (See “Village by Village Summary”, under Eastern Nyamandlovu, page ). Here dissidents burnt out 2 resettled villages. 5 Brigade saw the smoke, and drove over.
The dissidents escaped, but villagers were left to face interrogation by 5 Brigade, resulting in the only death in this incident. There are on record from Tsholotsho, interviews which report people being beaten or killed by 5 Brigade for going to 5 Brigade camps to report the presence of dissidents in their area.
In Matobo too, especially in Khumalo Communal Lands, civilians reported how they often found themselves trapped between dissidents who demanded food and returned on subsequent occasions making ever more violent threats about what would happen to any villagers who reported their presence.
Several families fled the area for Bulawayo or Botswana, rather than face the continual dilemma of what to do about the dissidents.
DISSIDENT ACTIVITIES
It is very difficult at this stage to quantify clearly the full extent of the damage caused by dissidents, because of the biased nature of press reporting at the time, and the fact that Government agencies such as 5 Brigade and the CIO were committing human rights violations concurrently, sometimes in the guise of the dissidents.
It is, however, generally accepted by all parties that dissidents were responsible for all the murders of white farmers and their families in the 1980s. Between late 1982 and the end of 1983, 33 farmers or their family members were murdered.
While the impact of dissidents on civilians in the communal lands was perceived as less harsh by far than that of 5 Brigade, the impact of the dissidents on the small commercial farming communities was dramatic.
For example, in Nyamandlovu, which lies in the first Case Study area, ZIPRA had been responsible for killing only one white farming couple in Nyamandlovu during the 1970s, but in the 1980s, dissidents killed 21 people in this commercial farming area, inclusive of farmers, their families and at times, their staff.
Many farmers sold their ranches, or moved their families into nearby Bulawayo for protection, leaving productive farmland idle.
Nyamandlovu farmers themselves say they believe their farms provided a convenient corridor for dissidents wishing to get from parts of Zimbabwe further east or north, back to Tsholotsho or Botswana in the west.
Farms here are huge, frequently 5 000 hectares or more, and being mainly ranchland, they are not labour intensive. It would therefore have been comparatively easy for dissidents to travel through the remote parts of the ranches without being detected. Farmers believe dissidents did travel to and fro, keeping a low profile in between their ambushes.
Dissidents themselves talk of using the commercial farms as “hospitals” for their injured. However, the problem in staying for any length of time on these farms was lack of access to food and water.
Dissidents were also responsible for severely disrupting normal activities in Matobo commercial farming areas, where 8 deaths were reported by The Chronicle as having occurred on commercial farms in this district.
In addition, farming equipment was frequently burnt out, and livestock killed. In June 1982, a cattle sale was raided by dissidents, who stole $40 000.
There were also other murders of commercial farmers, apart from those in the two case study areas – see Tables in Part Two, III for more detail. Some of the murders were committed by Super ZAPU, particularly in the southern and south western part of Matabeleland. These murders involved the deaths of men, women and children.
Its seems likely that most of the multiple murders and ambushes were committed by a few bands of dissidents, while the rest of the dissidents confined their activity to petty crimes.
For example, on 5 October 1983, The Chronicle reports the arrest of a gang of 5 dissidents, part of a larger gang which is linked to the murders of twenty eight commercial farmers and their families: these murders occurred in Gwanda, Bubi, and Nyamandlovu, and included the murder of Senator Paul Savage.
This latter murder was attributed by D. Martin and P. Johnson to Super ZAPU on ballistic evidence, which in turn implies that these 28 murders may all have involved Super ZAPU.
Minister Simbi Mubako is also quoted in the above-indicated news report as having said it is “extremely difficult” in some cases to determine which people had died at the hands of dissidents and which had been killed by out and out criminals.
Apart from the murders on commercial farms, dissidents also murdered civilians in the communal areas, although they did not appear to do so as a matter of course. Those murdered were often villagers regarded as “sell-outs”, who were believed to have informed the security forces of dissident movements.
The dissidents also targeted ZANU-PF officials, in a retaliatory gesture for the large numbers of ZAPU officials being arrested or murdered by Government agencies during these years, and also as a protest against the ZANU-PF role in repressing civilians in Matabeleland North.
Exactly how many people were murdered by dissidents in the rural areas will remain speculation.
Government figures would place the murdered in the region of around 700 to 800. But in areas where fairly exhaustive research has now taken place, these high casualty claims are not borne out.
In Tsholotsho, for example, fewer than 20 murders of civilians are blamed on dissidents by residents, and in Lupane, around 25 murders are attributed to them, although this figure includes some murders in which witnesses believed the true identity of the perpetrators to be Government agents in disguise as dissidents. There was a further handful of dissident murders in Nkayi. Yet Matabeleland North was allegedly a hot bed of dissident activity.
In Matobo, the second Case Study area, The Chronicle specifically reports the murders of 30 people in the district: this figure includes the 16 missionaries murdered, and several commercial farmers and their families, well over half this total figure.
Civilians in the Communal Lands interviewed in 1996 attributed 11 murders to dissidents, between 1982 and 1987. Most of these were in Khumalo Communal Lands, a mountainous region where dissidents could readily conceal themselves from pursuing troops.
In this area certain notorious dissidents were well known to villagers and greatly feared and hated. These included the “pseudo dissident” Gayigusu, and also “Fidel Castro”, “Danger” and “Idi Amin”. All these dissidents are referred to by name in The Chronicle at different times.
While murders of civilians in rural areas were not common, those that occurred were often exceedingly sadistic, as the following testimony shows.
CASE 2611 ABy, 2612 X
DISTRICT: Nkayi
PERPETRATOR: Dissidents
TIME: November 1985
WITNESS: Wife of murder victim
VICTIM: 47 year old farmer, married with 8 children – murdered:
Wife – wounded with an axe and beaten
Taken from a report on the 1980’s disturbances in Matabeleland and the Midlands. Compiled by the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace in Zimbabwe, March 1997.