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Canada Free Press
 

Democracy under arrest in Zimbabwe

by Judi McLeod, Canadafreepress.com

November 3, 2004

With world attention focused on the American presidential race, ruling ZANU-PF parliamentarians in Zimbabwe used their majority in the House to impose a one-year jail term of hard labour against opposition legislator Roy Bennet.

As noted by ZimOnline, that makes Bennet the first Zimbabwean to be sentenced outside the court process, and the country’s first Member of Parliament to ever be jailed over alleged contempt of parliament charges.

Bennet is alleged to have shoved Justice Minister Patrick Chinamassa during parliamentary debate last May, after the latter had referred to his ancestors as “murderers” and “thieves” who stole Zimbabe’s land from blacks.

Bennet’s arrest follows by only weeks, the acquittal of treason charges against Opposition Leader Morgan Tsvangirai, stemming from state accusations that he plotted to kill President Robert Mugabe with the help of a Canadian-based political consultant, Ari Ben-Menashe.

“It is important that we are not lulled into any sense that the judiciary is impartial and accountable,” warned news@zvakwanaja in a communiqué following the acquittal. “The acquittal was orchestrated by the regime to make our country seem law abiding and democratic. The regime is desperate to be seen (as) upstanding, and to win favour with the Southern African Development Community (SADC), the African Union (AU) and the international community ahead of next year’s election.”

Fifty-three ZANU-PF members voted to commit Bennet to incarceration against 42 opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) legislators, who opposed the motion.

Bennet had appealed to the High Court well in advance of the October 28 vote in Parliament to have the prison term set aside.

But speaker of Parliament Emmerson Mnangagwa issued an order in terms of the Privileges, Immunities and Powers of Parliament Act barring courts from hearing Bennet’s appeal.

Mnangagwa is a close ally of Mugabe.

One of only three white opposition members of Zimbabwe’s Parliament, Bennet was arrested at Harare International Airport.

Scheduled to fly to South Africa on a business trip and return to Zimbabwe the same day, Bennet denied police charges that he was fleeing the country. “I would rather go to jail if it pleases this regime than flee my country into exile,” he said.

The pain and emotional trauma inflicted on Roy Bennet by the Mugabe regime would make a blockbuster Hollywood movie.

Sent broke by the regime when his coffee farm, in the foothills of the Chimanimami Mountains in May of 2001 was invaded, he has been forced into a change of career. During the fracas, his wife Heather, who had a pistol held to her throat, miscarried their baby.

Most western countries, including the United States did not recognize Mugabe’s tantalizingly narrow March 2002 election victory.

In a country that is starving its own people, the arrest of Roy Bennet within weeks of the acquittal of Morgan Tsvangirai seems par for the course. There are those who would argue that democracy and the whole country has been under arrest.

Their plight below the media radar screen, the longsuffering people of Zimbabwe are owed more by the international community and especially by peace-touting Canada, which harbours Ari Ben-Menashe, still conducting business with impunity from the City of Montreal.

Canada Free Press founding editor Judi McLeod is an award-winning journalist with 30 years experience in the media. A former Toronto Sun and Kingston Whig Standard columnist, she has also appeared on Newsmax.com, the Drudge Report, Foxnews.com, and World Net Daily. Judi can be reached at: cfp@canadafreepress.com.

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Judi McLeod's 2002 Interview with Roy Bennett:
 
 SOS from Zimbabwe

by Judi McLeod

August 19, 2002

August 16, 2002 will remain forever a red-letter day for me. That’s the day when I met real life hero Roy Bennett, senior member of Zimbabwe’s opposition.

Down to earth, direct and well spoken, Bennett doesn’t think of himself as a hero.

The sole white farmer in Zimbabwe’s parliament, he’s more coffee farmer, husband and father than politician.

The plight of almost 3,000 farmers in faraway Africa takes a back seat in the news media, whose collective eye is on unrest in the Middle East.

A passionate and outspoken advocate of freedom and liberty, Bennett has paid dearly for his courage.

"You can’t run away from everything. There are some things in life worth taking a stand for," he says of his steadfast defiant stand against Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe.

Basing his land grab on correcting colonial injustice, Mugabe is demanding that the farmers turn over their farms to landless blacks on a deadline of August 8.

"This is not a black and white fight. It has nothing to do with righting colonial justice. It’s a fight about politics," Bennett told me. Real people shed real blood in Mugabe’s fight. Real tears from the real human tragedy do not move the 78-year-old Zimbabwe president.

Indeed, despite harsh criticism at home and abroad, Mugabe not only continues to push ahead with his land-grab campaign, he is adamant about not allowing any "avoidable impediments" to delay the "fast-track resettlement" by the end of this month.

Amid this power and might, a lone wolf called Roy Bennett gives new meaning to the phrase the power of one, and continues flinging his stones from a slingshot.

Worrying enough to be in the middle of human rights carnage at a time in history when what is going on in Zimbabwe is overshadowed by Mid-East unrest. This is an injustice masquerading under the alibi of "correcting colonial justice," by a president whose henchmen are dignified by the name "war veterans."

"The majority of the President’s politburo are far too young to be war veterans," Bennett insists.

The coffee farmer knows the terror of their violence firsthand. Since Mugabe’s war veterans invaded his Charleswood estate in the foothills of the Chimanimani Mountains in May of 2001, he has lost hundreds of thousands of pounds in revenue and his wife miscarried their baby.

With Charleswood ravaged, Bennett turned it into a stronghold for the opposition Movement for Democratic Change, of which he remains an active member.

For farmers working the land, the fight going on in Zimbabwe is straight out of a horror movie complete with black militants armed with clubs and stones.

When it was the militant’s turn to invade Charleswood, they came of a sudden, driving around in Bennett’s vehicles, first chasing down, then catching, and beating up his workers. His cattle were shot and eaten. His wife, Heather, and children, Charles and Casey were forced into hiding.

The invaders decimated the once idyllic estate, as romantic and peaceful a setting as any that could be found. Before leaving, they had ruined not only 100 tons of the year’s coffee crop; they wiped out the painstaking preparations for another three years of planting. Devastating losses were estimated at more than 200,000 pounds.

A Scottish marketing company interested in building a coffee production plant on the estate backed off.

Just as the shock was beginning to wear off, wife Heather, who had had a pistol held to her throat, miscarried.

Living well on a coffee farm one day and barely surviving the next would drive even the bravest off the land and leave them discouraged for a long time to come.

But Bennett, a farmer at heart, is not the type to cut and run. "We’ve got to make the best of it. We’re making it work, putting our backs into it," he said.

Bennett’s private mission is convincing other farmers to stand strong and believe in Zimbabwe’s future. "We’ve got to keep going. Our long-term future is in our own home country."

Even with threats on his life, one of Bennett’ first moves after the desecration of his estate was to launch a civil lawsuit against Agrippa Natanga, the Mugabe henchman he blames for much of the violence at Charleswood.

"I know my constituency is 100 per cent behind me. Our greatest asset is our people. A lot of Zanu people are very good and are totally opposed to what is going on."

While Mugabe’s brutal regime sweeps through the farms, millions of southern Africans in Zimbabwe and elsewhere face food shortages due to the disruption on the farms, coupled with severe drought.

Someday there will be peace in Zimbabwe. And when it comes Roy Bennett, who embodies the true meaning of the power of one, will be working the land on his coffee farm.

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IOL

MDC leader facing a second set of charges
          November 03 2004 at 12:03PM

      Harare - Zimbabwe's main opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai, recently
cleared of plotting to kill President Robert Mugabe, appeared before a
magistrate's court on Wednesday for a routine remand hearing on separate
treason charges.

      The Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) leader, who has been
regularly appearing in court for remand since June last year, was ordered to
return to court on January 13.

      The second set of charges against Tsvangirai arose from mass
anti-government protests dubbed the "final push", which he organised last
year after which he was accused of urging Zimbabweans to oust Mugabe, in
power since independence in 1980.

      The state accuses Tsvangirai of inciting his supporters to overthrow
the government and engage in acts of public violence.

      He denied that the strikes and marches were aimed at removing the
80-year-old head of state, arguing they were spontaneous demonstrations of
public anger at the economic and social hardships faced by the common man.

      The southern African country last year went through its worst social
and economic woes with acute shortages of food, fuel and bank notes, while
inflation shot over the 600 percent mark.

      A fortnight ago, the High Court acquitted Tsvangirai of charges of
plotting to assassinate Mugabe ahead of the 2002 presidential elections.

      But the government, unhappy with the acquittal, is preparing to appeal
against the ruling.
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MEDIA STATEMENT
For immediate release
 
AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL SOUTH AFRICA AND CIVICUS ANNOUNCE
THE “BORDER TO BORDER SOLIDARITY WITH ZIMBABWE RALLY”
 
2 November 2004; Johannesburg, South Africa – Amnesty International South Africa (AISA) and CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation today announced plans to carry out a Border to Border Solidarity Rally on the 10 December 2004, which is International Human Rights Day. The announcement was made at the first planning meeting of a task team of civil society organisations in South Africa that will co-ordinate the rally. The joint initiative between AISA and CIVICUS will involve citizens from the neighbouring countries of Zambia, Mozambique, Botswana and South Africa ‘peacefully’ marching to the different borders of Zimbabwe on this date. 
 
This rally is intended to be an avenue for civil society organisations (CSOs) within Zimbabwe’s neighbouring countries, Zimbabweans in the Diaspora and citizens generally, to express their concern about the continued violation of basic fundamental freedoms of the people of Zimbabwe. It is also intended to advocate for the repeal or/and progressive amendment of existing and planned repressive legislation in Zimbabwe, including the recently tabled NGO and Churches Bill.
 
The Rally is part of an ongoing campaign which advocates for the opening up of civic space. It is intended to draw regional and international attention to the situation in Zimbabwe through a media focus on the event.
 
For more information please contact Joseph Dube, AISA Campaigns Coordinator on 012 320 8155, or Rachel and Roberto of the CIVICUS Civil Society Watch Team on 011 833 5959.
 
Please note that the information regarding this event will only be released on official letterheads of either AISA or CIVICUS. 
Ends.
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Daily News online edition

      Immigrants to besiege Lindela over ill-treatment, torture

      Date:4-Nov, 2004


      JOHANNESBURG - Scores of immigrants from 15 African countries will
today march to Lindela Deportation Centre near Krugersdorp in South Africa,
in protest against ill-treatment, torture and death of immigrants at the
hands of South African authorities at the centre.


      Southern African Women's Institute for Migration Affairs (SAWIMA)
director, Joyce Dube who is co-ordinating the march told the Daily News
Online the march would culminate in a church service at the main entrance at
the centre.


      "Authorities have told us that we will not be allowed to go inside so
we are going to have our prayers at the gate. After that we are going to
have a service in honour of all those who have died at the centre," said
Dube.


      Dube said people across the world must fast and pray to the Lord to
help resolve the crisis in Zimbabwe so that nearly five million Zimbabweans
who are in the Diaspora could go back home.


      Organisations such as Heal Zimbabwe Trust and the Co-ordinating Board
for Refugee Communities are scheduled to take part in the protest.


      The protest comes amid widespread reports of deaths in detention,
abuse, torture and appalling living conditions for foreigners at Lindela
Detention Centre.


      A hearing into xenophobia on Tuesday in Johannesburg heard chilling
reports of torture and abuse of immigrants by authorities at Lindela which
falls under the Home Affairs department.


      Other immigrants died at the hands of police officers and soldiers.
Two months ago, three members of the South African Defence Forces were
arrested after they raped and forced Zimbabwean women who had illegally
crossed the border to swim across the crocodile-infested Limpopo River back
to Zimbabwe.

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Mail and Guardian

Zim envoy speaks on food aid, Bennett

      Donwald Pressly | Cape Town, South Africa

      03 November 2004 12:41

Zimbabwe's silos "are full", and the country has enjoyed "a wonderful
harvest" in the last year and does not need food "from anywhere", says the
country's ambassador to South Africa, Simon Khaya Moyo.

Addressing the National Assembly's foreign affairs portfolio committee on
Wednesday, Moyo was emphatic that his country is self-sufficient in food,
and rejected suggestions from an opposition parliamentarian that the country
is facing a food crisis.

Official opposition Democratic Alliance MP Douglas Gibson suggested that the
ruling Zanu-PF, led by President Robert Mugabe, is using food to punish
people who do not support it and feed people who do.

He also said Amnesty International has reported that the country is facing a
serious food crisis.

But Moyo dismissed his concerns, arguing that Amnesty International "is not
a government".

Instead, the Zimbabwe government has a responsibility to "look after our
people". It has to ensure that people are satisfied and "got enough food".

Arguing that the food needs from the international community had been
spurred on by the previous drought -- which had also affected other parts of
the sub-continent, including Zambia, Mozambique and Malawi -- the ambassador
said incoming food will still be stored by his government.

"But people have made a good harvest ... that is what the truth is," he
added.

No comment on Bennett jail sentence
Moyo also argued on Wednesday that it would be inappropriate for him to
comment on the recent sentencing by the Zimbabwean Parliament of opposition
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) MP Roy Bennett for attacking a
minister.

The Zimbabwean Parliament voted in May to jail Bennett on recommendation of
a parliamentary committee, dominated by the ruling Zanu-PF.

The ambassador said it would not be fair to question "the integrity of any
Parliament", including that of Zimbabwe. The Zimbabwean Parliament sentenced
Bennett to 15 months' imprisonment -- with three months suspended -- with
hard labour.

He was again responding to the DA's Gibson.

Gibson said he has written to the secretary general of the United Nations
and the president of the Pan African Parliament to elicit their support for
Bennett.

"I would like to know whether you agree with me that the sentence was
grossly disproportionate," he said.

Gibson also suggested it was "an abuse of power" on the part of the
Zimbabwean Parliament. He asked how Bennett could be expected to campaign
for re-election for office in the general election scheduled for March.

Moyo said merely that prisoners "can't campaign", to which Gibson replied:
"Quite."

Gibson noted that South Africa had experienced a similar case when the then
National Party MP Manie Schoeman was engaged in fisticuffs with an African
National Congress MP (now Deputy Minister of Justice) Johnny de Lange.

They had been told to apologise and were suspended for one day and five days
respectively.

Schoeman had subsequently joined the ANC, Gibson quipped.

Gibson pointed out that Bennett had "shoved" the Zimbabwean Justice
Minister, Patrick Chinamasa, after being insulted by the minister. Chinamasa
described Bennett's ancestors and other white settlers as "thieves and
murderers". He suggested that the seizure of Bennett's farm was to punish
him for the crimes of his ancestors.

Committee chairperson Job Sithole, an ANC MP, said the ambassador is at
liberty to reflect on court judgements "but I would not as a chair take
offence if you decide not ... but I don't think it would be appropriate for
us to do that".

Gibson pointed out it was not a court judgement, but a ruling by the
Zimbabwean Parliament.

Moyo said he agreed with the chairperson: "I don't think it is fair to start
questioning the integrity of any Parliament. It is not right. These are
people who are elected by the people of any given country. They are
empowered by the Constitution to take the decision they did."

Bennett, who represents Bulawayo, after apologising for the incident was
quoted as saying in a recent address to the Zimbabwe Parliament that he was
"ready to go to jail". -- I-Net Bridge
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Mail and Guardian

Zim envoy explains Cosatu deportation

      Parliament

      03 November 2004 16:38

The deportation last week of a Congress of South African Trade Unions
(Cosatu) delegation from Zimbabwe was unfortunate, but had happened because
the visit was politically motivated, the South African Parliament's foreign
affairs portfolio committee heard on Wednesday.

Briefing members, Zimbabwe's ambassador to South Africa, Simon Moyo, said
Cosatu had been forewarned its delegation's plans to meet
"quasi-oppositional political organisations" were not acceptable.

The warning had come in the form of a letter -- from Zimbabwe's Ministry of
Public Service, Labour and Social Welfare in Harare -- to Cosatu, sent on
October 21, before the delegation's visit.

Referring to the letter, Moyo said the political nature of the visit by the
13-member delegation was confirmed by a planned meeting between Cosatu and
Zanu-PF, Zimbabwe's ruling party, and between Cosatu and the Movement for
Democratic Change, that country's opposition party.

Cosatu had also planned meetings with the Crisis Coalition, National
Constitutional Assembly, Zimbabwean Election Support Network, Zimbabwean
Lawyers for Human Rights, Zimbabwean Council of Churches and the Zimbabwean
Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU).

These organisations are "all involved in the political discourse of
Zimbabwe", Moyo said, quoting from the letter.

"These organisations are critical about the government of Zimbabwe, and
indeed, most of these are quasi-oppositional political organisations."

Moyo said copies of the letter had also been sent to the ZCTU; South
Africa's high commission in Harare; South Africa's Minister of Labour,
Membathisi Mdladlana; its Cabinet; and the Department of Foreign Affairs.

Cosatu's defiance of the letter and its subsequent deportation from Zimbabwe
was "unfortunate".

If the union had seen Mdladlana before their departure and asked how they
should proceed "maybe things would have been, I think, more decent than what
happened".

Moyo also said Cosatu had sent "shop stewards" and not its top leadership to
Zimbabwe.

"I thought that the [Cosatu's] secretary general [Zwelinzima Vavi] would
have gone," he said.

African National Congress MP Rubben Mohlaloga attacked Cosatu during the
briefing, saying the trade union's visit to Zimbabwe had been a "fishing
expedition".

"This was nothing but a fishing expedition. They [Cosatu] wanted to come
back with the title of heroism," he said. -- Sapa
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Heath Streak snubbed by board

Wisden Cricinfo staff

November 3, 2004



Hopes of reconciliation between the Zimbabwe board and the rebel cricketers
were dealt a blow with the board's tetchy reaction to the news that Heath
Streak had been drafted in to help with coaching at Matabeleland.

Streak, a former captain of Matabeleland, offered to assist Pommie Mbangwa,
their bowling coach. But as soon as ZCU officials were made aware of the
situation, they ordered Phil Simmons, the national coach, to the ground at
Bulawayo to replace Streak.

Streak involvement was as an unpaid assistant, and given that he has other
priorities - his wife is heavily pregnant - the ZCU's action appears
unnecessarily provocative.

© Wisden Cricinfo Ltd
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Diplomacy So Quiet It Desires No Change At All



Business Day (Johannesburg)

OPINION
November 3, 2004
Posted to the web November 3, 2004

Johannesburg

IF EVERYONE had reacted to apartheid the way government seems to want us to
behave towards Zimbabwe, we might still be living under minority rule.

Government and its intellectual supporters clearly disapprove of Cosatu's
deported delegation to Zimbabwe. To place their reaction in perspective, try
this obvious mental experiment.


Imagine that a group of foreign unionists had visited us during the
apartheid period to express solidarity with our fight for democracy, and
were deported.

Imagine that their government reacted by insisting that sovereign states
have the right to exclude whomever they wish, had declined to condemn the
deportations and then criticised the unionists for visiting a country where
they were not welcome.

Imagine also that public commentators from that country insisted that the
visit was a "tactical error" because it might upset a nervous apartheid
government, or that the unionists erred in failing to get their government's
backing for the trip, or that they should have expected deportation because
they had expressed support for the antiapartheid opposition and were
therefore not open-minded.

Obviously, these reactions would have been seen as tacit support for
apartheid. Nor would antiapartheid campaigners, including the ANC, have
changed their opinion if they were told that the government whose unionists
were thrown out was busy behind the scenes, trying to get apartheid's rulers
to see the need for change.

Why, then, are all these arguments made by people who fought apartheid but
seem far more put out by Cosatu's trip than by the expulsion of South
Africans doing nothing illegal?

Those who hurried to blame the victim by criticising the visit rather than
the deportation no doubt insist that the situation in Zimbabwe cannot be
compared with apartheid.

In principle, legalised racial discrimination is worse than other forms of
oppression because people are victimised because of who they are, not what
they do.

But black Zimbabweans who are denied their rights by its government are
unlikely to be comforted by the thought that they are not being oppressed
because of their race. No official permission is needed to work out that no
government has the right to deport people simply because they sympathise
with its opposition.

Nor is authorisation necessary to work out that governments have no moral
right to close opposition newspapers, harass opposition supporters and to
make the election rules on their own, largely nullifying the right of
citizens to choose their government.

If the Zimbabwean authorities have not yet done anything that our government
finds morally unacceptable, it is hard to imagine what they could do to
attract our disapproval.

The other argument is advanced by some commentators, and probably reflects
the attitude of our government. It complains that Cosatu's trip risked
upsetting our behind-the-scenes attempts to resolve the Zimbabwean conflict,
which last week were endorsed by opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai.

By angering the "jittery" Zimbabwean government, it has been argued, Cosatu
could goad it into fresh rights abuses.

Similar arguments were used to discourage action against apartheid.
Activists were frequently told that lines of communication had to be kept
open if the apartheid government was to listen to arguments for change, and
that action which angered it might make matters worse for apartheid's
victims.

If the best way to handle human rights abusers is a quiet word in private,
the real heroes of the struggle against apartheid are those who refrained
from public criticism Thatcher and Reagan, for example not those who
denounced the system.

But, as our experience shows, it is possible to practise quiet diplomacy and
to condemn abuses at the same time. And the claim that Cosatu should have
sought permission from our government is not only worrying because citizens
of a free country should not have to ask their authorities for permission to
take a political stand. It also misunderstands the reality that, in any
campaign for change, the use of differing methods by different actors is
likely to hasten success.

Equally importantly, despite Tsvangirai's confidence, there is no evidence
that "quiet diplomacy" has done anything to return Zimbabwe to democracy.

Zanu (PF) will still not include the opposition in framing and implementing
election rules, attacks on opposition supporters continue and basic freedoms
are denied. The only advance recently was Tsvangirai's acquittal on treason
charges, and even here it seems the government may appeal against the
judgment. So it is hard to see what "progress" Cosatu was obstructing.

By criticising Cosatu, government is denying the need for differing routes
to change which can complement each other. This implies that its way is the
only one, greatly increasing the burden on it to deliver.

As long as "quiet diplomacy" is used to mute opposition to Zimbabwe's
government, and yields no result, it is likely to be seen not as a strategic
route to change but as a desire for no change at all.
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News24

SA property in Zim safe - envoy
03/11/2004 17:39  - (SA)

Donwald Pressly


Cape Town - An investment protection agreement to protect the property of
South African citizens in Zimbabwe will be signed, Zimbabwean ambassador
Simon Khaya Moyo told South African MPs on Wednesday.

Addressing the national assembly foreign affairs portfolio committee, Moyo
said: "It was a matter that we thought by now would long be signed."

"It was supposed to have taken place a few months ago," he said, in reply to
a question from Democratic Alliance MP Douglas Gibson.

Gibson had noted that South Africans who had property in Zimbabwe "have no
protection" although citizens of France and Germany, for instance, already
enjoyed that protection.

Moyo said that because of "tight" programmes this had not happened. "I don't
see why it cannot be (signed)," he said.

Gibson noted that the agreement had been ready for signature by the
countries' two trade ministers since January.

"It is now November and it still has not been signed," he said.

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SABC

Zimbabwe presses on with election preparations

November 03, 2004, 14:30

Zimbabwe is moving ahead with preparations for its general elections next
March. Simon Moyo, the Zimbabwean ambassador to South Africa, today briefed
Parliament's Foreign Affairs Committee on the political climate and
legislative reforms in the run-up to the polls.

Moyo said the Southern African Developing Community's guide-lines for
democratic elections are being crafted into Zimbabwe's electoral laws. The
country has had four bodies running elections - these will all be supplanted
by the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission. "Zimbabwe is in the process of
incorporating these (SADC) guide-lines. Bills are before Parliament as I
speak," he said.

Moyo says Robert Mugabe, the president of Zimbabwe, will have no need to use
the sweeping powers he has in terms of the Presidential Powers Temporary
Measures Act. "I don't see how they can ever be applied in respect of this
election, because the Electoral Commission will have complete control," he
said.

On the land issue, Moyo said the government is mopping up - cracking down on
people who had seized more farms than they were entitled to.
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OneWorld Africa

Unmasking Zanu PF hypocrisy about NGOs



      Zimbabwe's beleaguered ruling party has introduced a Bill banning
foreign funding of, and imposing extraordinary state controls over,
non-governmental organisations involved in human rights and governance
activities.

      The Bill will smother vibrant civil society umbrella groups such as
the National Constitutional Assembly and the Zimbabwe Crisis Coalition. The
fighters in the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum, Amani Trust and the Legal
Resources Centre and the like will starve. The Zimbabwe Elections Support
Network will stop educating voters and monitoring their elections'
free-and-fairness. It'll be the same story for thousands of well-meaning
democrats with meagre internal resources, seen by Zanu PF as part of the
Movement for Democratic Change's challenge in the parliamentary election
scheduled for March 2005.

      Resorting to Africa-centrism and its 1964 ideology of "we are our own
liberators", Zanu PF claims these organisations tot up murder and torture
accounts and teach the bourgeois delusions of multiparty democracy and
individual liberty all for the Blair-Bush conspiracy. Zanu PF liberated
Zimbabwe on its own, it says: so should its challengers.

      Is this belief myth or lie? Zanu PF's version of struggle history
forgets scores of foreign supporters. It ignores churches. It downplays
states ranging from their neighbours such as Zambia, Tanzania and Mozambique
(where freedom fighters were domiciled and trained) to the Swedes, Chinese,
Soviets and even the many guises of Britain and the United States. It
sidelines big NGOs such as Amnesty International. It ignores the impromptu
Zimbabwe Detainees' Defence Committee, which lobbied in the mid-1970s for
the Zanu leaders jailed in Lusaka for allegedly assassinating their
chairman, Herbert Chitepo.

      History reveals that this myth-lie is impossible, and that Zanu PF
knew it at the beginning of the road. In the early 1960s, Robert Mugabe's
adroit dialectic of "international nationalism" impressed a Salisbury-based
American consul-general. An interview with Zimbabwe's future president
records his thoughts as such: "African political or labour movements in this
country cannot stand on their own without financial backing from some
external source - however - (one must be) capable of 'riding the tiger'
without 'ending inside'." That's clear recognition of dependence on Western
table crumbs, but not today's discourse.

      If one pursues the relationship of tiger and rider, the balance must
be clarified. Now we know there are no such things as puppets: Al Qaeda's
blowback taught us how global hubris quickly sours. Foreign funding per se
is not at issue, but its effects. It is not enough to label recipients as
dangling on their master's strings. If one goes through history, they are
always there: what matters is their elasticity.

      London's Public Record Office tells us how far these cords stretch. A
November 1967 telegram from Accra is there, reading: "Mrs Sarah F Mugabe,
Ghanaian-born wife of Robert Mugabe, secretary-general of Zanu, has been
invited to visit Britain by the Ariel Foundation. She is to do a year's
secretarial course, and Ariel undertake to be responsible for her
financially." It continues, saying Mrs Mugabe would need Ariel's
confirmation of support before obtaining an entry permit. "In view of short
notice Ariel who are well known to us has asked for our help. Please take
this telegram as the confirmation required."

      Scribbles underneath read: "Would you wish to have this on one of your
files? If not, it can be destroyed." Another hand penned, "Can we now
destroy?" According to the "parapolitics" website, the Ariel Foundation was
a Central Intelligence Agency front. Who was liberating ourselves?

      A few files later there's stationery from the British Embassy in
Washington, reporting on an earlier visit of Zanu party chairman Herbert
Chitepo. It reads that the State Department's African Bureau was "somewhat
reticent" about the not-yet-Maoist chairman's trip, but "we have it on good
authority that he came on a United States government grant". Chitepo
apparently "pressed strongly for more active American support of Zanu". The
Americans told the British that if the West did not support Zanu, "the
Russians will establish control over them. Thus we suspect . the State
Department (no doubt in conjunction with CIA) are considering" the request.

      Britain's 30-year rule allows no more cats to come out of that bag,
but the trend suggests more substantial assistance than the few coins NGOs
now get from their northern counterparts, or the few bucks the MDC once
received.

      Of course, foreign funding is not just state-to-state-in-the-making. A
1971 letter to the FCO from Amnesty International, an NGO Zanu PF loves to
hate, illustrates the multilayered dynamic Zimbabwe's leaders know so well
and would keep from their challengers. This note, written during the Pearce
Commission's efforts to test African opinions about a new constitutional
twist, "repeats" a previous promise of "airfare and all other possible
assistance to Messrs Malowa, Manyonga and Zvobgo" (Eddison) who, along with
Lazarus Nkala, Joshua Nkomo, and Daniel Madzimbamuto, promised to leave
Rhodesia so "could hardly pose a threat to the security of the Rhodesian
state". Indeed, AI wrote, the Rhodesians seemed to be accepting the idea's
good sense: they had allowed a Herbert Musikavanhu a British technical
assistance grant to study at Gray's Inn.

      A few years later, a man the Mozambicans jailed for jumping Zanu's
leadership queue was busy typing letters too. They're in the archives of a
church-based organisation no longer appreciated by today's aging
nationalists. From Quelimane on June 11 1976, while convincing the radical
young guerillas and Samora Machel he was better than his old guard
competitors, Robert Mugabe wrote to the London-based Racial Justice
Committee's director. He should, Mugabe directed, "get persons of good will
interested in extending assistance to our cause . of a non-military type
such as clothing, medical supplies and office equipment (type-writers,
duplicators, etc) . (and) blankets" for the huge influx of recruits. "This
is just as important as being in the frontline firing a gun. We have to
sustain the man who is doing the fighting in front of us!"

      That letter-writer knows the role of well-meaning foreigners in
unseating authoritarian power-mongers: thus legislation eliminating their
support to those continuing the struggle. There are differences now. Today,
the opposition is inside Zimbabwe, consisting of a wider band of working
people and intellectuals. To date, they have not had to rely too much on the
men - and children - "doing the fighting in front of us", as do the old
guard still.

      When this legislation passes, civil society activists and their global
allies will undoubtedly bust the sanctions. Their struggle will be slowed,
though, and the Bill will encourage more people to take on the strategies of
those reducing the democratic space now opening so fitfully. In the
meantime, no one - including its architects - believes the justification for
such repressive legislation. They should, however, worry about the
dependency syndrome of which the aid and the authoritarianism are component
parts.

      *David Moore is researching Zimbabwe's politics of the 1970s.
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SOKWANELE

Enough is Enough

Zimbabwe

PROMOTING NON-VIOLENT PRINCIPLES TO ACHIEVE DEMOCRACY

We have a fundamental right to freedom of expression!

(www.sokwanele.com)

 

“Mauritius Watch”

 

The Zimbabwean Elections:

(Monitoring SADC Protocol Violations)

 

Issue 2.   01 November

 

On August 17th 2004 SADC leaders, meeting in Mauritius, adopted the SADC Protocol – Principles and Guidelines Governing Democratic Elections.  Zimbabwe, as a member of SADC, also signed the Protocol and committed itself to implementing its standards.

 

“Mauritius Watch” provides a regular, objective and non-partisan assessment of Zimbabwe’s compliance with the Protocol.  In the run-up to the 2005 Parliamentary Elections we note any significant failures to adhere to the SADC standards.

 

 

Date

Incidents/Developments

SADC standards breached

27.10.04

COSATU DEPORTATION

 

Congress of South Africa Trade Unions (Cosatu) officials, who had gone to Zimbabwe on a fact-finding mission at the invitation of the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU), were unceremoniously removed from a meeting with ZCTU in Harare and summarily deported from the country on 27th October. The deportation was carried out despite an order granted by the Zimbabwe High Court the previous day interdicting the government from deporting them.  Zimbabwean immigration and CIO officials were in such haste to get the 12 member delegation out of the country that, instead of waiting for the next flight out they had them driven to the Beit Bridge border post and dumped on the South African side.

 

This extraordinary snub to an alliance partner of the ANC has brought widespread condemnation from trade union movements and others across the region.  The South African Communist Party (SACP) which is the third member of the tripartite alliance with the ANC, said it was “outraged and angered by the rounding up and expulsion of the Cosatu delegation … We call on our government”, they said, “to strongly condemn this action. This act is ultimate proof that the Mugabe regime is essentially dictatorial and undemocratic”.

 

Cosatu also issued a strongly worded condemnation of the illegal deportation, as did the MDC and many other human rights’ and political groups.  The ZCTU has threatened unspecified action in retaliation.

 

(For further details refer to -  The Standard  - http://www.thestandard.co.zw, Zimbabwe Independent www.theindependent.co.zw, Zimonline -  www.zimonline.co.zw - 26/27/28 October)

Article 4 of the Treaty establishing SADC in 1992 – “human rights, democracy and the rule of law” are to principles guiding the acts of member states …

 

2.1.2.      Freedom of association

2.1.3.      Political tolerance

 

4.1.2        Conducive environment for free, fair and peaceful elections

 

Plus

 

Clause 6  The rights and responsibilities of SADC Election Observers, which should be accorded as far as possible to bona fide fact-finding missions from within the SADC region

 

 

 

31.10.04

ZIMBABWE’S POLICE BRAINWASHED

 

Members of Zimbabwe's police force, once the most respected and efficient in southern Africa, have been ordered to attend brutal "reorientation" camps to be fed anti-white, anti-MDC (the opposition Movement for Democratic Change) propaganda in the run-up to next year's elections. In a tactic akin to those used by hard-line Communist regimes, police officers face  “reprogramming" at the hands of Robert Mugabe's feared Central Intelligence Organisation.

While the Police refused to comment one officer who recently attended the course told The Telegraph how he had been fed racist propaganda about a white, neo-colonial conspiracy
against the Mugabe regime. Any dissenting officer faces beatings and torture at the camps, which are run on military lines with early-morning physical exercise and strict internal discipline.  "We were told that anyone who doesn't support Comrade Mugabe is an enemy of the state," the officer said. "Our bosses told us that if we do not undergo the training we will be branded traitors and sacked from the force in disgrace."  The programmes are held at the notorious Stops Camp, once a smart officers' mess during colonial times but, since independence, used as a police holding centre and place of torture.

The camps, which have been established to help to ensure victory for Mr Mugabe in parliamentary elections scheduled for next March, are similar to those used in the late 1990s to brainwash the youth militia. The gangs, known as the Green Bombers, were responsible for murder, rape and torture of opposition campaigners and supporters.


(For further details refer to The Telegraph -
www.telegraph.co.uk)

2.1.4.      Political tolerance

 

4.1.2.      Conducive environment for free, fair and peaceful elections

 

7.4.            Safeguard the human and civil liberties of all citizens…

 

7.7.            Ensure that adequate security is provided to all parties …

 

28.10.04

MDC Legislator sent to Jail

 

In a clear abuse of Parliament’s powers to discipline its own members, ZANU PF used its built-in majority in the House to send opposition MP Roy Bennett to jail for an effective term of 12 months with hard labour.  In May this year, acting under the most severe provocation, Bennett pushed Patrick Chinamasa, the Minister of Justice, Legal and Parliamenary Affairs, to the floor. He has since apologized unreservedly for his actions, but despite the apology and notwithstanding the merciless taunting to which he had been subjected by the Minister, Bennett was sentenced to this term and taken directly from Parliament to prison.

 

Considering the circumstances and noting that Chinamasa had not even the slightest bruising following the brief altercation, the sentence is considered to be grossly excessive and totally disproportionate to the offence.  Faced with similar circumstances a Magistrates Court might have been expected to caution and discharge an accused or, at most, impose a small financial penalty. 

Furthermore the Speaker of Parliament, Emmerson Mnangagwa, has since issued an order in terms of the Privileges, Immunities and Powers of Parliament Act, purporting to bar the Courts from reviewing Parliament’s decision or hearing an appeal launched by Bennett’s lawyers.

 

(For further details refer to Daily News Online -http://www.daily-news.co.za/,  ZWNEWS -http://www.zwnews.com/, Sokwanele Comment – http://www.sokwanele.com/)

2.1.3.      Political tolerance

 

2.1.7.      Independence of the Judiciary (which must here include bodies like Parliament with sentencing powers)

 

4.1.1.        Constitutional and legal guarantees of freedom and rights of the citizens

 

4.1.2.        Conducive environment for free, fair and peaceful elections

28.10.04

34 MDC supporters arrested for holding Meeting


Police arrested 34 supporters of the opposition Movement
for Democratic Change (MDC) party attending a meeting in Bulawayo, in what the opposition party said was yet more evidence of continued harassment of its members by state security agents.

Officials of the opposition party said heavily-armed police stormed a community hall in Mpopoma constituency and force-marched the MDC members who were meeting there to West Commonage police station nearby.

Eight of the opposition supporters were detained in custody and were expected to appear in court later to answer charges of
violating the draconian Public Order and Security Act (POSA) Their colleagues were detained at the police station for several hours but were later released.

MDC spokesman in Bulawayo, Victor Moyo, said,  "Our supporters cannot meet and mingle because of the security Act.
The Act is an undesirable law. It makes the political playing field very uneven. It goes against the grain and spirit of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) norms and standards for free and fair elections."

 (For further derails refer to Zim Online - www.zimonline.co.zw)

2.1.1.      Full participation of citizens in the political process

 

2.1.2.      Freedom of association

 

 

4.1.1        Constitutional and legal guarantees of freedom and rights of the citizens

 

7.4              Safeguard the human and civil liberties of all citizens including the freedom of movement, assembly, association expression and campaigning …

 

29.10.04

INDEPENDENT NEWS WEBSITES MUSHROOM

An indication of how little democratic space is left in Zimbabwe is given by the mushrooming of Internet news websites.  The Mugabe regime has already shut down three independent newspapers and threatened to close down the remaining ones. As a result scores of journalists have been pushed out of
employment.  Labelled "terrorists" and "sellouts" by the regime  for their critical reporting, free press journalists have been hounded out of their jobs by repressive media laws and endless harassment. This has seen dozens of journalists leaving the country.  Many of them have resorted to setting up independent news websites.

A group of former Zimbabwean journalists and other professionals now based overseas have launched an independent political website, Zimdaily.com. The website was launched in July and has had a daily publication since then.

A spokesman for Zimdaily  who cannot be named for security reasons, said  "Having been exposed to the repressive laws in Zimbabwe, Zimdaily.com founders decided to come up with a force that President Robert Mugabe and his spin doctor Jonathan Moyo cannot stop."

Unfortunately only a tiny minority of Zimbabweans have access to the Internet and Mugabe’s stranglehold of the state media ensures that ZANU PF propaganda covers the whole country.

 

(For further details refer to the Zimbabwe Independent - www.theindependent.co.zw)

2.1.5        Equal opportunity for all political parties to access the state media

 

7.4.            Access to the media for all stakeholders during the electoral process

 

30.10.04

CIVIL SERVANTS FORCED TO PAY FOR ZANU PF CONGRESS

The ruling ZANU PF party has deducted $100 000 from each civil servant's October salary in a desperate bid to raise $25 billion to fund the party's watershed December Congress. Zanu PF was thrown into crisis after the party's funds budgeted for the Congress were trapped in three financial institutions which were shut down earlier this year as part of the regime’s clean up exercise in the troubled banking sector. The ruling party needs to raise $25 billion for the Congress and has unilaterally sought to raise the funds from members of the army, police, teachers and newly resettled farmers.

Progressive Teachers Union of Zimbabwe (PTUZ) secretary-general Raymond Majongwe said the union had received complaints from teachers who had had money deducted from their salaries without their prior knowledge nor consent. "We have received reports from teachers especially in the rural areas, who are being forced to donate money to things they are not aware of or interested in. Some of our members say they had been told the deductions are for the ZANU PF Congress," he said.  Zimbabwe National Army spokesman Ben Ncube refused to shed more light on the deductions on soldiers' salaries saying the issue was confidential. "That's a confidential matter. We can't discuss why and how money is deducted," he said. Police spokesperson Wayne Bvudzijena also refused to discuss the matter.

 The ruling party argues that the civil servants should be grateful for their jobs which it claims are a result of its efforts in winning the liberation war.

(For further details refer to Zim Online - www.zimonline.co.zw)

4.1.6.      Where applicable, funding of political parties must be transparent and based on agreed threshold in accordance with the laws of the land

 

7.4.            Safeguard the human and civil liberties of all citizens …

 

7.5              Take all necessary measures and precautions to prevent the perpetration of fraud, rigging or any other illegal practices throughout the whole electoral process …

 

30.10.04

NO CONSULTATION ON POLLING DATE

President Robert Mugabe has told the ruling ZANU PF party's
supreme body, the politburo, that next year's parliamentary poll will go ahead as planned despite attempts by the opposition to get regional leaders to persuade him to postpone it.

Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) leader Morgan Tsvangirai met President Thabo Mbeki and Mauritian Prime Minister Paul Berenger this week and lobbied them for support to force Mugabe to postpone the poll.  Tsvangirai tried to convince the two leaders that there was simply not enough time to implement electoral reforms that comply with the new Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) norms and standards on free and fair elections before the March poll.

 

(For further details refer to Zim Online - www.zimonline.co.zw)

4.1.3.        Conducive environment for free, fair and peaceful elections

 

31.10.04

CALL TO KILL MDC SUPPORTERS

A former top liberation war commander says if he had his way, he would kill supporters of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC).

Major Midson Mupasu, who says he was the camp commander at Chimoio when the Rhodesian army swooped on refugee bases and massacred civilians in the late 1970s, claimed the MDC was there to negate the gains of the liberation struggle. Speaking recently on a ZTV programme “Face the Nation”, Mupasu who says he was also responsible for 12 Zanla bases in the area from 1976 to 1977 said: "If it were up to me, I would kill them (MDC supporters). What MDC is doing hudzvanyiriri, husveta simba (repression, exploitation). They want to bring back the colonial system, that will never happen."

The former war commander also gave it as his opinion that MDC is not supposed to operate in Zimbabwe. “They should all be arrested”, he said.

Mupasu, who is now attached to the Zimbabwe Military Academy, also said he despised white Zimbabweans. "Even today when I see whites I spit on the ground. I don't want to see whites. I don't even want to talk to them, I don't want to see them on the farms that we have occupied," declared Mupasu.

Many Zimbabweans have complained about the "hate language" that is increasingly gaining currency at the national public broadcaster's, ZBC radio and television.

 

(For further details refer to The Standard -http://www.thestandard.co.zw/ )

2.1.3.      Political tolerance

 

4.1.2.        Conducive environment for free, fair and peaceful elections

 

7.7        Ensure that adequate

            security is provided

            to all parties

            participating in the

            elections

 

 

31.10.04

VIOLENCE ESCALATES

CASES of political violence have increased countrywide as political parties intensify their campaigns ahead of the 2005 general elections, a local human rights organisation has said.

In its August report, the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum noted that although some of the skirmishes were inter-party, clashes between Zanu PF and the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) had significantly risen. According to the report there were 44 cases of assault and eight of
kidnapping in August, up from 12 and one respectively in July. Ten cases of  torture were recorded in August, up from a single case the previous month.

The increase in political violence occurred despite the adoption of SADC principles on election guidelines, which bind member countries to create an atmosphere conducive to free and fair polls.

(For further details refer to The Standard - http://www.thestandard.co.zw/)

4.1.2.      Conducive environment for free, fair and peaceful elections

 

29.10.04

ZIMBABWE NAMED AMONG WORLD’S TOP PRESS TYRANNIES

 

The Mugabe regime was this week named among the world’s top press tyrannies in a new list complied by Paris-based media watchdog,  Reporters Sans Frontieres (RSF) .

 

This came as the regime was stepping up pressure against the few remaining private newspapers in the country. The attacks include the harassment and arrest of journalist, unwarranted threats against the private press and newspaper vendors to limit circulation. 

 

The report by RSF notes the regime has banned the opposition from access to the state media.  It also comments on the proposed amendments to the repressive Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA)  “It is widely feared the amended media law will give the Information Minister more sweeping powers and virtually criminalize the journalism profession”.

 

(For further details refer to Zimbabwe Independent - www.theindependent.co.zw)

2.1.5        Equal opportunity for all political parties to access the state media

 

4.1.2        Conducive environment for free, fair and peaceful elections

 

7.4.            (Duty to) safeguard … access to the media on the part of all stakeholders during electoral processes …

 

 

On the basis of these and numerous other, daily, breaches of the SADC Protocol on Democratic Elections, it can be fairly said that the government is showing no serious intent of changing its ways or beginning to prepare for anything resembling free, fair and peaceful elections.    And the proposed Parliamentary Elections are now only 4 months away.

Ends. 

 
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