The ZIMBABWE Situation Our thoughts and prayers are with Zimbabwe
- may peace, truth and justice prevail.

Back to Index

Back to the Top
Back to Index

 Tell that to the children  
published:Sat 12-Oct-2002
Zimbabweans will need all these potential leaders, desperately, if their country is not to slide into endemic banditry 
By Michael Hartnack
At least 8 000 Zimbabwean children, the Amani Trust estimates, have been traumatised by seeing their parents or teachers subjected to political brutality by militant supporters of Robert Mugabe. It is a figure that should be borne in mind by those commentators who, from a safe distance in foreign lands, sneer at the opposition Movement for Democratic Change for not getting the people on the streets. MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai has spoken repeatedly of putting the creation of a long lasting political culture of democracy and tolerance before the short-term goal of his own power. However, there are voices calling for the party to espouse revenge and retaliation. A recent article in the independently-owned Daily News, written under a pseudonym, called the MDC leaders a “bunch of cowards”. The writer listed MDC supporters who have been murdered with impunity by members of Mugabe's ruling Zanu PF party, and declared, “The best way to destroy an evil system is to let such people have a taste of their own medicine.” Ominously, the writer urged the formation of a militant “Third Force” to get rid of both Zanu PF and the MDC. Happily, the weight of Zimbabwean culture is still against such hot heads. Although two children were reported to have been accidentally trampled to death last week in stampedes for maize meal, queues are generally orderly and good-humoured, showing this culture lives on, even in dire straits.
In the context of the shortages, by the way, we discovered last week the regime's working definition of “a journalist” anyone who records information Zanu PF does not want recorded. MDC member of Parliament Roy Bennett was arrested under draconian new anti-press laws on charges of working as a journalist without accreditation. He video-recorded officials distributing maize to people who had asked to be "assisted" in voting, on the grounds they were illiterate. Those who did not ask for assistance were barred from getting the maize piled high near the polling stations. Legislation presented to Parliament last week bans private organisations from giving voters instructions on how to complete ballot papers without assistance. While the official media crow that these bogus elections indicate the impending demise of the MDC, the depth of popular anger must not be mistaken. For now, however, as Tsvangirai well knows, people are pre-occupied with day to day survival. Some, even in towns, go without a crust of bread from one day to another, while in rural area such as Binga they are reduced to eating vile-tasting porridge made from leaves of wild plants.
Mugabe's security forces, shielded from these hardships, could not be relied on – yet - to defy orders to shoot down protestors. An MDC legislator told me the party has information that the regime hopes there will be unrest at this comparatively early stage to give Mugabe an excuse to destroy potential leaders of civil society. “Pseudo dissidents” may be deployed to fabricate a “British-sponsored invasion.” When the crunch comes - when Mugabe has a health crisis, or his lieutenants panic and start fighting for places in the life boats, and the warlords turn on each other over the loot - Zimbabweans will need all these potential leaders, desperately, if their country is not to slide into endemic banditry. There are grounds for fearing the business sector will just sweet-talk the warlords. In the sector's long, craven tradition, the tobacco giant BAT withdrew sponsorship last week for the Zimbabwe Institute of Public Relations Communicator of the Year award. The company was frightened the award might go to Jenni Williams of the Justice for Agriculture Group, formerly spokeswoman for the Commercial Farmers' Union, for her work exposing the rape of commercial agriculture over the past two years.
The action of the Southern African Development Community at last week's summit in Luanda may perhaps offer a glimmer of hope. Mugabe (accompanied as always by his young wife) went there expecting to be nominated to become SADC chairman in 2003. He returned early, in high dudgeon, his spokesmen declaring he had “chosen not to take over the post,” and had “other pressing commitments.” Actions of this sort, which undermine Mugabe's overweening pretensions, require neighbouring countries to summon the political will. They serve to save lives both in the short term (by reducing the bully boys' confidence in their culture of impunity) and in the long term by helping to revive hopes that peaceful change still has a chance. We who remain, and here the responsibility lies heavily on a handful of independent journalists, must strive to check the growth of Zimbabwe's latest image as an international by-word for mistreatment of whites by blacks. Black people have suffered most at Mugabe's hands, and white people have been privileged to witness some truly inspiring examples of black goodwill. We must tell that to the children.
Back to the Top
Back to Index

Zimbabwe faces Aussie action
CANBERRA|Published: Sunday October 13, 10:05 AM

Australia will launch sanctions against Zimbabwe from today, Foreign Minister Alexander Downer said.

Mr Downer said the proposed measures would include a ban on visits to Australia by 77 top officials including Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe and a freeze on any of their assets in Australia.

He said Australia would suspend all ministerial contacts, terminate non-humanitarian aid programs and ban the sale of any defence equipment to the Zimbabwe military.

Mr Downer said these were symbolic gestures.

"Obviously, they are not going to overwhelm the Zimbabwe administration in any way," he said on ABC Television.

"But they are an important statement by Australia that we have done everything we can to try to get Zimbabwe effectively to engage with the international community ... particularly with the Commonwealth.

"They have refused to do so in a constructive way."

Mr Downer said Mr Mugabe boycotted the most recent Commonwealth meeting in Nigeria, although his officials indicated he would attend.

He said it was important that Australia send a strong message to Zimbabwe and the rest of the international community.

"Here is a country that Malcolm Fraser when he was the prime minister helped to put in place a democratic regime that led to the election of President Mugabe," Mr Downer said.

Back to the Top
Back to Index


Most farmers are aware of what transpired at the CFU Matabeleland meeting
last Friday where there was a unanimous vote for litigation rather than
dialogue and a call for the CFU President's and Vice-President's
resignation and for a referendum of all commercial farmers. Herewith in
the interests of transparency, the transcript of the speech by Chris
Jarrett of the Nyamandhlovu Farmers Association. Included also in the
interests of transparency, is the interim provisional ruling on an urgent
representative action brought in the Bulawayo High Court lodged that same
day. It must be stressed that this is an action brought as a
representative urgent action by the Matabeleland Commercial Farmers'

Needless to say that this will have a knock on affect throughout the
country and a similar action should be brought in the Harare High court to
cover the rest of the country.

John W.Worswick


About two years ago in this hall, I gave the Director a book Nick
Swanepoel needed to read. Nick was proposing a solution to the land crisis
whereby a one-off tranche of appeasement would satisfy forever the demands
of a power hungry clique.

The book was a history of Neville Chamberlain's attempts to appease Adolf
Hitler, how this appeasement policy failed ultimately, resulting in the
Second World War. Nick Swanepoel never demonstrated that he understood the
pitfalls of appeasement. Neither it appears do you, Mr. President.

Our Government has broken every agreement concerning land since they
signed at the 1998 Donors Conference. Abuja, SADC Summits - all of them
have been trashed.

In addition, we've had a presidential election that clearly was ******
(fraught with problems). We have a civil service increasingly ******
(compromised). And you, Mr. President, in spite of all this, believe you
can deal honourably with these people. As long as you don't rock the boat,
as long as you can cast aside the Ben Freeth's whose prayers at Congress
made ****** (the authorities) squirm - then you can do a deal. Then you
like Chamberlain, can achieve "peace in our time".

Well you are wrong. Not only that but you've been used. Worse still you've
allowed the Union to be used to prolong the stay of an illegitimate
abomination you call "the ****** (authorities) of the day".

You have an irrational compulsion to interact passively with people who
blatantly in front of television cameras oversee the plunder of farms, the
killing of dogs. Then you bring them to congress and ingratiate yourself
by slating farmers who are disgusted by what is being done and who have
the courage to do something about it.

You refuse to challenge illegality because it may upset those with whom
you have dialogue. Then individuals and Farmers' Associations have to
institute a multiplicity of legal actions that rightfully are the
responsibility of the Union to look after the interests of members. We in
Nyamandhlovu have you to thank for our legal bill of over a quarter of a
million dollars.

Although I believe you, like Chamberlain, felt you were doing the right
thing, you see how disastrous your appeasement approach has been.

We in Nyamandhlovu expect you to acknowledge that your policy was wrong
and that it was not in line with the wishes of members generally. We
expect you and your Vice-President to resign as you are no longer
acceptable to represent our interests. Should you refuse I am tasked to
tell you our Farmers Association in Nyamandhlovu will not be renewing
their memberships.


Chairman Nyamandhlovu Farmers' Association

CASE NO HC2394/02


In the matter between:



1st Respondent


2nd Respondent

Bulawayo: Friday, 11th day of October, 2002

Before the Honourable Mr. Justice Cheda

Advocate E. Matinenga Counsel for Applicant

WHEREUPON, after reading the documents filed of record and hearing
Advocate Matinenga for the Applicant,




TAKE NOTE THAT on the 11th day of October 2002, the Honourable Mr. Justice
Cheda sitting at Bulawayo issued a provisional order as shown overleaf.

The annexed Chamber Application, Affidavits and documents were used in
support of the application for this Provisional Order.

If you intend to oppose the confirmation of this Provisional Order, you
will have to file a notice of Opposition in Form 29B, together with one or
more opposing affidavits, with the Registrar of the High Court at Bulawayo
within ten (10) days after the date on whch this Provisional Order and
Annexures were served upon you. You will also have to serve a copy of the
Opposition and affidavits on the Applicant at the address for service
specified in the application.

If you do not file an opposing affidavit within the period specified
above, this matter will be set down for hearing in the High Court at
Bulawayo without further notice to you and will be dealt with as an
unopposed application for confirmation of the Provisional Order.

If you wish to have the Provisional Order changed or set aside sooner
than the rules of the Court normally allow and can show good cause for
this, you should approach the Applicant's Legal Practitioners to agree,
in consultation with the Registrar, on a suitable hearing date. If this
cannot be agreed or there is a great urgency, you may make a Chamber
Application, on notice to the Applicant, for directions from a Judge as
to when the matter can be argued.


That you show cause to this Honourable Court why a final order should not
be made in the following terms:

That the present farm evictions being carried out by the Zimbabwe Republic
Police be and are hereby declared to be unlawful.

That the Zimbabwe Republic Police be and are hereby permanently
interdicted from evicting any farmer from his farm until such time as the
Administrative Court has confirmed the acquisition of the said farm and
that there is a lawful court order evicting the farmer.

That any farmer unlawfully evicted from his farm be and is hereby
permitted to return to the said farm and that First and Second Respondents
are hereby ordered to ensure that the farmer is restored to his farm.

That First and Second Respondents should be ordered to pay applicant's
costs of suit in this application.


Pending the determination of this matter, the applicant is granted the
following relief:

1. That the Zimbabwe Republic Police be and hereby interdicted from
evicting any farmer from his farm until such time as the Administrative
Court has confirmed the acquisition and there is a lawful court order
evicting the said farmer.

2. That any farmer unlawfully evicted from his farm be and is hereby
permitted to return to the said farm and that First and Second Respondents
are hereby ordered to ensure that the farmer is restored to his farm.


That this court application and provisional order be served upon the First
and Second Respondents by the Deputy Sheriff.



N.B.  Anyone who requires a copy of the original document urgently, this
can be made available by FAX or a copy can be collected from the JAG
offices, 17 Phillips Ave, Belgravia, Harare

                                 JOBS ON OFFER

Full Time Personal Assistant required for young dynamic company executive.
Successful applicant will be female, aged 35-45, motivated, bright, keen
to learn, and able to run the show alone for short periods of time. Does
not need to be an expert on computers, just keen to learn. This job is a
genuine solid offer, with a good package for the right person.
Phone Lindsay Campbell 023 410 300 for further details.

Two opportunities have arisen in Nigeria:

Northern Nigeria: Farm Manager required for 3500 ha farm, mostly
cereal/row crops, but some other crops also. Owner is offering an expat
package, with usual perks. Interviews will take place in Johannesburg
between 10 & 15th December 2002, expenses paid. Please submit CV with full
particulars to, or fax to 04 744166. Schools are
available, and Nigeria is only 5 hrs' flight time away!
Phone Mary Cosgrove for more details on 011 613735.

Eastern Nigeria : Timber/forestry Specialist required to manage a 114 ha
forestry concession, with sawmill and furniture factory. Successful
applicant must be capable of managing the concession and running the
furniture factory & sawmill. Expat package with usual perks offered.
Interviews will take place in Johannesburg between 10 & 15th December,
exps paid. Please submit CV with full particulars to, or
fax to 04 744166, or contact Mary Cosgrove on 011 613735.

Job in RSA - no further details available - ph Sakki Van Der Clos 021
9398365 or 021 9399909

Junior Manager required for 94 ha tobacco, 15 ha paprika, maize, & 26 ha
coffee. Contact Willie Watson on 064 7535

I write on behalf of a company called Instamac (Pvt) Ltd.

We are a medium sized construction/development company specialising in
residential and other developmental infrastructure. Amazingly enough in
these troubled times, we currently have a large volume of works on our
books.  Subsequently, we are urgently looking for suitable persons to
recruit as staff in the following fields :

(a) Construction Site Management
(b) Workshop Management.

(a) Above would involve managing at least one construction site in or near
to Harare (i.e. Ruwa and Norton). The type of construction we are currently
mainly involved in, is that of providing roads, water and sewerage to
residential stands. Construction of housing may come in at a later stage.
The incumbent manager would be responsible for at least one site, and all
the construction works on it (i.e. plant, labour, materials, etc.). The
works on site are not highly technical, but does require a person with a
practical mind, motivation and initiative.

(b) Above would involve the daily management of our central workshops in
Harare, plus the liaison of our various site workshops and personnel. This
vacancy again requires a hands on type of person, with some mechanical
experience, but not necessarily a formal qualification in mechanics.  We
are prepared to offer the right type of person a good package. It would be
good if the person(s) had their own transport. We would obviously pay for

We have contacted yourselves since we admire your positive and motivated
stance in these difficult times, and because you may have a database of
ex-farm owners/managers who have experienced problems recently, and may be
looking for something to do. We feel these types of people would be ideal
for the vacancies we have described above.

Thank-you for your time, and we would greatly appreciate it if you
wouldn't mind possibly posting a copy of this e-mail onto your
noticeboards, and/or with the relevant persons in your organisation.

Thank-you once again for your kind cooperation on this issue.

Yours faithfully
Paul Brown
Contracts Director for Instamac

Accomodation in RSA
Accomodation and Assistance offered to Zim refugees in Western Cape, also
JoBurg and Bloemfontein. Contact Carol Miller at

Weekly South African Newspaper advertising jobs:

Farming Opportunity in SA
My family has a farm in Lowveld (Nelspruit), which was once regarded as
the best tobacco ground in the lowveld. We would love to offer the land
to evicted land owners from Zimbabwe, to use and restore their lives
again.  Please could you let me know if you know of people that would be

My uncle up in the northern province can be contacted regarding this matter.
Dennis Traynor +27 15 295 9247

Jack Smith
083 235 5615

Justice for Agriculture mailing list
To subscribe/unsubscribe: Please write to
Back to the Top
Back to Index

When a President Becomes an Outcast

Financial Gazette (Harare)

October 10, 2002
Posted to the web October 11, 2002

THAT President Robert Mugabe chose to pass over the Southern Africa
Development Community (SADC) chairmanship to Tanzania at the just ended
regional summit in Luanda because he is preoccupied with completing his
agrarian reforms is neither here nor there.

The bottom line is that the SADC leaders, fearing the contagion of Mugabe's
policies, told him it was not be. The government, through its propaganda
mouthpieces, can lie, rant and rave, but the truth is that Mugabe has become
a destabilising force in southern Africa.

Mugabe has not only become a liability to his colleagues in the region, but
he has become an outcast, a misfit. I'm sure it would not be far fetched to
suggest that presidents Thabo Mbeki of South Africa and Festus Mogae of
Botswana are in their hearts saying 'if only we could choose our

In the days leading to the summit, the state media in Zimbabwe was gloating
that Mugabe would soon assume the deputy chairmanship of SADC, and this was
the official position known by all member states.

It is important to note that then, the government never hinted that it would
not take up the position because it had a busy schedule. The fact that the
land reform programme is underway has been known for the past two years, way
before the summit.

The SADC chairmanship is a largely ceremonial post and most of the work is
executed by the secretariat.

It boggles the mind that the implementation of the controversial land reform
programme - a free-for-all looters' paradise - is so overwhelming as to
prevent Zimbabwe from taking up the ceremonial chairmanship.

When a president becomes a confirmed outcast wherever he goes, all sorts of
excuses are peddled to try to save face.

Looking at it from another angle, the SADC leaders know very well that the
behaviour of any president at the helm of the regional bloc has far-reaching
implications on the way the rest of the world views the entire region.

The region foresaw an image problem if they allowed Mugabe to assume the
leadership of SADC, which they would have to battle with at the expense of
tackling developmental issues and much sought after investment.

Coming at a time when they are trying to foster development and good
governance in southern Africa through the New Partnership for Africa's
Development (NEPAD), Mugabe's leadership of SADC was a non-starter.

Mugabe has become a fly in the ointment for the region. He has become a pain
to, not only poverty stricken Zimbabweans, but to the region as a whole,
which is battling to woo foreign investment.

No reasonable organisation, let alone a country, would progress with such a
leader at the helm.

But to those who have been following events, it comes as no surprise that
Mugabe has over the past year been diplomatically sidelined by his peers,
who I have no doubt agree he is a liability in global politics.

During the launch of the African Union earlier this year, Mugabe was
relegated to the backstage as if to save the event from any controversy.
Even in the spearheading of NEPAD, Mugabe was again sidelined because of
fears that the whole project might suffer from his contagion.

During the United Nations summit held in New York a month ago, American
President George Bush met 10 heads of state from Africa on the sidelines to
discuss the NEPAD project and notably absent was our own Mugabe.

When a president becomes an outcast, the only people who want to be near him
are the demented and the sycophants.

When as a president, governments the world over enact laws to ban you from
even visiting their countries, then you indeed have become an outcast.
Nothing can drive home the point better than that.

Zimbabwe, because of its leadership, is viewed as a leper by the rest of the

This is why Zimbabwe, as a country, is crumbling. Because we have at the
helm a leader who has now been virtually isolated by the rest of the world.

We have an outcast leading a nation endowed with a skilled labour force that
is in need of peace and prosperity.

Unless and until we rid ourselves of the outcasts and misfits in our midst,
who are the sources of our suffering, we shall remain an outcast as a
nation. The responsibility to change this damning situation is in our hands.
Back to the Top
Back to Index

UN urged to investigate state torture

Zimbabwe opposition leader says rights abuses are on the rise

Andrew Meldrum in Harare
Saturday October 12, 2002
The Guardian

Zimbabwe's opposition leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, yesterday urged the United
Nations to investigate the growing number of incidents of state torture in
the country.
"We are witnessing an alarming rise of cases of torture, electric shocks and
beatings perpetrated by the police," Mr Tsvangirai told the Guardian. "We
are calling on the UN human rights commission to urgently investigate this.
It would help to stop the carnage, the violence and human rights abuses that
are taking place in the country.

"It is clear that Zimbabwe's political crisis is deepening and state torture
is being used to suppress any opposition to the Mugabe regime. We are
appealing to the UN to look into this as soon as possible," added Mr
Tsvangirai, the leader of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC).

"We are appealing to the international community to help us stop the torture
and to hold the perpetrators accountable. The police, the army, the CIO
[central intelligence organisation], the militia are all being used to
inflict violence and brutality against the people. They are on a campaign to
crush our opposition party."

More than 1,050 cases of torture in Zimbabwe have been documented this year,
according to a report issued this week by the Human Rights Forum.

Linos Mushonga, a Harare city councillor and MDC member, said he repeatedly
lost consciousness from police giving him electric shocks. "They attached
electrodes to my toes, my fingers and my penis. They said they were going to
punish me for supporting the opposition," Mr Mushonga said.

"They switched the current on again and again. The pain shot through my body
and I saw white, like lightning. I went into convulsions."

The torture took place at Chinamora police station at the end of August, he
said. "I had been blindfolded but I knew we were at the Chinamora station
because I could hear the police radio communications."

Mr Mushonga was not released until September 17; he was then in hospital for
eight days. Doctors' reports confirm injuries consistent with electric
shocks and beatings.

"If the police can do this to me, a city councillor, then who is safe in
Zimbabwe?" Mr Mushonga asked. "This has happened to many other people. The
international community is letting us down. How can Augustine Chihuri
[Zimbabwe's police commissioner] be a vice-president of Interpol? How can he
be the chairman of the southern African regional police organisation?"

Other recent reports of torture include Tom Tawanda Spicer, 18, a leader of
the MDC's youth wing, who was also shocked into convulsions and beaten,
according to medical reports. He claims his torture took place at Harare's
central police station.

"This is happening at police stations across the country," admitted a member
of the police force, who would not give his name for fear of retribution.
"Many of us are ashamed of it but if we protest we are reprimanded."

Zimbabwean human rights groups are compiling reports of torture and offering
medical treatment and counselling to the victims.

Those groups are also facing the wrath of the Mugabe government. Recently
police raided the offices of the Amani Trust and arrested Dr Frances
Lovemore, who treats victims of violence. He was jailed for more than 24
hours before being released without charge.

· A leading US food aid official warned yesterday that Zimbabwe would face a
"major famine" if the government did not allow massive amounts of food to be
imported by the end of the year. Tony Hall, the US ambassador to the UN food
and agriculture organisation said: "The critical time is in the next two
Back to the Top
Back to Index

Botswana to Probe Alleged Rights Abuses

Mmegi/The Reporter (Gaborone)

October 11, 2002
Posted to the web October 11, 2002

Fraser Mpofu

The Botswana government will institute investigations into allegations that
its law enforcement authorities are subjecting Zimbabwean visitors and
immigrants to severe beatings and other forms of ill treatment, the Botswana
High Commissioner in Harare said last week.

The Botswana High Commissioner, Cecil Manyeula pledged to act after the
Zimbabwean state-controlled media carried extensive reports of alleged
brutality and human rights abuses on Zimbabwean visitors by Botswana

After the reports, Manyeula immediately held a meeting in Bulawayo with
Obert Mpofu the governor for Matabeleland north province, which covers
western Zimbabwe. He was accompanied by an unnamed senior Batswana
immigration official.

The High Commissioner confirmed in a post-meeting interview that his
government would investigate the claims after which a proper response would
be made. He did not disclose more details.

The reports in the state-controlled media last week claimed that the Special
Support Group (SSG), army and police routinely rounded up and assaulted
Zimbabweans visiting or living illegally in Botswana.

In reports also carried in its sister papers countrywide, Chronicle, a
Bulawayo-based daily wrote in its issue of Wednesday last week that
Zimbabweans, some with proper travel documents' were being deported from
Botswana while female travellers alleged sexual abuse. The paper splashed
front-page pictures of deportees bearing fresh wounds, allegedly inflicted
on them after beatings by law enforcement agents in Botswana, in a story
under a screaming headline, - Extreme Brutality.

According to the newspaper, the Batswana authorities told deportees to '"Go
back to Zimbabwe and till your land." Botswana is a favoured destination for
thousands of hard-up Zimbabweans who are fleeing economic hardships at home.
Thousands of others are flying to the United States, Australia, Canada or
the United Kingdom daily as economic problems, marked by shortage of basic
commodities, high prices, unemployment and low wages deepen. Scores of other
Zimbabweans travel to South Africa.

Thousands of informal Zimbabwean cross-border traders travel between
Zimbabwe and Botswana through Francistown in droves to conduct business in
various commodities. On the other hand large numbers of Batswana shoppers
routinely travel to and from Zimbabwe and scores of Batswana students are
studying at colleges in Zimbabwe, mainly in Bulawayo, the second largest

According to figures obtained from immigration officials at Plumtree border
post, a total of 18 000 illegal Zimbabwean immigrants were deported from
Botswana last year, up from 11 000 the year before.

However, in the same stories, Zimbabwe High Commissioner to Botswana, Zenzo
Nsimbi said while some of the reports were true, the majority were false. He
acknowledged that a significant number of Zimbabweans living in Botswana
were illegal immigrants.

At the same meeting in Bulawayo, Manyeula suggested the formation of a
regional spatial development initiative, which he said, might be
instrumental in resolving such immigration problems and increase
co-operation between the two neighbouring countries.

Zimbabwe already has similar cross-border co-operation initiatives with
Zambia and South Africa.

Batswana complain of mistreatment in Zim

Mmegi/The Reporter (Gaborone)

October 11, 2002
Posted to the web October 11, 2002


FRANCISTOWN: In what seems to be a tit-for-tat, Batswana who visited
Zimbabwe recently have complained of harassment at the hands of the police
at road-blocks between Ramokgwebana border and Bulawayo.

Speaking to Mmegi, Phase Four Customary Court president, Paul Motshwane said
they were shocked at the way the police handled them. "What happens at the
road blocks there is a clear form of segregation. Driving immaculate cars
like Batswana do, you are simply signaled off the road and subjected to a
thorough check whilst Zimbabwean vehicles are given green lights to
proceed," he protested. After producing all the necessary documents, the
police reportedly move around the vehicle looking for an offence. "I was
charged 500 Zim Dollars for a cracked vehicle wheel stud which I paid on the
spot. I was not given a receipt. Given the police hostility we could not
wait to demand one (receipt of payment)", he said.

Motshwane added that he was simply told, "now you can go" after the payment.
At another roadblock Motshwane and his companions were inexplicable called
to produce foreign exchange declaration forms and the declaration for all
the goods they had. "All the things that the police demanded from us was a
repetition of the point of entry procedures," Motshwane said.

He asserted that the behaviour of the Zimbabwean was a clear sign of
xenophobia. "Even the remarks they made whilst assisting us were really
bothersome. We gave them a deaf ear as we were not there for confrontation,"
he asserted. He stated that he has been to Zimbabwe several times, but the
treatment he encountered on his last visit on September 29 was unusual. At
the Bulawayo Sun Motshwane said they met more hostility. "We entered the
hotel talking amongst ourselves and in our own language. A boisterous and
rather negative Shona speaking man turned at us and shouted 'You Batswana
you should leave us alone. And for the South Africans we will soon demand
visas from them. You Batswana, you think you are smart and can simply come
into our country and buy Zim dollars the way you like'," Motshwane said. The
man went further to pronounce that he was a ZANU PF man and would die as
such. Motshwane's experience on his way back home the following day at the
roadblocks was not any better. His advice to Batswana who enjoy their
shopping in Bulawayo is to "act with a lot of caution".

Police officer Goitsemodimo Mogale who accompanied Motshwane on the visit
was shocked how a fellow SADC and neighbouring country could mistreat
innocent people. "Batswana are generally peace loving people who also
respects the rule of law. It seems those officers were really looking for us
(Batswana)," he said.

Julius Bolokwe, of the Botswana National Productivity Centre (BNPC) office
here has also had a tough time visiting Zimbabwe. "These people were all out
to teach us a lesson or two considering their attitude. I have been to
Zimbabwe several times. May be they realised that a lot of Batswana were
going to Zimbabwe to spend the holidays there and wanted to punish us in a
way," said Bolokwe.

Meanwhile, the Officer Commanding, Francistown Police District, Senior
Superintendent Boikhutso Dintwa has expressed ignorance about ill-treatment
of Batswana in Zimbabwe. He indicated that the Botswana Police and their
Zimbabwean counterparts were working smartly together.

"The relationship between us and our Zimbabwean counterparts remains
cordial," Dintwa said.
Back to the Top
Back to Index

The Star - Malaysia

Namibian farmers wearily eye land seizures in Zimbabwe

CAPE TOWN, South Africa (AP) - As a chaotic land seizure program plunges
Zimbabwe into economic ruin, white farmers in neighboring Namibia are
growing increasingly nervous.

Though the Namibian government says it will only acquire farms from
Namibians willing to sell, President Sam Nujoma's recent statements
lamenting the slow pace of land reform have raised fears he will push for a
more aggressive land redistribution plan.

"Our farmers are concerned because we cannot afford a Zimbabwe situation,''
said Jan De Wet, president of the 3,500 member Namibian Agricultural Union.

"It is a priority of the commercial farmers to assist the government with
land reform.''

More than 70 percent of Namibia's 1.8 million people depend on agriculture
for a living, the vast majority of them subsistence farmers on communal

Although whites form 6 percent of the population, they own most of the
country's 4,500 commercial farms.

Many indigenous Namibians were stripped of their land under colonial rule.
While the government has passed legislation aimed at rectifying the past
injustices, progress has been slow and an estimated 200,000 people remain

Last month, Nujoma told an agricultural union conference his government was
investigating new legal ways to acquire land for resettlement because the
process of finding willing sellers was too slow, cumbersome and expensive.

He said it was unacceptable for each white farmer to own more than one farm.

"The deliberate practice of inflating land prices, which has become a common
tactic of many land owners, is counterproductive, dangerous and could
backfire,'' Nujoma said.

"It serves only to slow down land redistribution, and that could result in
social (upheaval) as the landless people become impatient.''

While landless groups have occasionally said they planned to occupy
white-owned farms, none have carried out their threat.

The ruling South West African People's Organization resolved at a party
congress to expropriate 192 farms belonging to foreign absentee landlords.

The government is still investigating the legal implications of the
decision, but says the owners will be compensated.

De Wet said the government had given assurances that it would not take over
any land which belonged to Namibians, or which was being productively used.

"We have assurances from the president, from the minister of lands, from the
prime minister that they do not want a Zimbabwe situation in Namibia, and
... there will be no expropriation,'' he said.

He added that ample land was available for sale, and that his union was
working with the government to speed up resettlement.

Few in Namibia believe Nujoma, a close ally of Zimbabwean President Robert
Mugabe, would condone Zimbabwe-style land seizures.

Namibia gained independence from South Africa in 1990, the last African
country to gain its freedom.

Many human rights activists see those seizures as part of a Mugabe-led
campaign to crush the opposition in his country and to shore up his
popularity amid economic and political chaos.

Nujoma has no need for that, said Bill Lindeque, a political science
professor at the University of Namibia.

"The economic conditions here are quite good (and) the political credibility
of the government and the ruling party is strong,'' he said.

Lindeque feels Nujoma's remarks about speeding up land redistribution were a
part of internal party politics and did not reflect the responsible policies
being implemented on the ground.

Phil ya Nangoloh, director of the Namibian Human Rights Organization and a
virulent government critic, disagreed, saying ruling party politicians had
been the leading beneficiaries of land redistribution.

"There is genuine concern for land reform here, but it is not being done in
a proper way,'' he said.

Ya Nangoloh said Nujoma could use the land issue to bolster his support for
a currently unconstitutional fourth term in office and to deflect attention
away from rising unemployment and poverty.

"We are going the same way Zimbabwe has gone,'' he said. - AP
Back to the Top
Back to Index

The Village Voice

Nat Hentoff
Hell Is a Real Place
Zimbabwe: Anyone in America Give a Damn?
October 11th, 2002 4:00 PM

This is the story of a woman in Zimbabwe. She is not one of the white farmers
being extracted from their land and homes by President Robert Mugabe and the
veterans of the 1980 war for independence, who are in the front lines of the
takeovers. This woman is black and is being punished for her support of the
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), the leading opposition party.
Her tormentors are members of Robert Mugabe's Zimbabwe African National
Union Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF), which has been in power since independence
was won under Mugabe's leadership. I learned of her story from a June 20,
2002, report by the Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition-a wide range of what we
call civil rights groups fighting for a "civil society." Among them: trade
unions, women's rights organizations, students, and the Zimbabwe Human
Rights NGO Forum. Leading the report is a letter of confirmation signed by
Desmond Tutu, archbishop emeritus, Cape Town, South Africa-a world-renowned
paladin of the anti-apartheid movement.

This thoroughly documented and voluminous Zimbabwe Report contains many
horror stories. This one is "Case 2 and 3: Baby 4 months old, and mother of
child: interview with mother . . . Date of Incident: from November 2001, and
still continuing in April 2002."

"B is four months old. When he was only eight days old . . . he was taken
from his mother at midnight by 12 war veterans and held upside down by his
ankles. The war veterans said he was a whip and they would use him to beat
others. They slapped him on the face and all over the body and said that he
should die because he was 'an MDC property.' The mother was gagged and

While she was eight months pregnant with B, the mother was attacked by war
veterans who kicked her in the groin and lower abdomen "until she bled
profusely from her vagina." She couldn't go for treatment at any clinic in
her district because "she is among those blacklisted as an MDC supporter."
(An interesting use of "blacklisted.")

Refused health care throughout her pregnancy because of her pariah status,
she delivered by herself at home. She has had no postnatal care. Her child
"has also received no medical attention whatsoever-his birth is officially
unrecorded and he has received no immunizations."

In hiding and on the run, she is "in severe pain" and "needs urgent
specialist attention for her back and needs to see a urologist" for problems
that started "from her beating when eight months pregnant."

The entry of this case in the Zimbabwe Report closes with "The history is
remarkable as to the violence against a newborn baby; but otherwise it is in
agreement with other testimonies of reprisals against MDC supporters."

There is a foreword to the report by Pius A. Ncube, archbishop of Bulawayo,
Zimbabwe: "In the past two months, I have known of a number of persons who
have died of hunger right here in my city. We have seen police and militia
threaten, intimidate, and sometimes attack unarmed civilian protesters. We
have spoken out, only to be threatened and attacked ourselves. Writing a
report such as this one by the Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition carries great
risks. Those risks must be borne by us all if we are to find a more peaceful
path into the future."

The Lawyers Committee for Human Rights in New York and Washington has
distributed this report to members of Congress and other groups. But while
there has been considerable coverage in newspapers, though not on
television, of what is happening to the families of the foreclosed white
farmers, the desperate condition of huge numbers of black Zimbabweans is
largely ignored.

In his letter that prefaces the report, Archbishop Tutu writes: "The hard
facts on the ground in Zimbabwe, so well compiled in this report, suggest an
alarming array of policies and practices that may be leading the country to
a catastrophic future. . . . The ongoing political violence . . . must be
brought to an end. The threatening famine, caused in part by government
lands policy, will make things even worse."

While a critical mass of anger and indignation in this country helped end
South African apartheid, there is scarcely any awareness here of the facts
on the bloody ground contained in this message in the Zimbabwe Report:

"Since January 2002, 57 people have been killed, 26 'disappeared,' and more
than 450 tortured. Thousands have been forced to flee their home areas.
Ninety percent of the violence has been perpetrated by ZANU-PF supporters or
State Security agents, with encouragement from leading members of the

And in the August 25 Sunday Telegraph in London, Christina Lamb quoted Tony
Reeler, clinical director of the Amani Trust, based in Harare, the capital
of Zimbabwe. The Trust monitors and treats victims of torture and other
human rights abuses. Tony Reeler says:

"We're seeing an enormous prevalence of rape, and enough cases to say it's
being used by the State as a political tool, with women and girls being
raped because they are wives, girlfriends, or daughters of political
activists. There are also horrific cases of girls as young as 12 or 13 being
taken off to militia camps, used and abused and kept in forced concubinage.
But I suspect, as with Bosnia, the real extent of what is happening is going
to take a hell of a long time to come out." (Supporters of the Amani Trust
include the UN's Voluntary Fund for Victims of Torture and the Swedish Red

Why, in this country, are there only whispers, if that, from most civil
rights activists and organizations, the clergy of all colors that finally
awoke to the slavery and mass rapes in Sudan, editorial writers, women's
rights groups, and such trombones of the people as Jesse Jackson and Al

In Congress, Donald Payne of New Jersey is involved, as he has been for many
years about slavery in Sudan, but what of his colleagues in the
Congressional Black Caucus and the white human rights champions on both
sides of the aisle?

For information: Lorna Davidson, Lawyers Committee for Human Rights, 333
Seventh Avenue, 13th floor, New York, NY 10001; 212-845-5251;
We're supposed to be fighting a war on terrorism, right? By the way,
Zimbabwe is a proud member of the United Nations Human Rights
Commission-along with Syria, Saudi Arabia, Cuba, and Sudan.
Back to the Top
Back to Index


Zim plans new curbs on media

Harare, Zimbabwe - The Zimbabwean government is planning to tighten already
draconian security laws in a bid to further restrict the independent media,
a state-owned newspaper reported Saturday.

Zimbabwe has been gripped by more than two years of political and economic
turmoil, widely blamed on the increasingly unpopular ruling party. The
government has ordered the seizure of thousands of white-owned farms and
ruthlessly tried to silence all dissent against its policies.

A law passed earlier this year granted a state-appointed commission the
power to ban publications and bar journalists from practicing or have them

The commission currently has to conduct an inquiry into any alleged
infringements of the law, but a proposed amendment may abolish this
requirement when the commission "considers that no substantial disputes of
law or fact are required to be determined", the state-owned Herald newspaper

The government is also considering making abuse of the freedom of expression
an offense, it said.

Independent jurists have yet to receive copies of the proposed changes.

Thirteen journalists and an opposition legislator, who was accused of
filming the distribution of food aid to ruling party supporters, have
already been arrested under media laws, which carry maximum jail sentences
of up to two years.

Independenet charities

Meanwhile President Robert Mugabe has also threatened to clamp down on
independent charities, describing them as "hatcheries of political

"We hear some noises about (non governmental organisations) threatening to
defy government," he told a meeting of 200 senior ruling party officials
Friday. "We will soon remind them who they are, where they belong and what
their accredited mission is."

Mugabe said new laws would be drafted to curb foreign funding of
organisations which regarded themselves as "little governments".

"Moneys continue to pour in variously, through individuals, through Trojan
horses, among them non-governmental organisations, trade unions, select
private media, embassies, private companies and selected banks, through
trusts, through the so-called international development agencies, through
foundations and even through drought relief structures - all to be used
against us," he said.

Mugabe began seizing white owned farms in February 2000 after losing a
constitutional referendum that would have extended his rule indefinitely.
Subsequent parliamentary and presidential elections which returned the
ruling party to power and gave Mugabe another six-year term in office were
condemned as flawed by local and international observers.

More than 6 million Zimbabweans currently face food shortages, blamed on
drought and the farm seizure program. - Sapa-AP
Back to the Top
Back to Index


Mugabe warns against meddling

      October 12 2002 at 01:02PM

Harare - President Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe has accused some
non-governmental organisations (NGOs) of meddling in the country's internal
affairs and says his government will regulate them, a newspaper said

NGOs, trade unions, the private media and embassies were among the "Trojan
horses" that received money from abroad "all to be used against us," Mugabe
was quoted as saying in the official Herald.

He singled out the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace (CCJP), a
church-funded human rights group, which he said had recently fielded
opposition candidates in a northern rural constituency in local elections.

"This is a gross interference in our national affairs, disguised as
non-governmental work," Mugabe told members of his ruling Zimbabwe African
National Union - Patriotic Front (Zanu-PF) Central Committee on Friday .

Mugabe said NGOs were not registered to be "hatcheries of political
opposition" and said his government would tighten policies to regulate their
work, the Herald added.

"They should not cry, for they have redefined the rules of engagement,"
Mugabe added.

A move to restrict the work of NGOs is likely to be seen as a further
clampdown on the country's civil society.

Mugabe views criticism of his country's controversial land reform
programme - which aims to give white-owned land to blacks - as being fuelled
by the West.

His government regularly accuses NGOs of being manipulated by Western
powers, especially former colonial power Britain. - Sapa-AFP

Back to the Top
Back to Index

From The Times (UK), 12 October

Van Hoogstraten faces £1m fine a month for hiding assets

By Steve Bird

The jailed property tycoon Nicholas van Hoogstraten will be fined about £1
million a month until he discloses the full extent of his wealth to the
courts, a judge ruled yesterday. Van Hoogstraten is being sued by the
relatives of Mohammad Raja, the property dealer murdered by his associates.
Mr Justice Peter Smith found van Hoogstraten in contempt of court for
purposely disobeying orders to disclose his assets. He said that the fines
were the only option left. He told the High Court that van Hoogstraten, 57,
said to be worth between £60 million and £500 million, would have viewed
imprisonment with "utter indifference" as he faced a possible life sentence
for the manslaughter of Mr Raja. Mr Raja, 62, had been suing van
Hoogstraten, his former business associate, for £5 million for alleged
property fraud. He was shot and stabbed to death in July 1999 at his home in
Sutton, South London, by two men identified at the criminal trial as van
Hoogstraten's hitmen. An Old Bailey jury found van Hoogstraten guilty of
manslaughter. The jury accepted that he had not ordered Mr Raja's murder.
The Raja family is continuing the legal action against van Hoogstraten over
the alleged property fraud and brought yesterday's action after he refused
to disclose his assets and make a sworn statement verifying his account of
his wealth. The judge froze van Hoogstraten's known assets and imposed a
£200,000 weekly fine, to increase each week by 10 per cent, from next month.

Van Hoogstraten is already facing huge legal bills after his trial, and
there are doubts over the future of his extensive holdings in Zimbabwe.
Legal action is also pending over unpaid bills for the £40 million Hamilton
Palace, in East Sussex. He is being held in Belmarsh Prison and is due to be
sentenced later this month. Peter Irvin, for the Raja family, said that van
Hoogstraten was delaying matters to allow his associates - "who are not
people of probity" - to remove his assets. The more time it went on the more
his assets would be dissipated. Van Hoogstraten has sacked the lawyers
representing him in the civil case and is now representing himself. The case
is due to begin in March. He was allowed 28 days to pay the fine and apply
to the court to discharge the fine order. The judge ordered him to pay the
costs of the applications, amounting to £7,272.50. David Croke and Robert
Knapp were jailed for life in July for Mr Raja's murder. Mr Raja's two
grandsons, Waheed and Rizvan Raja, were upstairs and rushed to help their
grandfather when they heard his shouts. Both told the Old Bailey jury that
they had heard him shout in Punjabi: "These are Hoogstraten's men. They've
hit me, they've hit me."
Back to the Top
Back to Index

Dear Family and Friends,
The rains have arrived in Zimbabwe and after 5 months of clear skies and dry days, the arrival of rain should be cause for celebration. With more than half our population starving you would think that there would be a great flurry of activity out on the farms and that the government would be working 24 hours a day to get professional farmers planting seeds in the ground. Exactly the opposite is happening in Zimbabwe this year as the government's so called Land Task Force have been touring the country and evicting every commercial farmer they can find. It doesn't seem to matter where the farm is, what is being produced or how desperately the country needs the food being grown on a particular farm, the government wants these professional food providers out.
Farmers producing export crops like flowers which earn foreign currency for Zimbabwe, are being evicted. In a landlocked country like ours where all our fuel is imported and paid for with foreign currency, removing the earners of US dollars is pure insanity. Other farmers producing staple food like sugar have also come under attack and 39 sugar cane farmers were evicted from their properties and homes this week. It seems that there is no foresight whatsoever in Zimbabwe's land grab and it makes no sense at all that while we are starving, queuing for hours and days and going without staple items, the government are evicting the farmers and their workers and condemning us to both immediate hunger and long term shortages. The repercussions of the events of 2002 will undoubtedly be felt in Zimbabwean stomachs for the next five years at the very least.         
One of Zimbabwe's top cattle farmers, Sam Cawood, who is 74 years old, was arrested by police in Beitbridge this week. Having been ordered by the government to vacate his farm in a matter of days, Sam was forced to send his entire breeding herd of Brahman cross Hereford Cows for slaughter. The cows had begun calving and tiny calves, two and three weeks old, could not go for slaughter, could not be abandoned and certainly could not go in the trucks with their mothers as they would have been trampled to death. Sam, forbidden by police from returning to his farm, instructed his workers to do the only humane thing and slaughter the calves rather than leave them to die of starvation. For this reason Sam was arrested and told he was being charged under the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals Act. Sam shared his prison cell with 6 other people, 4 adults and two young boys. The boys, aged 12 and 14, had been thrown into prison after stealing a pair of shoes. They had been there for 5 days already and in that time had not seen a lawyer and had not had any food at all. When Sam Cawood's wife bought him a toasted sandwich in prison, the elderly farmer could not eat while others were not, he broke the sandwich in half and gave it to the young boys. Sam was released from prison the next day without charge - the two young boys are still there, unknown, un-noticed and un-fed.
Sam Cawood and two little boys are not the only people who are in Zimbabwe's prisons this week. For many months Zimbabwe's government school teachers have been appealing for an increase in their salaries. Our country's educators presently earn less than the governments land officials who are going around driving pegs into the ground and carving up other people's farms. The teachers pleas have repeatedly gone unheard and so this week they went on strike. A number of top officials of the teachers union were arrested including Raymond Majongwe who was seriously assaulted whilst in custody. His lawyers said that Raymond was unable to sit or stand, had suspected broken ribs and possible internal bleeding. Across the country teachers and civic leaders have been appalled at this treatment but as always there is no one to turn to for assistance. Blacks and whites, farmers and teachers,  adults and children, professionals and peasants are all alike. We have no legal, human or constitutional rights,  there is no one within Zimbabwe that can help us and apparently no one outside the country prepared to intervene either. We are alone and floundering. Until next week, with love, cathy Copyright Cathy Buckle 12th Oct 2002
Back to the Top
Back to Index

Dispatch online

Dlamini-Zuma criticises SA media for trashing Zim

HARARE -- Foreign Minister Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma yesterday, after holding
talks with Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe, criticised the media in South
Africa for presenting that country in a bad light.

Dlamini-Zuma briefed Mugabe on developments in South Africa, and Mugabe
briefed her on developments in Zimbabwe, state radio reported.

She told reporters after her meeting with Mugabe that the South African
media was "very negative" and had "failed to paint a balanced picture of
events both in Zimbabwe and South Africa".

The minister, who met with her Zimbabwean counterpart Stan Mudenge after her
arrival in the country late on Thursday, is due to return to South Africa
today, after visiting tourist sites in the country.

On Thursday a statement from the South African foreign affairs ministry said
Dlamini-Zuma's talks would focus on resumption of negotiations between
Mugabe's ruling Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (Zanu-PF)
and the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC).

Talks between the two rivals were suspended earlier this year after the MDC
mounted a court challenge to Mugabe's victory in a disputed presidential

For more than two years, political tension between the MDC and Zanu-PF has
seen scores of mainly opposition supporters killed, according to human
rights groups. -- Sapa-AFP

S. Africa Pledges Zimbabwe Aid, U.S. Warns of Disaster

HARARE -- South Africa's Foreign Affairs Minister Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma pledged her government's support for crisis-stricken Zimbabwe on Friday as a U.S. aid official warned of a looming food disaster in the country.

"The South African foreign affairs minister said her party is there to assist its neighbor Zimbabwe," state radio reported after a meeting between Dlamini-Zuma and President Robert Mugabe, which was barred to all journalists except state media.

Dlamini-Zuma is on a two-day visit to Zimbabwe to discuss the country's controversial land reforms, which together with drought has caused a severe food shortage that is affecting nearly seven million people, or half the population.

The food crisis in Zimbabwe and five other Southern African countries due to drought and mismanagement has led to increased exports of maize from South Africa, helping to drive up the price of the staple in South Africa, Reuters reported.

There were no reports on state media on talks between Dlamini-Zuma and Mugabe on his seizure of white-owned farms for redistribution to landless blacks, which has disrupted agriculture in Zimbabwe, once the breadbasket of the region.

But South African officials in Pretoria said Dlamini-Zuma was likely to have raised the concerns of white South African farmers whose land has been seized in the reform drive.

On Friday, the U.S. envoy to the UN's Food and Agriculture Organization Tony Hall warned disaster was looming in Zimbabwe and said the government should take full responsibility.

"There is no famine here in Zimbabwe -- yet. But there is a major disaster coming. The government of Zimbabwe bears the responsibility for what has happened to this once productive country," Hall said in a statement after a four-day visit.

"All indicators point to a major catastrophe in the making here and I am not sure it can be stopped," Hall added in comments carried by the South African news agency SAPA.

Back to the Top
Back to Index

09 October 2002
A report by the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum
The month of September saw the holding of council elections for 1 397 rural district council and 27 urban wards over the weekend of 28 and 29 September 2002. It was reported that militant Zanu PF youths unleashed a reign of terror forcing many MDC supporters to withdraw their candidature.1 In the race, only six hundred and forty six seats available were contested by the opposition, due to, among other factors, the ongoing victimisation and persecution of opposition party members.
Zanu PF saw this to mean that their popularity had returned and that the electorate had realised their mistake in supporting the opposition, MDC. On the other hand, the MDC alleges that most of their candidates withdrew from contesting in the elections after threats and intimidation by Zanu PF supporters and in some cases by state agents.
In Shurugwi, Herbert Mhlanga was reportedly forced to withdraw his candidature by Zanu PF youths and was forced to surrender all his MDC t-shirts and cards following unspecified threats from Chief Mapendere. Joshua Tongogara and Anthony Musindo were also allegedly forced to withdraw  their candidature for the Shurugwi rural district and council elections after persistent visits and unspecified threats of intimidation by Zanu PF youths and CIO agents. Leornad Mhlanga, former Zanu PF chairman for Bubi-Umguza who defected to the MDC three months ago citing mismanagement by the Zanu PF, was allegedly barred from contesting in the urban ward on an MDC ticket, on the basis that his father was Malawian. However, according to the Urban Councils Act, he qualified to stand as a candidate in the elections.
ln Chivi North, Charity Vimbainashe Zvidza, the daughter of Elson Zvidza, MDC candidate for Ward 13 in the September 2002 rural district council elections, reportedly fled to Zvishavane with her brothers after more than fifty Zanu PF youths stormed their homestead in Hapazari Village in Chivi, wielding sticks and clubs. In Chegutu, Stephen Nyikadzino was allegedly assaulted by Zanu PF youths who then confiscated the MDC nomination papers that he had. He was on his way to the nomination court in Chegutu. In Seke, TS claims that he was severely assaulted by Zanu PF supporters for intending to contest in Ward 15 on an MDC ticket.
War veterans have allegedly been supplemented by army personnel in the wave of land evictions in some parts of the country. It has been alleged that well-known military personnel are behind the latest wave of ultimatums and evictions taking place in Mashonaland West, East and Central. Mr Cochraine, who owns a farm in Karoi, was reportedly approached and forced off his farm by a group of about sixty to seventy suspected army officials, armed with automatic shotguns and rifles. In another related incident at Wicklow Farm, Selous, the farm owners were forced leave the premises temporarily for security reasons following a 24-hours notice to vacate the farm from the police, army officers, and the CIO agents. At Chakoma Estates in Goromonzi, General Constantine Chiwenga, his wife Joselyn Chiwenga and a T. Mautsa have been reportedly implicated in the forcible take over of Chakoma Estates in Goromonzi and produce from the farm valued at $125m.
Forced evictions appear to have spread to companies in some parts of the country. Reports were recorded of company officials that have been subjected to threats and intimidatory visits at work and at home by CIO agents, as well as humiliation before their workforce.3 In one case, Chikerema and Hamadziripi of the ZNLWVA are allegedly trying to forcibly take over a $230m Bindura Engineering Firm, Hammond Engineering (Pvt) Ltd, in defiance of a High Court order issued on the 4th of September 2002. Chikerema reportedly led a group of about 50 Zanu PF youths to evict the company's owners, George Hammond and his wife Elaine.
In comparison to the month of August, cases of political intimidation in September declined to twenty from thirty-five and cases of assault rose from twenty three to thirty-eight. One case of murder was reported to the local press. Nikoniari Chibvamudeve was allegedly hacked to death by Zanu PF supporters in Hurungwe West ahead of the two day by-election which was held on 28 and 29 September 2002. He was reportedly brutally murdered by youths suspected to have been deployed by Zanu supporters to drum up support for its candidate.
The majority of the evidence recorded by the Human Rights Forum point to the Zanu PF as the main instigator of violence in the just ended September 2002 rural district and council elections. However, this is not to say that the MDC had no involvement in political violence.
Totals 1 to 30 September 2002
Cumulative Totals 1 January 2002 – 30 September 2002
Sources: The information contained in this report is derived from the Zimbabwe Human Rights Forum Legal Unit statements, CFU reports, newspaper reports, and statements taken by the member organisations of the Human Rights Forum. (See last page for list of member organisations)
Notes to the tables:
All cases of torture fall under the definition of torture according to the general definition given in the United Nations Convention against Torture and Other Forms of Cruel, Inhuman and Degrading Treatment and Punishment.
The four elements of torture are:
1 Severe pain and suffering, whether physical or mental
2 Intentionally inflicted
3 With a purpose
4 By a state official or another individual acting with the acquiescence of the State.
Those individuals referred to in point # 4 include the ZRP, ZNA, ZPS and the ZNLWVA (as a reserve force of the ZNA) and by any other grouping when directly sanctioned by the state.
Unlawful arrest and detention:
Arrest by the Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP) with no reasonable suspicion that an offence has been committed. Detention thereafter for a period exceeding 48 hours without access to redress through the courts or subsequent release without charge.
A kidnapping by a member(s) of an organised group that is not the ZRP organisation. political party, ZNLWVA, ZNA, MDC, Zanu PF etc
Kidnapped persons whose whereabouts remained unknown at the time of reporting. Their whereabouts have still to be ascertained through follow –up reports or further investigation.
Property related
These are incidents in which property rights have been violated. This includes arson, property damage and destruction and theft.
Key Abbreviations
CIO – Central Intelligence Organisation
DDF – District Development Fund
MDC – Movement for Democratic Change
MP – Member of Parliament
NCA – National Constitutional Assembly
PTUZ – Progressive Teachers Union of Zimbabwe
UMP – Uzumba Maramba Pfungwe
ZNLWVA – Zimbabwe National Liberation War Veterans Association
ZNA – Zimbabwe National Army
ZRP – Zimbabwe Republic Police
Zanu PF – Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front
Cases of Political Violence
Note:  The identities of victims that have not been published in the press and are not public officials are protected by the use of initials.
9 September 2002
· OM claims that he was assaulted by Zanu PF militia at his home for supporting the MDC and for intending to contest in Ward 15 in the council elections held in September. Around 1300hrs, Zanu PF militia came in two trucks to the victim's house in Unit D, Seke and ordered the victim to come with them. They beat him up with sticks when he refused to comply. The assailants later fled, and the police came and took the victim to the hospital where the cut on his head was stitched.
· About thirty people arrived at HF's house at Lynn Farm, forced entry, and dragged him into a truck amid kicks, and slaps. One Mr. Chitota, who apparently was the "boss" of the kidnappers, met them along the way and took the victim to the farm compound where they chanted anti-MDC songs and slogans. The victim was called a sell out who deserved to be kicked out of his farm. After about an hour the neighbours brought about six war veterans and some police officers to the victim's residence. The police took a statement from the victim and they took him to Beatrice Police Station. The member-in-charge informed him that the war veterans had been annoyed by the client who had ploughed down their crops. HF explained that he had authority of the lands committee to continue farming and was therefore set free.
12 September 2002
· Moses Chitindo, a police officer and four other police officers entered OM's bedroom and searched through the room. Having found nothing OM was ordered to dress up. They informed him that they were looking for guns. The victim, a youth secretary for MDC, was taken to Chitungwiza police station and interrogated on Kitsiyatota's whereabouts. Kitsiyatota is an MDC activist being sought in connection with the murder of Ali Khan Manjengwa in Mbare. He was then taken to Harare Central Police Station together with three others who had been captured, and was handed over to Detective Inspector Dhowa who interrogated him again about Kitsiyatota and the possession of guns. On professing ignorance, he was assaulted under the feet whilst in leg irons. He was ordered to undress, was taken underground where more assaults were perpetrated.  He was forced to confess at gunpoint that he had received military training in Norton. He was blindfolded, had a gun poked into his mouth and was taken to Goromonzi Police Station where he was forced to confess to the whereabouts of Kitsiyatota under the application of electric shocks. Under duress the victim then told them where Kitsiyatota's wife was. No charges were pressed against Chitindo. He suffered injuries under the feet cheek, buttocks and arms.
· TT, an MDC activist reports that CIO agents arrested him, on allegations that he had a pending case in Marondera where he used to stay. On their way to Chitungwiza Police Station, the victim was asked about Kitsiyatota's whereabouts. Mwanjaranji, a CIO agent assaulted TT with sticks under the feet, open hands and fists before the assailants arrested 3 other MDC activists. Inspector Dhowa and lnspector Dhliwayo also interrogated the victim at Harare Central Police Station, with Inspector Dhowa stepping on the victim's knee with booted feet. On 14 September the victim was forced to sign an affidavit, which stated how the victim knew Kitsiyatota. TT was released on 16 September 2002, and told to report to the police on 18 September 2002, and to bring information on the whereabouts of Kitsiyatota on 20 September 2002. No charges were laid against TT.
22 September 2002
· ST was severely assaulted by Zanu PF supporters for allegedly intending to contest in Ward 15 on an MDC ticket. He currently complains of pains on the back, legs and hands.
25 September 2002
· A group of Zanu PF youths came to RM's house looking for her husband in Unit D, Seke at around 5pm. As he was away, they took the wife instead to their candidate's house, C.M Chikwirakomo, in Seke. He was the candidate for the rural district council elections on a Zanu PF ticket. There, the victim was assaulted with sjamboks and a plank. A stone was also thrown on her face. She was only released around 6pm after a whole day's torture. (refer to Case 2 in the photographs document)
Harare Central
3 September 2002
· Tapiwa Mashakada, the MDC MP, was arrested on suspicion that he took part in the bombing of the Voice of the People Offices in Milton Park. He was not charged and was released. It is alleged that the police got an anonymous tip to the effect that Mashakada had taken part in the bombing of the premises, a private radio station not licenced by the government. This came twenty-one days after the bombing of the Daily News offices by unidentified people. 
Mbare East
9 September 2002
· ST was at Magaba Bakers Inn in Mbare when suddenly a mob of Zanu PF supporters surrounded him chanting anti MDC slogans, assaulting him and calling the victim names. They alleged that he was one of Mr. Hakata's supporters. Mr. Hakata is the MDC Councilor for Harare East. ST was clapped on his left cheek with an open hand. As he tried to flee the area, one of the assailants struck the victim's left eye with an object. He was kicked several times on the chest with booted feet.
13 September 2002
· LC was having dinner in his room around 2000hrs when three Zanu PF youths arrived at his home and demanded to know why he had not attended a Zanu PF meeting which was being held at that particular moment. They dragged him downstairs where ten more Zanu PF supporters assaulted him with fan belts on his back. He was kicked several times with booted feet on the left, on the chest and on the right arm. They stole $800 from the victim, an ID card, and his hat. The victim was then dragged to a Zanu PF meeting which was being held between block twelve and thirteen at Shawasha flats. Later the victim was released and went to report the case to the police. The police, however, did not take any action. 
Mbare West
3 September 2002
· Linos Mushonga's brother, Adrian, alleged that about nine policemen from the CID stormed into their house, woke them up and assaulted the victim, his brother and a maid, demanding that Mushonga surrender the pistol that was used to kill Ali Khan Manjengwa, who was shot in one block of the Nenyere flats in Mbare while coming from a meeting. He was a prominent Zanu PF activist who campaigned for the President, Robert Mugabe, in the March 2002 presidential elections. The assailants demanded that Linos Mushonga hand them over the keys to the house so they could search for the pistol that was used to kill Manjengwa. The victim and his brother were then taken to Waterfalls Police Station where they were assaulted with clenched fists and booted feet accusing Adrian Mushonga of concealing Linos' alleged activities.  Adrian was interrogated for about four days in police cells, he came back blindfolded with a military camouflage shirt, wet all over, raising suspicions that he had passed out at some stage as they assaulted him along the way. The shirt he was wearing when he was arrested was tainted with dry blood from days of torture. Linos Mushonga sustained a dislocated ankle, bruises and lacerations from the brutal police torture. It is also alleged that Linos Mushonga's maid was assaulted by the CID officers who ordered her to produce all the keys to Mushonga's house. She alleged that the assailants chased her all over the house and turned things up side down while some of them assaulted Linos Mushonga in the other room. This case of assault follows the murder of Zanu PF activist Ali Khan Manjengwa,
· About twenty Zanu PF supporters were going around with sticks, iron bars and empty bottles assaulting innocent civilians. They allegedly attacked Tongesai Goremucheche, an MDC supporter, at Nenyere flats. He sustained a swollen cheek and a cut on his face. The victim alleged that he could not retaliate, as he believed the police would come after him. Goremucheche reported the case to officers at Matapi Police Station and it has been confirmed by one of the officers that investigations are underway. This follows the murder of Ali Khan Manjengwa, who was murdered in August 2002 in unclear circumstances in Mbare
· A female informal trader at Mupedzanhamo flea market in Mbare was assaulted by unnamed Zanu PF youths on accusations that she had ululated when she heard that Ali Khan Manjengwa had been murdered.
11 September 2002
· Zanu PF youths allegedly assaulted AM for not attending a Zanu PF meeting held at Shawasha flats. The group of about twenty went to the victim’s room, forced down the door and allegedly assaulted him with sjamboks, booted feet and open hands. AM was taken to Harare Central Police Station and was accused of being part of the group which had killed Ali Khan Manjengwa. The victim was then released on 14 September 2002 around 10:00am. He was ordered to report back to the police on 16 September 2002. Statements were recorded but no charges were pressed against the victim. The victim claims that he lost $26 400 during the assault.
Buhera North/ South
September 2002
· Reports have shown that at least eleven teachers have not reported for school since the beginning of the third term, citing rampant intimidation, death threats and assaults by Zanu PF supporters and war veterans. Mr. Muti of Mutasa Secondary School was seriously assaulted while his wife Mrs. Muti was intimidated to the extent that she was forced to flee the area. Murabanda and the other teachers claim that they were assaulted and intimidated by Zanu PF vigilantes over the school holidays and some of them were threatened with death. Svinurai, a teacher at the school, is also alleged to have fled the area to Harare. Stanislous Chikukwa, a national executive member of the ZNLWVA based in Manicaland, dismissed the allegations as a smear campaign against the war veterans. Takavafira Zhou, Progressive Teachers Union of Zimbabwe (PTUZ) president, said that teachers must seriously consider putting the victimisation to an end by any means necessary.
18 September 2002
· SM claims that he was severely assaulted with heavy logs by about sixteen Zanu PF supporters who came to his house and asked for his MDC party credentials. Having handed them over, the victim was allegedly assaulted on the soles of the feet, the back and shoulders, only releasing him go after three hours. The victim now complains of a painful back, chest and feet.
Buhera North
12 September 2002
· AM, an MDC activist and Ward Vice Chairman for Buhera, was herding his cattle when seven Zanu PF activists: Obert Windizi, Mari Khumalo, Hosiah Tsuro, Lovemore Nyamayaro, Taurai Nyarume, Murambiwa Tigoni and Mubayi approached him holding voters' rolls which they had confiscated from an aspiring MDC councilor. The victim was accused of including their names in the rolls and was allegedly assaulted with sticks whilst lying on his stomach and was beaten on the buttocks and back. He confronted the incumbent councilor on the violence in the area and his subsequent assault. However the councilor professed ignorance. The case was not reported to the police. 
Chipinge North
September 2002 
· It was reported that Gift Dhliwayo, a traditional healer of Tanganda Halt in Chipinge, was asleep in his house with his family at around 3am, when about twenty-five Zanu PF supporters attacked his house, destroying property worth about $700 000. They threw stones and bricks at the house, injuring his daughter on the back. Asbestos roofing sheets, windows and traditional herbs were also destroyed in the attack. The attackers reduced the hut to ashes and there were stones and glass all over the place when the reporters arrived the following morning to take a report. The assailants threatened to kill him and his family because he sympathises with the opposition party, MDC. The victim alleges that he reported the matter to the police but nothing had been done as yet. Dhliwayo identified two of the assailants and although he handed over their names to the police, the suspects were not convicted and the victim actually saw them boasting about the attack that same afternoon, walking around the township. Dhliwayo entered the political arena during the presidential elections when he joined the opposition MDC. During the ensuing bloody campaigns, his hut was set on fire and property worth thousands of dollars was destroyed and about $23 000 cash was destroyed.  
Makoni East
24 September 2002
· John Hwenhira of the MDC and his wife were severely assaulted and left for dead by suspected Zanu PF supporters. No reason was given for the assault. Pishai Muchauraya, MDC provincial spokesman, has insisted that Zanu PF vigilantes were on the warpath against the MDC in the area.
September 2002 
· There have been press reports to the effect that Zanu PF officials and CIO agents have subjected some company officials to threats, intimidatory visits at work and home, as well as humiliation before their workforce. The company officials are being forced to sell their shares and their companies at prices way lower than their actual market value. It has also been alleged that the company officials cannot refuse these offers, which are like a fraction of their real market value. Companies, which have been attacked, include an engineering firm, a small chrome expoter, a baking company and a cement manufacturer all in Bindura.
3 September 2002
· Elliot Manyika, the Minister of Youth, Gender, and Employment Creation, Zanu PF Political Commissar and Acting Governor for Mashonaland Central, together with Bindura police officers, twelve Zanu PF supporters and war veterans namely Dickson Mafios, John Muchavepi, Cannan Nyaminhepa, Remigio Matangiro, Timothy Timothy, Joshua Kazaka, Mr. Mazivarimwe, Lot Gora Mataka, Mazivarimwe and Comrade Chitate are alleged to have severely assaulted Keiphas Madzorera on allegations of supporting the MDC. The assailants threatened to kill the victim together with his family if they were to come across them in the area. The victim alleges that he was once stabbed in the chest and chased him away from Bindura by the group. Manyika hit the victim using an iron bar and someone else stabbed his right ear with a knife, injuring him on the eardrum. All the accused, including Manyika, were served with the provisional order papers by a police constable identified as 050782V at Bindura Police Station, after Madzorera won a provincial order barring Manyika and his colleagues from assaulting him. This called on Manyika to show cause why the order barring him from assaulting Madzorera should not be effected by 12 September 2002, when the matter was set down for hearing. By the date of the report, it was not yet clear whether Manyika and the Zanu PF supporters would challenge the order before the return date.
21 September 2002
· Some villagers at Trojan Mine had property worth tens of millions of dollars damaged and looted by a Zanu PF mob. The mob is said to have been angered by the residents' failure to attend a Zanu PF meeting held at the mine's stadium that morning. Eunice Levi, a five months pregnant woman alleges that she was prodded in the stomach by some of the youths, who accused her of faking her pregnancy. They beat her up on the back with sticks while police officers residing next door watched. Levi alleged that one of the assailants was picked up later on by the police. The man was allegedly holding a Zanu PF card in his hand, and he told the police that he was ferried from Mt. Darwin in a district development truck, but refused to say who had ordered them to attack the mine villagers. A three-year-old girl was also assaulted but no reason was given for the assault. Henry Chembiri, the MDC Information and Publicity Secretary for Mashonaland Central, claimed that Elliot Manyika, the Minister of Youth Gender and Employment Creation, was linked to the assaults on Trojan Mine. Other assailants identified were Dickson Mafiosi; Ezekiel Motsi; Eliah Chikamba and Lazarus Miti. The mob, armed with iron bars, slashers, sticks, axe-handles, electric cables and catapults, attacked the residents, injuring hundreds. Places of worship at the Trojan mine were also destroyed, clothes varying amounts of cash and groceries were stolen from the houses. One supermarket in Section 1 of the Trojan Mine was stoned. Most of the victims of the assault were treated at Trojan Mine Hospital, Bindura Hospital and Shashi Private Hospitals. 
4 September 2002
· Edward Chikerema, Zanu PF, and Kowerai Hamadziripi of the ZNLWVA are allegedly trying to forcibly take over a $230m Bindura Engineering Firm, Hammond Engineering (Pvt) Ltd, owned by Elaine Hammond and George Hammond, in defiance of a High Court order issued on 4 September 2002. Hamadziripi and Chikerema previously tried to force the Hammonds to sell them the company for only $65m, before Justice Hungwe granted the company a temporary order barring the two war veterans and other farm workers from interfering with the business. Chikerema reportedly led a group of about fifty Zanu PF youths to evict the company's owners, George Hammond and his wife Elaine, who are both in their sixties. Those in the group included Shoeshine Mbata, Godfrey Chanetsa, Kenias Mavura, Benjamin Murape, Tenganai Punzaro and Onias Nhemachena.The mob proceeded to eject Peter Arnold, the company's managing director, from his home. Arnold alleges that he saw Chikerema dropping off Zanu PF youths from a Mazda B1800, which he had stolen from the victim three weeks earlier. The mob told the victims not be seen any where within the vicinity of Mashonaland province, by 5pm that day. They manhandled Arnold and confiscated the keys to his house, car and workshop. The victims alleged that they had reported the case to the police and they said they would see what they could do with the assailants. 
20 September 2002
· The Zanu PF MP for Muzarabani, Nobbie Dzinzi, is alleged to have arrived in the area with five lorries, carrying nearly 300 Zanu PF youths who then beat up the suspected MDC supporters within the Chakaenda Ward of Muzarabani. Several villagers suspected to be MDC were reportedly being held hostage at Chimoio base after they were severely beaten up in front of officials from the Zimbabwe Election Supervisory Network at Gunduza business center. It is also alleged that Solomon Mazarire, Isaac Karimete, Mwaka Katsamwa and Paulos Nhete were admitted at hospitals in Harare after they sustained injuries from these attacks. Elliot Manyika, the acting governer and resident Minister for Mashonaland Central, said that he was not aware of the incident. Dzambara, the MDC spokesman for Muzarabani, said that the political climate in Muzarabani was not conducive to holding free and fair elections.  
23 September 2002
· Zanu PF youths descended on the SM's home at around 12 noon and accused her of having reported some of them to the police, leading to their arrest. They also accused the victim of being an MDC election monitor during the council elections held in September 2002. They force-marched the victim to their base in Mushinye, Muzarabani, where they assaulted her under the feet and on the back with a wire and an iron bar while lying in a prone position. At night more Zanu PF supporters were called in and the victim was further assaulted until the following morning. The victim alleged that after the whole day's beatings, she could hardly walk, sit or stand. The following day the other victims were allowed to leave but SM could not because of the condition that she was in. The assailants then decided to ferry her home in a scotch-cart. When she got home, she quickly packed her belongings as she had been ordered not to stay at her home ever again. She left for Harare. No report was made to the police. (refer to Case 3 in the photographs document)
25 September 2002
· At around 0100hrs DN heard a knock on the door and orders to come out of the house. He went out and was faced by Zanu PF youths who then ordered him to follow them as they rounded up other MDC supporters in the area. They arrived at the house of another MDC supporter but only the wife was there. She was ordered to watch while the youths assaulted the victim, to serve as a warning to her husband to stop supporting the MDC. The victim was ordered to lie in a prone position and was assaulted thoroughly on the buttocks. On their way to a Zanu FP base the victim escaped but he was met by another group of Zanu PF youths who also assaulted him. He was then forcemarched to their base in Chimoio. The victim was only released on 26 September 2002 but was cautioned not to report to the police or else they would kill him. The victim complied and did not report to the police. (refer to Case 1 in the photographs document)
5 September 2002
· It was alleged that there were no nominees for the eighteen wards in Shamva because all the candidates were barred by the Zanu PF youths. On one occasion, Zanu PF youths stoned an MDC vehicle but no reason was given for the attack. The MDC spokesman for Mashonaland Central (a Zanu PF stronghold), Henry Chimbiri, alleged that most of the opposition candidates were barred from filling their nomination papers. 
September 2002
· General Constantine Chiwenga, Jocelyn Chiwenga, his wife, and T. Mautsa have been reportedly implicated in the forcible take-over of Chakome Estates in Goromonzi and produce from the farm valued at $125m. They are said to have demanded money for the produce already sold by Chakoma Estates to Farnaby Management Consultants and Hortico, saying Chakoma Estates belonged to them. Chiwenga and his wife have already reportedly received $80m for flowers and vegetables belonging to Shephered Hall Farm. According to the documents in the High court, Mrs Chiwenga spearheaded the siege of the farm, accompanied by armed guards. The trio allegedly used force and threats to grab the farm. Parts of the affidavits by Roger Stauton, a director of Shepherd Hall Farm (Pvt) Ltd, a company operating the Estate, showed that Jocelyn Chiwenga said that she had not tasted white blood since 1980, and that she needed just the slightest excuse to kill somebody. She is alleged to have ordered one of her guards to kill 'the white bastards' and the guard closest to the victim cocked his weapon and pointed it at him in a menacing manner. The Estate grows vegetables and flowers, mainly for export. Justice Matika prohibited Afex Zimbabwe from remitting to Mautsa all funds currently in its possession emanating from the sale of flowers from Shephered Hall Farm by Mautsa, until the court directs the company to disburse the money to such person as it may, after considering evidence, deem to be the lawful beneficiary of the funds. He ordered Mautsa to surrender any money that has been disbursed to him by the company. Afex Zimbabawe is to pay into an account to be approved by the Registrar of the High Court, all funds currently in its possession realised from sales of the produce from the farm. The same order was also granted against the Chiwengas, Mautsa and Hortico, except that they were to disclose the bank statements reflecting the proceeds of exports of the produce to the farmer's lawyer, Constantine Mkinya of Mkinya and Associates. 
Marondera West
September 2002
· It has been reported that school children and resettled farmers at Eirene Farm in Chief Svosve's area near Marondera now have to relocate to another area, Mapuranga Farm, after they were served with an eviction order to leave the farm. The children will have to cross a river and some bushes from Mapuranga Farm, about 30km, in order to access the school back in Eirene Farm, as there is no school at Mapuranga. The victims alleged that they had been fooled into believing that they had become the new owners of the farm after they had been resettled under the A1 model three years ago. The victims also alleged that the farm had been, in fact, reserved for Government officials who wanted the farmhouses and farming equipment left by the white farmers. The victims claims that their lives at Mapuranga would be unbearable, as there were no facilities necessary for every day living, such as a grinding mill, which was only at Eirene Farm. One of the victims alleged that the people staying at Mapuranga at that moment drank water from the same dam that animals used. The farmers were resettled at the farm three years ago under the A1 model. Hamish Charters formerly owned the farm.
Mutoko North/ South
3 September 2002
· RM, an aspiring MDC councilor who had registered as a candidate in the September 2002 rural district and council elections, was asleep in his house when twelve policemen from Mutoko ZRP came to his homestead and fired gunshots into the air more than eight times. The victim came out and was told that he was under arrest and was taken to the police camp. He was accused of having played a part in the murder of Ali Khan Manjengwa, a Zanu PF activist who was shot in a flat in Mbare. The following day he was taken to Harare Central Police Station, together with the MDC District Chairman, in the guard of CID members who then tortured and detained them to 6 September 2002. They never appeared in court but statements were recorded at Harare Central Police Station. The victim was released on 6 September 2002 around 11am.
11 September 2002
· Chatambarara, Makichi, Mai Kazhanje (nurse), all of whom are war veterans, Ketani (a Zanu PF youth leader) and several other Zanu PF supporters allegedly deflated the wheels of the bus in which TG was travelling in. He was coming from an MDC meeting with other MDC supporters. The assailants called out their names and TG was assaulted with sticks. He managed to flee, but was stoned on the back. He suffered injuries on the back, chest, and sustained a sprained ankle. The case was reported to the police but no arrests have been made as yet. 
· FC, MDC District Chairman for Mutoko, was on a Mutoko bound bus coming from an MDC meeting in Harare when he and others were confronted and attacked by Zanu PF supporters and war veterans who demanded to see the victim and two other MDC supporters. He claims that they were dragged out of the bus and assaulted with sticks and sjamboks. Amongst the group was Chatambarara, Hodzi, Makichi (war veterans) and Mai Kazhanje (war veteran and nurse). The victim was assaulted all over the body and he suffered bruises on his body and a cut above the right eye. He passed out and they left him for dead. The case was reported to the police but no arrests have been made as yet. The victim lost some clothing, two pairs of shoes and $10 000 cash.
22 September 2002
· OC had visited his grandparents when he was allegedly abducted by a group of Zanu PF youths at Jembere shop and was interrogated on MDC activities in the area. They took the victim to a nearby river and made him roll in the water then on the bank of a river and then beat him up. Their leader, Hodzi, who came in a truck, forced the victim onto it and beat him on all the joints using empty beer bottles. He was taken to a bush where he was assaulted together with the shop assistant. He was ordered to cover up his eyes and the assailants drove off beating him. They then abandoned him in the bush and removed his shoes and belt. He later found his way home. 
17 September 2002
· At around 1400hrs AM was abducted by war veterans allegedly for being an MDC supporter and for distributing MDC pamphlets and flyers to residents of Danstan Estates. He was assaulted with logs and bricks all over his body and with clenched fists on the face, head and rib cage.  He was then taken to their nearby base where he was made to lie in a prone position and then assaulted with an electric cable several times on his buttocks and with pieces of a hose pipe. The victim was assaulted on the left arm and on the shoulder with the butt of a gun. One of the war veterans wanted to cut his throat but then he dunked his head and got cut on the middle finger. Later on around 0900hrs, the police came and they managed to rescue the victim but they did not arrest any one of the assailants.
Uzumba Maramba Pfungwe
15 September 2002
· FM was reportedly assaulted by Zanu PF supporters at his home in Mashambanhaka Chipuriro for daring to stand in Ward 9 in the rural district council elections held on 28 and 29 September 2002 on an MDC ticket. The assailants came to the victim's house at about 2100hrs and accused him of standing for Councillor, therefore embarrassing the Zanu PF MP. The victim now complains of painful eyes and a painful left hand. The victim alleged that he was ordered not to leave the area for treatment.
September 2002
· Stephen Nyikadzino, MDC secretary for Chitungwiza, claims that he had just arrived in Chegutu from Harare when some Zanu PF supporters started assaulting him and confiscated the MDC nomination papers that he had. The victim also alleges that nine of the MDC candidates ran away and that they would probably not register anymore in the rural district and council elections because of fear for their lives. The victim had gone to Chegutu to assist MDC candidate in registering for the nation-wide polls scheduled for 28 and 29 September 2002.
5 September 2002 
· About two hundred unidentified Zanu PF supporters reportedly besieged the Chegutu rural district council offices, assaulted an MDC official and detained Hilda Mafudze, the MDC MP for Mhondoro. The offices were the nomination courts for the rural district and council elections held in September 2002. The victim alleges that the youths chased away eight of their eleven candidates and it was not certain whether they would be courageous enough to return to register. Mafudze claims that she had come to make sure that all the MDC candidates were registered but when she arrived, Zanu PF youths assaulted MDC members. She complained that at that moment, she could not drive out of the yard as she has locked herself in the car. These assaults are allegedly taking place under the eyes of the police.
9 September 2002
· At Wicklow Farm in Selous, it has been reported that police and army officers forced farm owners to leave their premises temporarily for 'security reasons'. The police, army officers, and the CIO agents gave the farmers 24-hours notice to vacate the farms. Prominent faces of war vetarans who had spearheaded the farm invasions since 2000 have reportedly suddenly disappeared from the scene, being replaced by military personnel. lt has been alleged that although firearms have been used in the past, this has become more dominant making the farming community suspect that there has been a change in the personalities commanding the land seizures.
Hurungwe East
September 2002
· Cochraine, a farmer in Karoi, was approached by a group of about sixty to seventy suspected army personnel at his farm. The victim alleges that the army personnel tried to evict him from his farm, and the three who were armed with automatic shotguns intimidated and threatened him. The victim could not identify the assailants by name. Residents in the area have reported that war veterans have been replaced by well-known military personnel, who are now said to be behind the latest wave of ultimatums and evictions taking place in Mashonaland West, East and Central.
6 September 2002
· AB and two of his colleagues at Nill Farm in Tengwe were reportedly assaulted by war veterans on allegations of continuously working for the employer when the farm was acquired by the government under Section 8, and with the farmer not having paid farm workers their terminal benefits. AB's workmates invited the war veterans to assault him and his work colleagues. War veterans arrived at around 1400hrs that day and ordered the disgruntled farm workers to beat up the victim and his accomplices. The victim and his friends fled from the area on 24 September, as there were rumours that the war veterans were coming for them again.
18 September 2002
· At about 1400hrs at Meidon Farm a group of war veterans and settlers approached GW and accused him of supporting the MDC and the white farmer whom he worked for as a general hand. They reportedly assaulted him with sticks and open hands. 
20 September 2002
· At about 0300hrs war veterans came to Meidon Farm in Karoi and allegedly stoned the house in which AC was sleeping, injuring him on the forearm. He alleges that the assailants wanted to beat him up because he was continuing with his duties on the farm. AC was cut on the neck by wires as he tried to flee from the assailants. He went to the farmer's residence for help but his assailants followed him again. The victim managed to escape and he hurt his left ankle in the process. 
Hurungwe West
21 September 2002
· It has been reported that Nikoniari Chabvamudeve, an MDC member, was axed to death in the Chivende Communal area by suspected Zanu PF supporters as the violence in the run up to the 28-29 September rural district and council elections flaired. Chabvemudeve was reportedly brutally murdered by youths suspected to have been deployed by Zanu supporters to drum up support for its candidate. The youths were moving around in three pick up vehicles. However, the police spokesman, Wayne Bvudzijena, says that investigations have shown that the victim died in clashes over gold panning rights.
7 September 2002
· Peter George Viljoen and his family were locked up in their farmhouse at Tevrede Farm in Mhangura in the afternoon. The victim alleged that he had been served with an eviction order, paid all his one hundred employees and was loading his truck so that he could leave when Major Mboweni who ordered him to leave all his personal belongings behind approached him. It has been reported that the victim made a report to Inspector Magwenzi of Mhangura police, but he has done nothing about the situation so far. The victim's son, Dirk, a cricketer for the Zimbabwean national team, was also locked up in the house together with his girlfriend, the victim's sister and brother-in-law. His son Dirk failed to attend a cricket match that he had scheduled for that afternoon. The fresh wave of evictions saw about two commercial farmers being ordered to leave their farms in Mashonland East and West. The victim pointed out that although he had been issued with section 8 order, the courts had overruled this, making the forced evictions illegal.
Zvimba North
4 September 2002 
· The owner of Meme Estates in Banket was forced to flee his farmhouse when war veterans, two Libyans and one Major Murombedzi, armed with a rifle approached him and forced him to leave the premises.
Chivi North
22 September 2002
· A group of about one hundred and twenty Zanu PF youths arrived at Elson Zvidza’s home in Hapazari Village, under Chief Makonese, singing anti MDC songs. They allegedly threatened to beat him up for standing as an MDC candidate in the rural district elections held in September 2002. It is alleged that there were many reports on Zanu PF supporters beating up MDC supporters in the area as the dates for the rural and council elections drew nearer.
26 September 2002
· Charity Vimbainashe Zvidza, the daughter of Elson Zvidza, MDC's candidate for Ward 13 in Chivi North in the September rural and district council elections, and her brothers Aleck, Nyasha, Wellington, and nephew Adonis fled when a group of more than fifty Zanu PF youths wielding sticks and clubs advanced on their homestead around 10am. The youths reportedly surrounded their homestead, singing and shouting slogans and using strong abusive language denouncing Zvidza and his wife as puppets. The five victims only returned when the youths were away attending a party for Chikati Ruimbe, the Zanu PF candidate for the ward in the Council elections in Takawarasha Township. The incident was reported to Constable Makaya at Chivi Police Station. On a follow up the next day, no one answered the phone at the police station.
Gutu North
18 September 2002
· Chief Rogers Nyamanda Masunda was allegedly humiliated infront of his subjects. He was grabbed and dragged outside the hall and put in a disused cell while eighty-five Headmen watched from a distance. He had his traditional headgear taken from him, symbolically stripping him of his powers. Masunda, a war veteran and chief's son, said his father was being victimised because he was related to the MDC candidate for Gutu Ward 11, Getrude Bora. By the time the report was taken, Gutu District Administrator, Felix Chikovo was still negotiating with the youths to return the chief's headdress. It was also alleged that Zanu PF youths were harassing, torturing and intimidating innocent civilians in Gutu North Constituency, accusing them of supporting the opposition MDC, ahead of the rural council and district elections. 
Masvingo North
29 September 2002
· About twenty-three families invaded former Zanu PF MP Albert Chamwadoro’s farm near Mashava and reportedly went on a rampage driving out livestock in the face of their imminent eviction from the property, which they have allegedly been occupying illegally. The resettled farmers threatened to destroy the farmhouse after they were served with a High Court Order to vacate the property. The illegal settlers uprooted fences and threatened to mete out instant justice to Chamwadoro if he set foot on their property. The drum beating invaders, led by one Stephen Zibako, said they were settled on the farm by Masvingo Governer, Josiah Hungwe, and would only move out if they got the directive from him, not from the High Court. Hungwe was however not available to comment on the issue. Chamwadoro is the owner of the farm and he alleges that it is the only farm that he has. The High Court order for the invaders to vacate the farm by 31 September 2002 is still valid. Chadamwoyo bought the farm, Lot 1 of Allavale Farm, from the Shabani Mashava Mines in 1999.
Zaka West
4 September 2002
· Michael Chitsama and Johannes Chongore were severely assaulted by suspected Zanu PF youths while they were waiting for transport to take them home soon after the nomination court. Chitsama was allegedly robbed of $20 000 meant for the funding of a number of MDC candidates in the area. The Zanu PF youths, armed with sticks and iron bars, were chanting anti-MDC slogans. However, fourteen MDC candidates were disqualified from the nomination court after they were allegedly misled by the officials from the registrar's office to bring wrong birth certificates. However, the Human Rights Forum could not find a provision in the Urban Councils Act for a specific type of birth certificate ideal for registration in the elections.  Police in Zaka confirmed the incident but refused to give details.
Zaka East/ West
10 September 2002
· While conducting a workshop on social and economic issues at Ferry Training Center, a truck reported to be written, Zanu PF- DDF (ZAKA) came to the venue where TM was conducting the workshop, ending it prematurely. Edmore Munjanja was at the venue of the meeting when the truck pulled up and he took the victim with some resource materials including leaflets, to Jerera Growth Point police post. Hazvidi, a war veteran, interrogated her and accused her of being an MDC puppet working for NCA and Zimrights. She was threatened with death and was taken to a river where people were given "re-education". About twenty war veterans were invited to watch the “re-education" and the victim was forced to sign an agreement that she was kidnapped but was treated nicely, with no abuses. Ernest Zvirevo, a ZRP officer at Jerera, is said to have witnessed the signing of the agreement. She was then "escorted" by war veterans and was forced to buy drinks and to give Hazvidi and Edmore $1 000. The case was reported at Masvingo Police Station.
6 September 2002
· Zanu PF supporters and  ‘war veterans’ have reportedly caused the closure of seventy primary and secondary schools in Binga District, ordering teachers to attend a rural district and council election campaign rally on 8 September 2002. Headmasters and teachers in Binga district were forced to close down schools and attend a rally addressed by the Matebeleland North Zanu PF chairman Jacob Madenda. Notes were sent to the headmasters warning them to identify teachers who would not attend the meeting to be held in Binga. It has been reported that Binga is an MDC stronghold. Duncan Sinamampande, the district education officer, confirmed that there would be a rally held by Zanu PF in the area but refused to confirm whether the schools had been closed. Binga MP Joel Gabhuza of MDC confirmed that teachers were not going to school.  Gibson Sibanda, the MDC vice-president said, in addition to legal means of disqualifying the opposition candidates, there was a lot of intimidation of potential candidates before the nomination court. He said that this showed that the ruling Zanu PF wanted to retain power "by hook or by crook". This happened as the MDC's legal committee met to decide to take legal action against the Registrar General's office for alleged improper handling of the nomination court, which sat on 5 September 2002
September 2002
· At the Umguza rural district offices in Bulawayo, riot police were called in after Zanu PF supporters forced the closure of the offices. Obert Mpofu, the Governer for Matebeleland North Province, who lost the Bubi Umguza parliamentary constituency to Jacob Thabane of the MDC, intervened in the dispute and overrode the decision of the constituency registrar to extend the nomination court sitting.
25 September 2002
· The former Zanu PF chairman for Bubi Umguza, Leonard Mhlanga, who defected to the opposition MDC in June, was barred from contesting the September 2002 local government elections. Mhlanga used to be the Zanu PF Chairman for Bubi Umguza for ten years before he deflected to the MDC, citing poor policies and the misrule by President Robert Mugabe and his party. Mhlanga had hoped for the councillorship for Bubi Umguza on the opposition ticket. He alleges that the nomination court had refused to accept his nomination papers on the grounds that his parents were of Malawian origin. He further alleged that the nomination court ruled that because his parents were of Malawian origin, then he was Malawian too. However, Mhlanga said that he is not Malawian, but he is Zimbabwean. The victim believes that the ruling party is only afraid of meeting a former Zanu PF official in the race.
September 2002 
· Fourteen MDC candidates were disqualified after the nomination court closed before they could present their papers. Abednico Bhebhe, the MDC MP for the area, alleged that some of the candidates were disqualified because they allegedly did not have the proper birth certificates.
September 2002
· War veterans prevented Mloliki Sibanda, MDC MP for Tsholotsho, from attending a ceremony to donate a borehole to the community there by an NGO. The war veterans and the Zanu PF militia threw him out of the gathering and said that he should never attend their functions in his constituency, let alone campaign for his party in the council elections that were to be held on 28 and 29 September 2002. War veterans allegedly refused to grant MDC supporters permission to campaign in Tsholotsho for the forthcoming elections. 
Chirumhanzu, Mberengwa, Zvishavane
September 2002
· In the Midlands province, only fifty-seven MDC candidates had the courage to stand their ground to run in the September 2002 rural district and council elections, against ninety-three Zanu PF condidates. Chirumhanzu constituency was one of the most affected in the Midlands Province. Reports have revealed that even those who have braved the threats of violence were finding it difficult to openly campaign as rowdy Zanu PF supporters often disrupted their rallies with the police taking no action. Opposition MDC candidates were harassed and threatened with unspecified action if they contested in the September 2002 rural district and council. 
September 2002
· Dave Wilson received threats from Chief Mapendere and some Zanu PF youths, ordering him to leave the area and emigrate to England if he was to insist on representing the MDC in the forthcoming council elections. He later withdrew his candidature. Thirty-six opposition MDC candidates in Midlands South reportedly withdrew their candidature from the September 2002 rural district and council elections fearing for their lives after being threatened with violence by Zanu PF supporters.
· Herbert Mhlanga was allegedly forced to withdraw his candidature by Zanu PF supporters in the area and was allegedly forced to surrender all MDC t-shirts and cards following unspecified threats from Chief Mapendere. Thirty-six MDC candidates have been forced to surrender their candidature by Zanu PF supporters in Midlands South. This came about in the run up to the September 2002 rural district and council elections. In Shurugwi, MDC was only left with only six candidates in the twenty -three wards that were contested as the rest withdrew from the election run.
· Njere Chou, Farai Sibindwani, Muhle Mudewa and Deliwe Marima claimed that Zanu PF supporters summoned them to the nomination court for daring to contest the election against their Zanu PF headmen. What transpired at the court was however not reported.
9 September 2002
· Joshua Tongogara and other MDC candidates in the rural district council elections had been held hostage at their homes by suspected ruling Zanu PF party militants. They were allegedly forced to withdraw their candidature in the upcoming rural and district council elections. Lyson Mlambo, MDC provincial spokesman for Midlands, alleged that all the MDC candidates' homes in Shurugwi had been sealed off by marauding Zanu PF youths to ensure that they did not reach out to the constituencies. They were forced to withdraw their candidature before the election. It is alleged that Zanu PF military tactics in the run up to the rural district and council elections reached alarming levels and the MDC activists feared for the lives of their candidates. Joshua Tongogara is the last brother of the late Josiah Tongogara, former Zanu PF liberation fighter, and it is alleged that the whole family defected to MDC because the ruling Zanu PF had neglected the mother of Josiah Tongogara, yet Josiah had fought tirelessly and led the fighters into battle against the Smith Regime just before Independence.
List of deaths reported as having resultant from political violence: 1 January 2002 – 30 September 2002
NB: This list is subject to update and correction as and when new/additional information becomes available.
Name, Political Affiliation if known, Date of Death, Province, Constituency
1 BHEBHE, Newman (MDC), February 2002, Matabeleland North, Nkayi
2 CHATUNGA, Richard, (MDC), 20 January 2002, Masvingo, Bikita East
3 CHIDARI Micah, (Zanu PF), 2 April 2002, Mashonaland West, Mhondoro
4 CHITEHWE, Mr, (ZNLWVA), January 2002, Harare, Hatfield
5 CHIBVAMUDEVE, Nikoniari, (MDC), 21 September 2002, Mashonaland West, Hurungwe West
6 DUBE, Nqobizita, (MDC), 1 March 2002, Bulawayo, Nkulumane
7 FORD, Terry, (commercial farmer), 18 March 2002, Mashonland West, Mhondoro
8 GATSI, Ernest, (MDC) 19 March 2002, Mashonaland Central, Guruve North
9 GWAZE, Tafirenyika, (MDC polling agent Rukwenjere), 12 March 2002, Mashonaland East, Mutoko South
10 GWIDZIMA, Noah, (Zanu PF), 4 April 2002, Manicaland, Makoni North
11 JEFTHA, Peter, 3 March 2002, Harare, Harare South
12 JEKA, Petros, (MDC polling agent), 4 April 2002, Masvingo, Masvingo North
13 JERANYAMA, Donald, (MDC polling agent), 25 March 2002, Manicaland, Mutasa
14 KATSAMUDANGA, Tichaona (MDC), 5 February 2002, Harare, Harare North
15 KUMALO, Khape, (MDC), 6 February 2002, Mashonaland West, Mhondoro
16 KUVHEYA, Lawrence, (MDC), March 2002, Mashonaland East, Chikomba
17 MADHOBHA, Tipason, (MDC polling agent), 2 May 2002, Midlands, Gokwe Central
18 MAHUNI, Funny, 13 March 2002, Midlands, Kwekwe
19 MANJENGWA, Khan Ali, (Zanu PF), 22 August 2002, Harare, Mbare West
20 MANYARA, Owen, (MDC), 17 March 2002, Mashonaland Central, Mount Darwin
21 MAPHOSA, Richard, (MDC), 20 January 2002, Masvingo, Bikita East
22 MAPHOSA, Stephen, (Zanu PF), 2 February 2002, Harare, Budiriro
23 MAPINGURE, Atnos, , 9 January 2002, Masvingo, Zaka
24 MASARIRA, Gibson, (Zanu PF), 9 January 2002, Masvingo, Zaka
25 MASEVA, Amos Misheck, (ZNLWVA), 8 March 2002, Masvingo, Gutu North
26 MATOPE, Kenneth, (MDC), 13 January 2002, Mashonaland Central, Guruve
27 MIJONI, Simwanja, 15 January 2002, Midlands, Kwekwe
28 MOYO, Henry, (MDC), 7 February 2002, Masvingo, Masvingo Central
29 MPOFU, Muchenje, (MDC), 19 January 2002, Midlands, Mberengwa East
30 MTETWA, Davis (MDC), 27 April 2002, Harare, Zengeza
31 MUDZIMUIREMA Cosamu, (MDC), 16 July 2002, Manicaland, Buhera South
32 MUKAKAREI, Tabudamo, (MDC), 14 February 2002, Masvingo, Masvingo North
33 Munyaradzi (no surname given) (farm worker), 14 February 2002, Mashonaland East, Marondera East
34 MUNIKWA, Isaac, (Zanu PF), 17 January 2002, Masvingo, Zaka
35 MUPAWAENDA, Takatukwa Mamhova, 16 February 2002, Mashonaland West, Zvimba South
36 MUTEMARINGA, Fungisai, (MDC), 27 January 2002, Mashonaland East, Murehwa
37 NCUBE, Richard , (MDC), 18 July 2002, Midlands, Zhombe
38 NCUBE, Sambani (MDC), 17 March 2002, Matabeleland North, Hwange East
39 NCUBE, Mthokozisi, (MDC), 26 January 2002, Bulawayo, Pelandaba
40 NEMAIRE, Solomon, (MDC), 23 January 2002, Manicaland, Makoni
41 NGAMIRA, Genus, (MDC), 5 May 2002, Mashonaland Central, Bindura
42 NGUNDU, Shepherd, (MDC), 5 February 2002, Mashonaland Central, Mount Darwin South
43 NHITSA, Takesure, (MDC), 20 February 2002, Mashonaland Central, Rushinga
44 NYANZIRA, Tariro, (Zanu PF), 8 February 2002, Manicaland, Buhera North
45 PILOSI, Simon, (MDC), 26 March 2002, Mashonaland West, Zvimba South
46 ROMIO, Edwin, (MDC polling agent), March 2002, Mashonaland East, Mutoko
47 SANYAMAHWE, Kuziva, (MDC), 18 January 2002, Mashonaland East, Murehwa South
48 SHELTON, Lloyd, (Zanu PF) 27 February 2002, Mashonaland East, Chikomba
49 SIBANDA, Charles, (MDC), 2 March 2002, Midlands, Zhombe
50 SIBANDA, James, (MDC), February 2002, Matabeleland North, Nkayi
51 SIBINDI, Halaza, (MDC), 30 January 2002, Matabeleland North, Tsholotsho
52 SIBINDI, Joseph, (MDC) January 2002, Bulawayo
53 SICWE, Jameson, (MDC), 29 January 2002, Matabeleland North, Lupane
54 Unnamed, (2), (farm guards), 23 January 2002, Masvingo, Mwenezi
55 Unnamed, 26 February 2002, Bulawayo, Makokoba
56 VIKAVEKA, Darlington, (MDC), 15 March 2002, Mashonaland East, Marondera East
57 WHITE, Fanuel, (MDC polling agent), 29 March 2002, Mashonaland Central, Guruve North
Total of 58 deaths
 (Political affiliation: MDC- 38; Zanu PF- 8, ZNLWVA- 2, Unknown/none- 10)
The Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum (also known as the “Human Rights Forum”) has been in existence since January 1998. Nine non-governmental organisations working in the field of human rights joined together to provide legal and psychosocial assistance to the victims of the Food Riots of January 1998.
The Human Rights Forum has now expanded its objectives to assist victims of organised violence, using the following definition:
“Organised violence” means the inter-human infliction of significant avoidable pain and suffering by an organised group according to a declared or implied strategy and/or system of ideas and attitudes. It comprises any violent action, which is unacceptable by general human standards, and relates to the victims’ mental and physical well-being.”
The Human Rights Forum operates a Legal Unit and a Research and Documentation Unit.
Core member organizations of the Human Rights Forum are:
 Amani Trust
 Amnesty International (Zimbabwe) (AI (Z))
 Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace (CCJP)
 Gays and Lesbians of Zimbabwe (GALZ)
 Legal Resources Foundation (LRF)
 Nonviolent Action and Strategies for Social Change (NOVASC)
 Transparency International (Zimbabwe) (TI (Z))
 University of Zimbabwe Legal Aid and Advice Scheme
Zimbabwe Association for Crime Prevention and the Rehabilitation of the Offender (ZACRO)
Zimbabwe Civic Education Trust (ZIMCET)
Zimbabwe Human Rights Association (ZimRights)
Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR)
 Zimbabwe Women Lawyers Association (ZWLA)
The Human Rights Forum can be contacted through any member organization or through the following:
The Administrator, c/o P O Box 5465, Harare – email:
The Legal Unit, c/o P O Box 5465, Harare – email:
The Research Unit c/o P O Box 5465, Harare – email:
Telephone: 792 222, 737 509, and 731 660
Fax: 772 860
The London Liaison Office, 33 Islington High Street, London N1 9LH – email:; Telephone: +44 (0)20-7239.1194
Previous reports of the Human Rights Forum can be found on the website.
Back to the Top
Back to Index