http://www.zimonline.co.za/
by Sebastian Nyamhangambiri
Wednesday 13 October 2010
HARARE -- Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai
has briefed South African
President Jacob Zuma on his dispute with President
Robert Mugabe over
appointments of senior public officials, while yesterday
he met foreign
diplomats to discuss the latest wrangle to hit Zimbabwe's
troubled coalition
government.
The Premier also met civil society
groups to brief them about the escalating
wrangle with Mugabe that is
threatening to drive the unstable coalition
government into
paralysis.
Tsvangirai's foreign policy advisor Eliphas Mukonoweshuro told
journalists
moments after the Premiers' meeting with diplomats in Harare
that it was now
up to Zuma, regional leaders and the wider international
community to
pressure Mugabe to rescind the appointments.
"We are
awaiting for a response from Mr Zuma," said Mukonoweshuro.
Zuma is the
Southern African Development Community (SADC)'s official
mediator in the
Zimbabwe inter-party dialogue. The SADC and the African
Union are the
guarantors of the Harare power-sharing agreement known as the
global
political agreement (GPA).
"It is now a matter of the region and
international community knowing what
has been happening and perhaps that
will create an environment in which a
process of re-engagement can take
place with a view to finding a solution to
the crisis," Mukonoweshuro
said.
The GPA and a constitutional amendment enacted to cement the
political
agreement require the President to consult the Prime Minister
before making
senior public appointments.
But Mugabe has flagrantly
ignored the requirement to consult Tsvangirai,
unilaterally appointing his
allies to key positions such as attorney
general, central bank governor,
court judges, ambassadors and 10 provincial
governors, who were re-appointed
last week among others.
Mugabe has cunningly exploited a legal grey area
created by the fact that
while the drafters of the GPA and the subsequent
constitutional amendment
made it clear that the President must consult
Tsvangirai they did not
include a clause expressly banning his previous
powers to unilaterally make
such appointments.
His ZANU PF party
insists Mugabe still wields all his presidential powers
notwithstanding the
GPA and the constitutional amendment.
Tsvangirai last Thursday said his
MDC party would not recognise the
appointments as they were made
unconstitutionally and called on countries
where Mugabe has posted
ambassadors not to recognise the envoys.
There was no immediate reaction
from Mugabe or ZANU PF. But the veteran
leader and his party have previously
said they will not abide by all
requirements of the GPA until Western
sanctions against them have been
lifted.
The European Union, United
States, Australia, Switzerland and New Zealand,
have refused to lift visa
and financial sanctions against Mugabe and his top
officials imposed eight
years ago as punishment for allegedly stealing
elections, human rights
violations and failure to uphold the rule of law.
Mugabe accuses
Tsvangirai and the MDC of campaigning for sanctions during
their days as the
opposition and says they must do more to call for their
removal, a position
Tsvangirai last week dismissed as "rank madness and
utterly
nonsensical".
Zimbabwe's unity government has done well to stabilise the
economy and end
inflation that was estimated at more than a trillion percent
at the height
of the country's economic meltdown in 2008.
But the
unending squabbles between Mugabe and Tsvangirai over how to share
executive
power and the administration's inability to secure direct
financial support
from rich Western nations has hindered efforts to rebuild
the economy. -
ZimOnline.
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Tichaona Sibanda
13 October
2010
The three member SADC facilitation team appointed by South Africa’s
President Jacob Zuma, jetted into Harare on Wednesday for a series of
meetings with the three principals to the GPA.
Charles Nqakula, who
is being accompanied by Mac Maharaj and Lindiwe Zulu,
told us their trip to
Harare was to review progress made so far in
implementation the remaining
issues in the GPA, as directed by SADC at its
last summit in Namibia. This
was despite reports that indicated this visit
had in fact been hurriedly
organized in response to the latest crisis,
created by Mugabe’s unilateral
appointment of govenors.
The SADC Troika on Defence, Security and Politics on
15th August resolved
that all outstanding issues in the GPA should be fully
implemented within a
month.
That deadline expired in September with
no movement whatsoever towards the
resolution of the sticking points - the
rehiring of central bank governor
Gideon Gono, appointment of
Attorney-General Johannes Tomana and the
swearing in of MDC-T treasurer Roy
Bennett as Deputy Agriculture minister.
This is the second time such a
deadline had been imposed on the principals
by SADC and not followed
through. In October 2009, Tsvangirai’s MDC-T
‘disengaged’ from government,
forcing SADC’s Organ on Politics, Defence and
Security to hurriedly convene
a meeting in Maputo, where the political
protagonists were given 30 days to
deal with a litany of outstanding issues.
The deadline came and went without
any resolution.
‘We are here to follow up on events that have transpired
since the SADC
summit in Windhoek. As you all know there are a number of
issues that the
principals were asked to deal with and this is why we are
here to check if
there has been any movement in that regard’ Nqakula
said.
‘Obviously we will pick up on what has happened recently but our
main
concern is to follow up on instructions given by SADC to the principals
to
act on,’ Nqakula said, making a brief reference to the latest crisis to
rock
the GNU.
Our Harare correspondent Simon Muchemwa said while
Nqakula was desperate not
to link their visit to last week’s fallout between
Robert Mugabe Mugabe and
Tsvangirai, it was clear they were jolted into
action by what happened
recently.
‘There hasn’t been any contact
between the two men (Mugabe and Tsvangirai)
since Tsvangirai’s outburst last
week,’our correspondent said.
Apart from meeting with the principals, the
facilitation team will also meet
with the negotiating teams from the three
political parties. All three
principals are currently in Harare, though
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai
missed Wednesday’s cabinet meeting, which a
spokesman said was due to some
commitments in Manicaland. But our
correspondent said it may well be that
Tsvangirai is ‘avoiding Mugabe’ until
the constitutional crisis currently
prevailing in the country is sorted
out.
Tsvangirai’s international relations advisor, Professor Elphas
Mukonoweshuro, confirmed that all other members of the cabinet from the
MDC-T were in attendance, except the Prime Minister.
http://news.yahoo.com/
AFP
- Wed Oct 13, 9:38 am
ET
BRUSSELS (AFP) - The European Union on Wednesday expressed "great
concern"
over President Robert Mugabe's unilateral appointment of new
Zimbabwe
ambassadors to the bloc as well as to other institutions and
capitals.
"It is important that the ambassadors be fully empowered to
speak on behalf
of the whole government," said a spokeswoman for EU
diplomacy chief
Catherine Ashton.
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai,
who is in a unity government with Mugabe,
this week asked the EU and the
United Nations not to recognise new
ambassadors appointed solely by
Mugabe.
Under the Global Political Agreement (GPA) that created the
government
between the two political rivals, the prime minister argues he
should be
consulted on all appointments.
Asked by AFP to comment on
the issue, Ashton's spokeswoman Maja Kocijancic
said the EU had received the
letters of appointment from Harare but that the
matter deserved further
clarification.
"The EU supports the GPA," she said. "Non-respect is
therefore a matter of
great concern". "This is a serious matter that demands
clarification."
Letters were also sent by the prime minister to the
leaders of Italy,
Sweden, Switzerland and South Africa, he
said.
Friction over key appointments has strained the unity government
since it
was formed last year and the political climate recently has
deteriorated
with Tsvangirai last week accusing 86-year-old Mugabe of
"betrayal" for
failing to honour the unity pact.
Over the past 20
months, Tsvangirai has feuded with Mugabe on naming
provincial governors,
ambassadors, the central bank chief and attorney
general.
Mugabe has
ruled out any concessions until Western sanctions imposed on
himself and
about 200 close associates are removed.
http://www.thezimbabwemail.com
13 October, 2010
08:00:00 Staff Reporter
HARARE - Top Zanu (PF) officials have secretly
recalled Zimbabwean diplomats
in order to replace them with the relatives
and friends of officials linked
to Zanu (PF) as a carefully designed plan to
burst travel sanctions imposed
by some Western governments, a report has
revealed.
The report also pointed out that in some Asian countries, the
relatives are
playing a key role as agents for diamond smuggling and other
business deals
including illegal arms trading and money
laundering.
The newspaper report says sources in the ministry of foreign
affairs have
revealed that several middle level career diplomats who were
based in
Europe, China, South Africa, India, New Zealand and Australia were
being
recalled under the pretext that the government was broke and could not
sustain them. They have, however, been replaced by children and relatives of
top Zanu (PF) and government officials.
The syndicate is run by the
Foreign Affairs Permanent secretary Joey Bimha
who is a close relative of
the First Lady Grace Mugabe.
Last year Bimha was denied a visa by the
United States Embassy in Harare
when Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai
travelled to Washington.
Mr Bima who doubles up as government official
and family spokesman for Grace
Mugabe at First family funerals is a key
figure in the syndicate running the
show of sanctions bursting.
His
brother, the current Deputy Minister of Industry and Commerce and former
Air
Zimbabwe Board Chairman Mike Bimha is another key player in the dark
arts
associated to the First Family.
His previous roles can be traced at
Homelink, a Reserve Bank company that
swindled many Zimbabweans in the
Diaspora of their hard earned money with
promises of "Borrowdale Brook"
stands which turned out to be farms located
in Domboshava rural
area.
Mike Bimha used to operate as an agent of Homelink from his base in
Manchester, in the United Kingdom before he was recalled for a roll as Air
Zimbabwe Chairman over seeing the smuggling of goods in and out of the
country.
He has also been involved at Mutumwa Mawere's SMM
Holdings.
The recalled diplomats held positions ranging from counsellors
to First
Secretaries. "Some of these people (the replacement 'diplomats')
are not
even qualified and do not meet the minimum requirements of the
Public
Service regulations, while others are too young. The others are
prospective
students at Universities in countries where they will be posted.
Zanu (PF)
loyalists are also being rewarded with diplomatic posts," said the
source.
Nengomasha Mnangagwa, the daughter of the powerful defence
minister and Zanu
(PF) secretary for Legal affairs, Emmerson Mnangagwa, is
one of people set
to benefit from the scheme. "Nengomasha Mnangagwa and
several other children
of top Zanu (PF) officials completed their diplomatic
training last week and
very soon they will be deployed to various key
embassies all over the world,
where they will take up different posts," said
the Foreign Affairs official.
He said one of the well connected people
who have been given a diplomatic
position was Pedro Del Campo, who is now
called the Honorary Zimbabwe
Tourism Ambassador to Spain. The Spanish-based
Del Campo is married to
Nyasha Mujuru, a daughter of Vice-president Joyce
Mujuru.
"Zanu PF officials are actually boasting that they are busting
these
sanctions, as their children and relatives are now studying and living
comfortably in Europe and USA under the guise of being Zimbabwean
diplomats," he said.
Joey Bimha, who was said to be in charge of the
programme, was not available
for comment as he was with President Mugabe in
Libya for the Arab-Africa
Summit. - Additional reporting by The Zimbabwean
http://www.voanews.com/
European
Union Ambassador to Zimbabwe Aldo Dell'Ariccia said he has received
Tsvangirai's formal communication concerning Mr. Mugabe's diplomatic
appointment to Brussels and has forwarded it to EU
headquarters
Studio 7 Reporters | Washington 12 October
2010
Zimbabwean Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai briefed foreign
diplomats in
Harare on Tuesday on his request that the United Nations, the
European Union
and four countries reject the credentials of ambassadors he
maintains were
appointed by President Robert Mugabe on a unilateral, thus
illegal, basis.
Mr. Tsvangirai asked Italy, Sweden, Switzerland and South
Africa as well as
the UN and Brussels to reject the credentials of incoming
ambassadors
calling their postings "unconstitutional, null and
void."
Mr. Tsvangirai said last week that his party will no longer
recognize
appointments made by Mr. Mugabe without unity government
consensus.
Challenged appointments include those of Reserve Bank Governor
Gideon Gono,
Attorney General Johannes Tomana, provincial governors and
judges as well as
Ambassador Phelekezela Mphoko, posted to Pretoria, South
Africa, and United
Nations Ambassador Chitsaka Chipaziwa, among
others.
The latest clash in the unity government has prompted South
African
President Jacob Zuma to dispatch his mediation team to Harare.
Diplomatic
sources in Pretoria said Mr. Zuma's team will arrive in Harare on
Wednesday.
Minister of State Jameson Timba, attached to Mr. Tsvangirai's
office, told
VOA Studio 7 reporter Ntungamili Nkomo that the prime minister
reiterated
his position to envoys that Mr. Mugabe has violated the 2008
Global
Political Agreement for power sharing, and the Zimbabwean
Constitution.
Responding, Rugare Gumbo, spokesman for Mr. Mugabe's
ZANU-PF party, said Mr.
Tsvangirai has taken leave of his senses and that
Mr. Mugabe has acted
within the constitutional scope of his
office.
European Union Ambassador to Zimbabwe Aldo Dell'Ariccia told VOA
Studio 7
reporter Jonga Kandemiiri that he has received Tsvangirai's formal
communication concerning Mr. Mugabe's diplomatic appointment to Brussels and
has forwarded it to EU headquarters there.
"We have received
Tsvangirai's letter and we are now consulting South Africa
as well as SADC,"
said Riccia.
Political analyst Mqondobanzi Magonya said Tsvangirai's
position on
appointments is a step in the right direction.
Beyond
challenging the credentials of some of Zimbabwe's envoys to the West,
Mr.
Tsvangirai will also boycott Wednesday's cabinet meeting in an
additional
gesture of protest of what he calls unilateralism by Mr. Mugabe,
said
sources in his formation of the Movement for Democratic Change. If
Tsvangirai follows through his threat, this will be the second time he has
snubbed the Cabinet - he similarly boycotted the Cabinet in October
2009.
Tsvangirai spokesman Luke Tamborinyoka said the prime minister will
instead
meet with victims of alleged ZANU-PF intimidation and violence in
Manicaland, one of the country's more hotly contested provinces.
A
related crisis was averted in the Zimbabwean Senate on Tuesday after
provincial governors failed to show up in the face of an MDC threat to
disrupt upper house proceedings if they took their ex officio
seats.
The Senate was adjourned to November 9 after a brief
session.
The Tsvangirai MDC is also toughening up its stance on the
troubled
constitutional revision process, saying it will boycott public
comment
meetings if the security of those participating is not guaranteed by
authorities.
MDC Deputy Organizing Secretary Morgan Komichi said the
party will
discourage supporters from attending outreach meetings as its
leadership
does not want to put their lives in danger. An MDC supporter died
last month
of injuries sustained in a melee outside a constitutional
outreach session
in Mbare, a populous Harare suburb.
Komichi, who has
been monitoring the constitutional outreach process for the
party, said the
party is tired of being abused and taken for granted by
ZANU-PF and want the
national police to start doing their job.
Political commentator John
Makumbe of the University of Zimbabwe told VOA
Studio 7 reporter Patience
Rusere such developments reflect the extension of
government discord into
the constitutional process.
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Lance Guma
13 October
2010
The chairman of the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA), Dr
Lovemore
Madhuku, has said that from next week they will begin mobilizing
people to
reject the constitutional draft that will be produced by the
parliamentary
committee.
Madhuku was reluctant to say it marked the
beginning of a NO VOTE campaign
telling SW Radio Africa; 'I think that's an
overstatement. What the NCA is
doing from next week is to do a countrywide
interaction with the communities
and people in the country, discussing the
current state of affairs with the
constitution making process.'
The
NCA leader said they will be focusing on the Constitutional
Parliamentary
Committee (COPAC) and its failures and prepare members of the
public 'to
reject what will be coming out of the COPAC process which we know
will be a
bad constitution.'
'So yes in a way you can call it a NO VOTE campaign,
but I think is a bit
misleading, because the idea is that we are not going
to people to say 'vote
no'. We are going to the people to explain why it is
necessary to have a
democratic constitution and why the current process will
not lead to a
democratic constitution.'
Asked if it was not better to
wait and evaluate the draft that will come out
from the COPAC process
Madhuku said; 'We know that the draft that will come
out will be a defective
constitution.' He also disputed arguments that
campaigning against the
draft, as they did so successfully in 2000, will
lead to the current
defective Lancaster House constitution remaining in
place.
'The
constitution that we will be campaigning against will not be different
from
Lancaster House. So it's not accurate or not correct to say if you
reject
the constitution you are going back to Lancaster House. It won't make
a
difference.' He said it was not the NCA's fault that government kept
coming
up with defective constitutions and putting them before the people to
vote
on.
http://www.dailynews.co.zw/
By Godfrey Mtimba
Wednesday, 13 October 2010
17:12
MASVINGO - Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) Masvingo West
legislator,
Tachiona Mharadza is living in fear of his life after he was
threatened
with death by uniformed soldiers from the Zimbabwe National
Army(ZNA).
The soldiers are accusing him of alerting the media that
troops were
deployed in his constituency over the weekend.
Mharadza
told the Daily News that soldiers clad in full military regalia
pounced on
him while he was talking to a colleague on a street pavement and
interrogated him about why he had told journalists that soldiers were
terrorising villagers in his constituency.
The soldiers descended on
Masvingo West at the weekend and started moving
around in groups
threatening villagers with unspecified action for allegedly
defying Zanu PF
orders in their contributions during the constitution making
programme.
The soldiers' presence in my constituency last weekend.
They accused me of
attempting to tarnish the image of the military
institution in the country,"
said Mharadza.
He said that he saw no
reason why the soldiers would threaten him when he
was only trying to make
sure that people in his constituency were free from
any form of harassment
and intimidation.
"The soldiers came direct to me while I was talking to
someone in the city
centre and made all sorts of threats. I failed to
identify anyone from the
five. After theatening that they would kill me if
I continued to interfere
in their operations, they went back to their
vehicle and sped off," said a
visibly shaken Mharadza.
ZNA Masvingo
provincial spokesperson, Kingston Chvave dismissed the
allegations.
"I don't think that is true; firstly I want to tell you
that the army in
Masvingo never deployed soldiers in any part of the rural
areas in the
province and as for the threats I have not heard anything like
that," said
Chivave.
But MDC officials in Masvingo insist that their
legislator was threatened
and said a report was made to the
police.
Wilstaff Stemere, the MDC provincial chairman said: "I confirm
that our
office received reports of death threats to one of our MPS and the
culprits
are rogue soldiers who are moving around threatening villagers for
supporting a party of their choice."
He warned Zanu PF to desist
from abusing the uniformed forces for political
gains.
http://www.zimonline.co.za
Wednesday 13 October 2010
HARARE
-- Six foreign and two Zimbabwean suspected poachers will appear in
court
today on charges of hunting 'specially protected animals' and
possession of
an unlicenced firearm.
The eight have been named as Democratic Republic
of the Congo nationals,
Yemba Pauni Mulamba (56), Lomane Mulamba (24), Yemba
Mulamba (26), Zambians,
Wiljoni Meki (46), Justin Tembo (46), Patrick
Chiluba (54), and two
Zimbabweans Shapiro Shungu Michael Tagwirei (28) and
Owen Godzi.
The suspects were brought to court yesterday but their trial
could not
resume after the Congolese and Zambian suspects requested Tonga
and Nyanja
translators.
The eight are accused of killing three
rhinoceros, with two of the animals
killed and dehorned near Lake Mutirikwi
in Masvingo province while the third
rhino was killed at Nyamacheni
sanctuary in Guruve, Mashonaland West
province.
"It is alleged that
on 12 June 2010, all the accused persons went to Lake
Kyle (Mutirikwi) in
Masvingo and illegally hunted two rhinoceros, killed
them and dehorned them
and left the scene," the charge sheet reads. "On 26
August 2010, the accused
persons went to Nyamanechi sanctuary Guruve and
they killed one white
rhinoceros and dehorned it."
Zimbabwe is among four African countries in
the world that still have
significant populations of rhinos. The other three
are Kenya, Namibia and
South Africa.
But poaching has been rife in
Zimbabwe since landless black villagers began
invading - with tacit approval
from the government - white-owned farms and
game conservancies over the past
nine years.
The situation has not been helped by reports of illegal and
uncontrolled
trophy hunting on former white-owned conservancies now
controlled by
powerful government officials and members of President Robert
Mugabe's ZANU
PF party although the government denies politicians are
illegally hunting
game and insists it still has poaching under control. -
ZimOnline
http://www.dailynews.co.zw/
By Own Correspondent
Wednesday, 13 October 2010
16:54
GWERU - Police in Gweru on Tuesday raided offices of the Democratic
Councils
Forum (Demcof), an association of councillors and confiscated 862
radio sets
that the organisation was supposed to distribute to rural areas
in the
Midlands Province.
It has been established that when the
police, led by one detective sergeant
Tshuma, raided the organisation, one
of the workers, Cleopas Shiri, who is
the Demcof training co-ordinator was
busy packing some of the boxes
containing the radio sets into a truck for
distribution in Chirumanzu and
Mvuma districts.
Speaking to the Daily
News from their offices that were still cordoned off
by police officers on
Tuesday afternoon, one of the workers at the
organisation, Didymus Dehwa,
said they were shocked by the police behaviour
which he said was an assault
on the Global Political Agreement (GPA) and the
inclusive
government.
"The police came in the morning already in a possession of a
search warrant
and said they wanted to search our offices. Shiri was packing
some of the
radios that we were supposed to go and give councilors in Mvuma
and
Chirumanzu for redistribution to Zimbabweans who have no access to
information.
"They took him and the radios and they searched our
offices and took all the
other radios that we had. We had 862 small radios
and they were all taken.
We do not even know whether it is a crime to be in
possession of those
radios and we are shocked by the action taken to
confiscate these radios,"
Dehwa said.
By late Tuesday afternoon,
Shiri was still detained at Gweru Central Police
and Demcof Lawyer Reginald
Chidawanyika said they were indications that the
police wanted Shiri to
remain detained.
"The police have said they want to investigate the
source of the radios and
are demanding receipts to show where the radios
were bought or ZIMRA papers
if the radios were imported.
"They have
arrested my client because they are saying they found him just
about to
transport the radios to another destination and they are also
saying due to
the number of the radios they have found, they strongly
suspect they could
have been smuggled into the country.
"Am still fighting to see that my
client is not detained in the cells,"
Chidawanyika told the Daily
News.
He explained that the radios were multipurpose and could also be
used as
torches.
Human rights activists have condemned the police
raid.
Sungano Zvarebwanashe, a human right activist demanded the return
of the
radios. " As human rights activists we are worried by the raid of
Demcof and
the confiscation of the radios. Why should the police, a
government arm be
concerned about an organisation that is giving people a
machine to hear
news?
"Everyone has a right to information but some
of these rural people cannot
afford to buy radios or if they have, they
cannot constantly afford to buy
the batteries considering there is no
electricity. If an organisation then
decides to donate solar powered radios
where is the problem?"
Other activists said the raid shows that the
government still is not
committed to allowing free flow of information.
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Written by Mxolisi Ncube
Wednesday,
13 October 2010 10:51
HARARE - Junior members of the Zimbabwe Republic
Police say they are now
being terrorised almost as badly as in the run-up to
the presidential
election re-run in June 2008.
After Morgan Tsvangirai
and his mainstream MDC had defeated Robert Mugabe
and Zanu (PF) in the March
29 vote, junior officers were intimidated and
threatened by their superiors.
Commissioner Augustine Chihuri, a war veteran
and self-proclaimed supporter
of Mugabe's party, turned police camps into
Zanu (PF) campaign grounds,
deploying his trusted lieutenants to campaign
for the ailing party and
threaten perceived MDC supporters within police
ranks.
Junior officers
described how they were closely watched and were not allowed
to move around
freely. They were threatened with dismissal and even death by
firing squad
if they refused to rig the elections. They said the strict
internal
surveillance they were put under by the notorious Police Internal
Security
Intelligence (PISI) was tantamount to imprisonment.
This week, some junior
officers from across the country told The Zimbabwean
that an almost similar
scenario has returned to most police camps,
especially in four of the
country's cities - Harare, Bulawayo, Gweru and
Kwekwe. "Things are beginning
to heat up, following reports that elections
will be held next year and our
seniors have since turned station lectures
into campaign rallies for Zanu
(PF), just as they did in 2008," said a
junior officer based in
Harare.
The junior officers say that life for them, which had improved since
the
formation of the national unity government in February last year, took a
turn for the worse last month, after an internal police communication. In
2008, the junior officers were forced to vote Zanu (PF) in the presence of
their superiors, who began each voting exercise by preaching the Zanu (PF)
gospel of anti-colonialism and hatred for the MDC.
Only one junior
officer, Tafadzwa Gambiza, who was stationed in Kwekwe and
had always
clashed with his superiors over the ZRP's partisanship, refused
to vote Zanu
and was immediately dismissed. "The threats are growing by the
day. Even
numbers of PISI members have been increased for maximum
surveillance on
those perceived to be supporters of the MDC, who are mostly
junior
officers," said a Bulawayo-based officer.
"Even our dependants who live
inside camps are being screened for where they
work, where they spend most
of their time and which parties they support.
Police officers whose support
for Zanu (PF) is questionable are being
threatened with dismissal."
The
internal communication, whose reference number is LDM02/2010, is dated
September 9 and is titled 'Voter registration'. It calls on commanders to
"educate" their juniors about elections. "During the last election, it was
noted that some members of the force who had applied for postal ballots were
not in the voters' roll," reads a part of the communication, written by
"Commander By-elections" and addressed to all stations in the
country.
"Commanders should therefore encourage all members under their
command to
register as voters. Voter registration and voter
verification/inspection can
be done on any working day at the Registrar
General's local offices. This
command will check on voter registration
compliance in due course."
Junior officers say this flies in the face of the
Police Act, which
prohibits active participation in politics by police
officers.
"Paragraph 47 and 48 of the Act says that active participation in
politics
and association with any political party is a chargeable offence,
but the
senior officers seem to be using that only against those they
believe to be
MDC officers," fumed another junior officer, who is based in
Kwekwe.
"Section 16 of the police Standing Orders Volume 1 also states that
no
political meetings shall be held in any police station, camp or quarters
and
prohibits members from canvassing any support for a political party
within
the force. I wonder if Co-Minister of Home Affairs Theresa Makone
knows
about this."
http://www.voanews.com
Peta Thornycroft |
Johannesburg 13 October 2010
Zimbabwean economic refugees are
struggling to become legal in South Africa.
It is a long and arduous process
for many Zimbabweans who fled from home
during the past 10
years.
Tens of thousands of Zimbabweans are attempting to legalize their
status in
South Africa. They have been given a deadline by South Africa of
December
31 to submit documentation seeking permission to work and live in
South
Africa.
Most illegal Zimbabweans in South Africa say they fled
to survive and earn
money for their families and some fled fearing political
persecution from
President Robert Mugabe's Zanu PF Party
officials.
Many people in Zimbabwe only survive with money sent home by
relatives
working in South Africa. A laborer, Peter, from Harare, says he
does not
want to be illegal in South Africa.
"My family is starving,
so no jobs in my country, so that is why I forced
myself to be here in South
Africa. But my intention is not of being here
illegally, but because of the
situation is the thing which forced me to be
here illegally," noted
Peter.
Hundreds of thousands of Zimbabweans have been deported from South
Africa
during the past 10 years. Many of them return, despite harassment
and fear
of xenophobia in South Africa.
But Home Affairs Deputy
Minister Malusi Gigaba explains that South Africa is
trying to regularize
their stay.
"Now what we are trying to do is to ensure that the Zimbabwe
nationals who
are in the country are regularized," said Gigaba. "They are
being given the
necessary permits, whether it is to study, work permits so
they can stay
securely and properly and be able to work to live and to move
without any
inhibition."
To stay, Zimbabweans illegally in South
Africa, many of them destitute, have
to produce a passport, a letter from an
employer or proof they are studying
in South Africa.
Peter, the
laborer from Zimbabwe, says he has been four times to the
Department of Home
Affairs in central Johannesburg. He says the South
African personnel there
are kind, but are only managing to process about 200
Zimbabweans a day. He
says he is lucky that he has a Zimbabwe passport, but
securing the other
documentation took time and waiting in line two days.
"I am processing
them, my passport and my documents are right, and I am
submitting them, but
there is a big, big, big queue," added Peter.
Now he has to wait to hear
if his application is successful. He said that
for some the wait will be a
lot longer, because many Zimbabweans in South
Africa do not have passports.
The Zimbabwean consulate in Johannesburg is
besieged with applications for
passports.
Thousands of illegal and destitute Zimbabweans sleep at the
Methodist Church
Hall in central Johannesburg. A spokesman for the church
said Wednesday
many of those it shelters are trying to become legal, but are
discouraged by
the long lines outside home affairs offices.
According
to South Africa, the largest density of illegal Zimbabweans is in
Johannesburg. Many Zimbabweans in South Africa say December 31 is too soon
to process all those who want to become legal.
"There is a call for
the extension of the deadline, [but] as far as we are
concerned there is
enough capacity to meet the deadline of 31 December and
so we are not going
to shift this deadline," added Deputy Minister Gigaba,
who says the deadline
will remain.
South Africa has also offered amnesty to all Zimbabweans who
have fraudulent
South African birth certificates or identity documents. But
according to
Home Affairs officials in Johannesburg few have come forward
seeking
amnesty.
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Written by Rufaro Dube
Wednesday, 13
October 2010 13:25
MUTARE - China will invest over US$1billion in
industrial, education,
farming and health projects in Zimbabwe in the next
three years, the Chinese
Ambassador to Zimbabwe has said.
Mr Xin Shunkang
revealed these developmental projects at a public lecture
held at Africa
University on Tuesday (October 12) this week. The lecture
focused on
China-Zimbabwe relations, China's economic development, Overview
of
China-Africa relations, FOCAC and China-Africa co-operation.
Ambassador
Shunkang told the high profiled delegation, which attended the
lecture that
China will soon implement a billion dollar project to
resuscitate the
country's ailing sectors. "We are looking at about US$1
Billion budget at
this multi-sectored
project, which will be implemented in the next three
years.
"This will cater for several major projects, which include the
construction
of schools, hospitals, mini hydro power stations, thermal solar
power and
drilling of boreholes and provide 10 million RBM/ Yuan for
purchase of
medical equipment of drugs.
He said for Zimbabwe to achieve a
sustainable economic growth, it has to
maintain political stability, come up
with a solid economic administration,
financial and investor friendly
monetary legislations.
Ambassador Shunkang said Zimbabwe, just like China has
to develop
economically in order to catch up with other developing nations.
Zimbabwe
adopted a look east policy at the turn of the millennium after
falling out
from several western states, which were reluctant to give aid to
the former
government marred with corruption, mismanagement and lack of
transparency.
http://www.herald.co.zw/
13 October 2010
Harare - Matabeleland South
Province has in the past three years seen
thousands of children dropping out
of school at both secondary and primary
level, a development that has been
partly attributed to poverty.
The province has about 452 registered and
44 satellite primary schools.
There are 152 secondary schools, 120 of which
are registered while 37 are
satellite.
In an interview last Friday,
provincial education director Mrs Tumisang
Thabela said last year enrolment
for primary schools dropped by more than 10
000 pupils from 180 332 in 2008
to 170 301. That year, more than 4 000
pupils dropped out of secondary
school with enrolment figures falling from
48 062 to 44 008.
Mrs
Thabela attributed this to economic instability and reduction of feeding
schemes at primary schools among other factors. Many could have found their
way illegally into Botswana and South Africa where they sought informal
work.
Mrs Thabela said there was a slight overall increase (2,5
percent) this year
but this was still lower than the 2008 figure. "What is
puzzling us as the
ministry is where these pupils could have gone. We are in
the process of
establishing whether they went to other provinces or
countries, or they are
just sitting at home.
"Such school dropouts
might be the same people who come back to the
communities and cause havoc as
armed robbers," she said. Mrs Thabela said of
notable concern in the
province was the shortage of science subjects at many
schools.
"The
worrying aspect on our A level schools is that most of our high schools
offer partial curricula of humanities. "There are no sciences in the
province which means that we will always lag behind others in terms of
scientific development.
"Thus, as schools we should start building
laboratories and other sciences
infrastructure so as to start offering
science subjects," she said. Last
year the province had its best percentage
pass rate in the past three years,
recording a 89,13 percent for Advanced
Level candidates.
http://www1.herald.co.zw
Wednesday,
October 13, 2010
By Tendai Mugabe
Zesa
Holdings has indefinitely shut down Hwange Thermal Power Station owing
to
technical problems, forcing the utility to increase load-shedding outside
normal schedules in most parts of the country.
Hwange has been
producing 500 mega-watts and the shutdown has left the
country with the
802MW from Kariba and Munyati power stations and imports
from the
region.
Zimbabwe needs at least 1 650MW, which rises to about 2 000MW in
winter.
Zesa spokesperson Mr Fullard Gwasira on Monday confirmed that all
five
electricity generating units at Hwange Ther-mal Power Station were
down.
He would not give details of the technical faults and insisted they
were
system disturbances common with power generation.
Mr Gwasira
said refurbishment would be done in phases and no specific date
could be
given for a return to normal service.
"Hwange is totally down at the
moment due to disturbances within our
generating systems and we are making
efforts to restore power to our valued
customers.
"We expect the
first unit to be restored today (Monday) because the
refurbishment is in
phases.
"At the moment we are banking on Kariba and Munyati, which are
generating
625 and 30 megawatts respectively.
"We are also importing
147 megawatts from our regional suppliers. What this
means is that
load-shedding will increase outside the announced schedules,"
he
said.
By yesterday there were reports that Zesa had repaired two
generators while
its engineers were making efforts to resu-scitate the other
three units.
Mr Gwasira urged consumers to use power sparingly to
alleviate the effects
of load-shedding.
Kariba is also operating
below capacity due to scheduled annual maintenance
work.
At full
capacity, Kariba generates 750MW.
Work at Kariba Hydropower Station
started last month and has reduced
generating capacity at the
station.
Due to limited resources, Zesa is only importing 147MW from
regional
suppliers, which is not enough to cover the shortfall on the
national grid.
Mr Gwasira said consumers owed Zesa over US$400
million.
He added that the power utility had no plans to avoid work
stoppages in
industries due to the load-shedding.
Industry, through
representative associations, has said it needs at least 18
hours of power
supply daily to operate optimally.
Mr Gwasira said Zesa could not import
as much electricity as they might
require because customers were defaulting
in paying bills.
The US$400 million is believed to be enough to cover
Zesa's external debt
obligations and import more power.
The power
utility recently announced that load-shedding would continue until
year-end.
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
By Alex Bell
13 October
2010
Former Chegutu farmer Ben Freeth was presented with a prestigious
royal
award in London on Wednesday, in recognition of his fight for justice
and
peace in Zimbabwe.
Freeth was named as one of 44 recipients of a
Member of the Order of the
British Empire (MBE) as part of the Queen's
birthday celebrations in June.
An MBE is a prestigious international honour
and is a tangible recognition
of Freeth's efforts to combat the injustices
of Robert Mugabe's land-grab
campaign. On Wednesday, Freeth and other
recipients were presented to the
Queen, who officially bestowed the honour
on them.
Freeth told SW Radio Africa about the experience on Wednesday
and agreed it
was "surreal." He said the MBE award is a "great credit to all
the people
that have been fighting so hard for a better Zimbabwe." He called
the award
an honour that gives encouragement to the ongoing fight against
illegal land
seizures, a campaign that has left millions of people
destitute. Over the
last decade of Mugabe's land grab campaign, an estimated
two million farm
workers and their families have lost their jobs and homes,
and the
destruction of the agricultural sector means the country is almost
entirely
dependent on food aid.
"This is really encouraging for all of
the farming community and their
efforts during this past turbulent and
traumatic decade," Freeth said. "It
is also the start of more things to come
in what we can do to serve
Zimbabwe."
Freeth added that he hopes the
award will help the ongoing fight for change
in Zimbabwe: "We hope it will
create a new, positive platform from which our
country can move forward.
Hopefully we can get the people who have the power
to help."
Freeth
and his father-in-law Mike Campbell, who co-own Mount Carmel farm in
Chegutu, made history in 2008 when they took Mugabe's government to court
over the land grab. The protracted legal battle within the human rights
Tribunal of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) led to the
pair and Campbell's wife Angela, being abducted, beaten and tortured. But
despite their serious injuries, they continued with their campaign to seek a
legal precedent to protect Zimbabwean commercial farmers from land
invasion.
The SADC Tribunal eventually ruled in the farmers' favour in
late 2008,
declaring the land grab unlawful. Mugabe's government was ordered
to protect
the farmers and their right to farm peacefully on their
properties, an order
that has been completely ignored. Freeth and Campbell
have both been forced
off their property after their homes were burnt down
last year by land
invaders. Land invasions and the persecution of farmers in
the courts have
also continued to intensify across the country.
The
blatant disregard of the SADC Tribunal meanwhile has not resulted in any
action from SADC, who instead decided earlier this year to 'review' the
legal body. SADC leaders resolved at their annual summit to 'review the
mandate of the Tribunal', which many critics have said demonstrates open
support for Mugabe. The decision means that no farm cases still pending in
the court, will be dealt with. This essentially leaves commercial farmers
with no legal protection against ongoing illegal land seizures.
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Written by Fungi Kwaramba
Wednesday, 13 October 2010
10:35
HARARE - Pressure is mounting on the South African President Jacob
Zuma
(Pictured) to release the Report of the Army Generals who investigated
state
sponsored violence in Zimbabwe in 2008.
South African Human rights
organizations and the main opposition the
Democratic Alliance (DA), have in
the past also called for the Jacob Zuma's
Government to release the report
that names people who were at the forefront
of instigating violence and
intimidation.
MDC-T President Morgan Tsvangirai said that it was time that
South Africa, a
long time ally of Zimbabwe, releases the
report.
Tsvangirai's calls were prompted by reports of renewed cases of
violence and
intimidation by Zanu (PF), mostly in remote areas.
"Every
act of intimidation or violence by state or Zanu (PF) actors is a
clear
breach of the constitution. In this respect we urge South Africa to
release
the Report of the Retired Army Generals who investigated state
sponsored
violence and its implications on the electoral process and results
in 2008,"
said Tsvangirai. In 2008 former South African President Thabo
Mbeki
commissioned a fact finding mission into state sponsored violence that
took
place in the run up to Zimbabwe's one man presidential run-off.
Two years
later, the report has still not been released. Mbeki's successor,
Zuma, who
has become the facilitator of the fibrous GNU, seems reluctant to
release
the document. South African NGOs such as South African History
Archive and
the Africa Forum have tried to push Zuma to release the report
with no
success. Zuma claims that the report does not exist in hard copy.
http://www.voanews.com/
Zimbabwe Warriors coach Tom Saintfiet was deported by immigration
authorities on October 5 just days before an Africa Cup Of Nations match
against Cape Verde
Marvellous Mhlanga-Nyahuye | Washington 12 October
2010
Despite mounting criticism over the appointment of Belgian Tom
Saintfiet as
coach of Zimbabwe's Warriors national soccer team, deported
last week by
authorities for lack of a work permit, the Zimbabwe Football
Association
says it will stand by its decision to engage him over local
candidates with
popular support.
Saintfiet was deported October 5
just days before an Africa Cup Of Nations
match against Cape Verde by the
Zimbabwe Immigration Authority. ZIFA has
been trying to secure a work permit
for him ever since.
But Zimbabwe Warriors fans are disillusioned and want
ZIFA to put its house
in order instead of leaving management of the team to
Saintfiet's assistants
Madida Ndlovu and Norman Mapeza as caretaker
coaches.
The Warriors face Mali in their next Africa Cup Of Nations
qualifier six
months from now.
ZIFA Director Benedict Moyo told VOA
Studio 7 reporter Marvellous
Mhlanga-Nyahuye that he hopes Saintfiet's
immigration status will have been
worked out by that time.
Meanwhile
Warriors captain Benjamin Mwaruwari dropped a bombshell announcing
that he
will no longer join the team for international matches but will
concentrate
on his duties with Black Burn Rovers in the United Kingdom.
Fans are
divided over Mwaruwari's decision to quit playing for Zimbabwe:
some say his
departure robs the team of much-needed experience, while others
say he was
ready to retire and has done so gracefully.
http://www.businessday.co.za/
ALLISTER
SPARKS: At home and abroad
Published: 2010/10/13 06:52:18 AM
WHILE we have been
preoccupied once again with our perennial game of
political pugilism
("Malema attacks Zuma"; "Zuma hits back at Malema"), few
seem to have
noticed that our northern neighbour has run into yet another
crisis, which
is likely to affect our worsening unemployment rate and our
urgent need for
a higher growth rate.
The new crisis erupted 10 days ago, when Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai
and his deputy, Arthur Mutambara, met President
Robert Mugabe, who told them
he had unilaterally reappointed all 10 of
Zimbabwe's serving provincial
governors - who happen to represent his own
Zanu (PF) party - the previous
day.
In terms of the national
constitution and the global political agreement
(GPA), which sets out the
conditions under which Zimbabwe's unity government
is supposed to operate,
senior appointments can be made only after joint
agreement of the president
and the prime minister.
Tsvangirai said this was the first he had heard
of the appointment of the
governors. It was, he told a press conference last
Thursday, "the last
straw" in a long series of Mugabe's violations of the
GPA. He and his
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) had therefore decided
to refuse to
recognise these governors, as well as a number of other senior
officials
Mugabe has appointed unilaterally over the past 18
months.
Tsvangirai said he regarded these appointments as illegal and
unconstitutional.
It is unclear what exactly that will mean in
practice. The officials
concerned have already been sworn in by the
president and will presumably
report to him and continue functioning in
their posts. However, the MDC
controls both the Treasury and the public
service department, so it is
conceivable it could refuse to pay their
salaries.
If so, a major crisis could arise, conceivably leading to a
break-up of the
unity agreement. Or perhaps Zanu (PF) could pay the
individuals itself: it
is suddenly flush with money thanks to the looting of
a rich new alluvial
diamond field at Chiyadza, in the Marangi area on the
Mozambique border.
The officials Tsvangirai lists as having been
illegally appointed are: the
governor of the Reserve Bank, Gideon Gono,
appointed unilaterally by Mugabe
on November 26 2008; the attorney-general,
Johannes Tomana, appointed on
December 17 2008; a new police service
commission appointed in March this
year; five judges appointed on May 20;
six ambassadors appointed on July 24;
and now the 10 provincial
governors.
Tsvangirai said that as executive prime minister of Zimbabwe,
he would be
advising the countries to which the six ambassadors have been
posted that
their appointments are illegal and therefore null and
void.
This could result in those countries refusing to accept their
credentials.
Tsvangirai also said Mugabe had told him at their meeting
that he would
never swear in the MDC's Roy Bennett as deputy minister of
agriculture, as
again required in terms of the GPA, which allocated cabinet
posts to the
different parties in terms of the negotiated agreement. Mugabe
has refused
for more than two years to swear in Bennett, who has faced a
number of
trumped-up charges brought by the controversial Tomana only to
have the
courts throw them out.
Only a few months ago, Mugabe said in
an international television interview
that he would swear in Bennett if he
was acquitted, but he has not done so.
He said the same to the 15-member
Southern African Development Community
(Sadc), which is supposed to
guarantee compliance with the GPA but has so
far appeared to be a toothless
guardian.
"The matter of Roy Bennett has now become a personal vendetta
and part of a
racist agenda," Tsvangirai said in a statement at the
weekend.
On the unilateral appointments, he added: "These are simply the
most obvious
and most high-profile breaches of the constitution and the laws
of
Zimbabwe."
The MDC reckons only 10 of the 27 line items in the
GPA have been
implemented in the two-and-a-half years since the agreement
was signed. Of
the 27 outstanding items, 24 have been the subject of special
agreements
between the heads of the signatory parties - but they remain
unfulfilled.
At its last summit in Windhoek two months ago, the Sadc
countries insisted
that the 24 items be implemented within 30 days. But the
deadline has passed
and nothing has been done.
Now we have Mugabe's
latest and most blatant defiance of the regional
alliance.
What will
Sadc do about it? The organisation's international credibility is
so
diminished that expectations must be regarded as minimal. It is really up
to
S A , as the regional superpower and the country most closely affected by
conditions in Zimbabwe, to give the organisation some spine.
Everyone
realised when president Thabo Mbeki was in power that he was so in
awe of
Mugabe's iconic status in Africa that there was no prospect of his
getting
tough with the arrogant old bully.
But there were hopes that when
President Jacob Zuma took over, S A 's stance
would stiffen, particularly in
light of Zanu (PF)'s humiliating treatment of
his alliance partner, the
Congress of South African Trade Unions, when that
organisation was
unceremoniously thrown out of Zimbabwe when it tried to
visit its fellow
unionists in October 2004 and again in February 2005.
But no. Zuma's
congenital indecision on every critical issue confronting S A
appears to
extend to Zimbabwe as well. And the Zimbabwe issue is indeed
critical to us.
Although economic conditions have improved for a few in the
upper echelons
of Zimbabwean society, two-thirds of its population are still
living on less
than 1 a day. At least 2-million of its people are on the
edge of
starvation.
Given our own unacceptable unemployment figures, that
presents a continuing
threat to our social security.
Reports from
Zimbabwe indicate it is facing the worst crop failure in its
history, not
because of drought, as Mugabe claims, but because of
unproductive farming
resulting from his reckless land-distribution policies.
We already have
more than 3-million Zimbabwe refugees here. More, many more,
are going to
come - and no amount of regulation or certification is going to
stop them.
That points to the danger of more xenophobic and other social
unrest.
Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan says we need a sustained 7%
growth rate to
reduce our unemployment numbers - indeed to prevent them from
getting worse
exponentially. A real economic recovery in Zimbabwe, a proven
mining and
agricultural jewel of a country, could revive the whole
subcontinent, make
Sadc a boom region as Latin America is becoming. S A , as
the engine of the
region, could prosper as Brazil is.
But not as long
as Zimbabwe continues to be a suppurating sore in our midst.
It doesn't
require much to sort out the problem. All Zuma needs to do is to
tell Mugabe
firmly that if he doesn't implement all those outstanding GPA
issues right
now, and ensure that Zimbabwe holds genuinely free and fair
elections before
the end of next year - which Sadc is going to monitor
closely from six
months in advance - SA and all other Sadc members won't
recognise an
election that doesn't pass its scrutiny or any government that
emerges from
it.
That would stop Mugabe in his tracks.
- Sparks is a veteran
journalist and political analyst.
The Solidarity Peace Trust today launched a new initiative - the
Zimbabwe Review. A series of essays posted in this new section
on their website are designed to stimulate debate and discussion around key
Zimbabwean themes. The Trust circulated one of these essays today: The
Elephant in the Room: A Critical Reflection on Race in Zimbabwe's Protracted
Crisis by Dr James Muzondidya is available on the SPT website. Please visit
the link to read the article and join the discussion by sharing your thoughts on
the issues raised in the essay. More from SPT:
Over the past month the Trust has placed a series of essays on various aspects of Zimbabwean politics on its website. The aim of this initiative is to open up the intellectual debates on current politics in the country, and to provide more extended discussions around key issues of central concern to the Trust, such as the Constitutional Debate, Transitional Justice, Human Rights issues, National Healing, Security Sector Reform and broader debates on development questions. Thus far we have featured a numbers of articles in these areas by Zimbabwean intellectuals, who have agreed to provide short versions of their more extended research as a way of both contributing to the debates and signaling ongoing work in various areas and covering different disciplines.
SPT has decided to include such interventions under a new section of the website known as the Zimbabwe Review. Essays available include:
We will continue to solicit selected pieces on a range of subjects from individuals working in various fields, in the hope of providing informed opinions on key issues confronting contemporary Zimbabwean politics, and in the hope of eliciting responses from readers plugged in to such debates. It is our intention that the content and tone of such inputs will contribute to a national debate and avoid narrowly party political positions, without conceding a commitment to the broader principles of democratization.
The contents of the Review will be in addition to the already widely read, detailed reports that SPT continues to release in the course of the year. It is our hope that the Review will provide a forum for a discerning readership in search of summary positions based on existing or ongoing research in different spheres. We look forward to such contributions and the responses to them.
Solidarity Peace Trust The Elephant in the Room: A Critical
Reflection on Race in Zimbabwe’s Protracted Crisis By James Muzondidya, Research Manager – Zimbabwe Institute This essay is part of a new initiative by the Trust that aims to open up the intellectual debates on current politics in the country, and to provide more extended discussions around key issues of central concern to the Trust, such as the Constitutional Debate, Transitional Justice, Human Rights issues, National Healing, Security Sector Reform and broader debates on development questions. We invite you to participate in discussion stimulated by this article by following this link and submitting comments on this, or other essays included in a new section on our website known as the Zimbabwe Review. You may also respond via email: please send your comments to discussion@solidaritypeacetrust.org. Please note that some comments may be selected for publication on our website alongside the article to further stimulate debate. Introduction One of the fundamental problems with both domestic and international efforts to resolve Zimbabwe’s protracted political question is their failure to appreciate the significance of race in the whole question. Preoccupied with highlighting the ruling ZANU PF’s governance failures, its authoritarianism, violation of human rights and lack of respect for democracy as well as ascertaining the party’s culpability for the economic collapse of Zimbabwe, domestic and international opponents of ZANU PF have both failed to grapple with the racial complexities of the Zimbabwean crisis and to understand why Zimbabwe’s seemingly straightforward political challenge has taken so long to resolve. At the same time, both critics and admirers of ZANU PF have not managed to explain why ZANU PF has remained in power for so long when all the political and economic odds seem to be against it. Coercion or Consent or a Mixture of Both: The Resonance of Race in Zimbabwe’s Politics In their attempt to explain ZANU PF’s prolonged stay in power, most analysts have argued that that the party’s hold over power, especially from 2000 onwards, has been achieved simply through coercion and not consent because ZANU PF had completely lost all forms of popular support (Blair 2002; Meredith 2002; Makumbe 2009). According to these written critiques of ZANU PF’s populist politics, the party’s violence against the population, especially after its near electoral defeat of 2000, demonstrates this lack of popular support for both ZANU PF and its ‘exhausted racial nationalism’ which, according to these accounts, has lost both popular legitimacy and appeal in contemporary Zimbabwe (Bond 2001; Bond and Manyanya 2002; Campbell 2003 & 2008; Scarnerchia, et. al 2008). Others have suggested that while ZANU PF’s political support inside the country has been maintained through executive lawlessness and mobilization of violence, its support abroad has been sustained through the misreading by its supporters of the relationship between the current populist politics and the older ideologies of pan-Africanism and race-defined liberation politics (Scarnerchia 2006). Whilst it is undeniable that ZANU PF’s prolonged stay in power, particularly after 2000, has been maintained through authoritarianism, violence and coercion, many other factors, including the weaknesses in the domestic opposition movement, explain its continued hold over power. Also significantly important in explaining ZANU PF’s continued hold over power as well as shaping the nature and form of Zimbabwe’s political conflict, especially its protracted nature, is the failure to deal effectively with the questions of race, particularly the unresolved legacies of racial polarisation and inequalities in this former white settler colony. First, although political and economic problems around issues of governance, democracy, authoritarianism and the economic meltdown of the 1990s helped to spark the Zimbabwe Crisis, the unresolved racial inequalities in the economy, especially in land ownership and utilization, partly contributed to the crisis. Second, once Zimbabwe started experiencing political and economic upheavals in the 1990s, the crisis assumed racial dimensions mainly because there were unresolved issues of race in post-independence Zimbabwe. Third, because of the unresolved colonial legacies of racial prejudice and inequalities, it was easier for the incumbent government to use both land and race for political mobilization and scapegoating when it found itself confronted with mounting popular pressure. At the same time, by both projecting the Zimbabwe Crisis as a racial problem and casting the opposition as ‘stooges of local white farmers and the imperial West’, the incumbent government has been able to occidentalize an internal problem while simultaneously positioning itself as an African nationalist government defending Zimbabwean national interests at home and black people’s rights and dignity across the globe. By projecting the crisis in this manner, the incumbent government has not only been able to win ideological support from some quarters of the marginalised world but also to retain some level of political legitimacy both internally and externally. More fundamentally, Zimbabwe’s political crisis has become protracted mainly because the ruling ZANU PF has successfully utilized the emotive issue of race to mobilize support internally, regionally and internationally, while both the opposition and external critics of ZANU PF have underestimated the power of race in building support for ZANU PF and in polarizing political opinion on Zimbabwe. Opportunistically capitalizing on the power of race in the post-colony, particularly in a former white settler state such as Zimbabwe which, like the other former settler colonies of South Africa and Namibia, had not managed to resolve the legacies of racism and racial inequalities in the economy and land ownership, ZANU PF has been able to articulate the Zimbabwean political crisis as a racial issue whose solution can only be found in addressing issues of racial domination and inequalities. Also conscious of the historical and contemporary contestations around postcolonial redress and the native-settler dialectic in postcolonial Africa in general, from the late 1990s ZANU PF slowly began to redirect popular anger towards its government and capital [foreign and white-dominated] by focusing on the unresolved questions of belonging, citizenship and economic rights and appealing to notions of exclusive black nationalism. It skilfully shifted the political debate about Zimbabwe into a more complicated ‘native-settler question’- a debate that has proved difficult to resolve in many other African countries with large numbers of non-autochthonous immigrant groups, such as South Africa; Rwanda, Angola, Uganda, Ivory Coast and the Democratic Republic of Congo (Mamdani 2001; 2005; Nzongola-Ntalaja 2004; Malaquis 2000; Sall 2004; Habib and Bentley 2008). The ZANU PF mobilization strategy of shifting the debate about Zimbabwe to the ‘native-settler question’ and deploying the discourse of nativism has helped it to connect with some segments of the population, especially the older generations with fresh memories of colonialism. The 2004 Afrobarometer survey of political opinion in Zimbabwe, for instance, found out that while MDC was attractive to the younger voters, ZANU PF tended to draw the old (Chikwanha, Sithole and Bratton 2004). ZANU PF, to a certain extent, has also managed to win the hearts and souls of many Zimbabweans across the political divide by locating the land question within its discourse of postcolonial redress. For a large proportion of the Zimbabwean population in overpopulated rural areas and living adjacent to large commercial farms owned by whites, the ZANU PF rhetoric about the ‘return of the land to its rightful owners’ has a popular resonance (Scoones 2008; Moyo 2009; Ndlovu-Gatsheni 2009). Indeed, the politics of nativism increasingly articulated by ZANU PF from the late 1990s onward are rhetorical politics designed to conceal the party’s own policy shortcomings, authoritarianism and elite accumulation project (Ndlovu-Gatsheni 2009; Raftopoulos 2006; Scarnechia et al 2008; Hammar 2009). However, such rhetorical, racial politics has enabled ZANU PF to connect with broader sections of the Zimbabwean population inside and outside the country, particularly the many Zimbabweans who recognize the unfair balance of ownership of land and other important economic resources between blacks and whites. The voting patterns in all the national elections from 2000, especially the March 2008 election, which was relatively free compared to all previous elections since 1980 (ZESN 2008), to a large extent, show some correlation between the ZANU PF rhetoric about land and its popularity. While most urbanites consistently voted against ZANU PF from 2000, most rural residents, particularly resettled peasants, have voted ZANU PF (Alexander and Raftopoulos 2005: 4-23; ZESN 2002; 2005; Zimbabwe Peace Project 2008). ZANU PF’s post-2000 electoral victories among rural residents have indeed been achieved partly through electoral fraud and the deployment of violence and coercion in the rural areas, easier to police than the urban areas and also suffering from the legacy of a concentration of Zimbabwe’s electoral violence since independence in 1980 (Moyo 1992; ZESN 2002; 2005; 2008). However, ZANU PF’s electoral victory in rural areas has not been achieved through intimidation alone. Anecdotal evidence from opinion polls and discussions with rural residents suggest that some of its support in these rural areas is based on voluntary support. Even in the urban areas, where ZANU PF’s political legitimacy has been increasingly questioned from several fronts since the early 1990s, its ‘essentialist race’ message has managed to develop a broader appeal to some workers experiencing the negative effects of Zimbabwe’s colour-coded capital. Despite its dramatic loss of support among urbanites after 2000, reflected in its poor showing in all the elections between 2000 and 2008, ZANU PF has retained some significant levels of support among various urban social groups, including workers, musicians, students and intellectuals, who have bought into its politics of nativism and empowerment of the workers. Through their own initiative or the support of government, popular urban musicians and actors, for instance, have popularised ZANU ideologies and politics by composing and performing songs in praise of ZANU PF and its fast track land redistribution programme- the ‘Hondo Yeminda [War for Land/Fast Track] musicians(Chikowero, forthcoming). The ZANU PF message about racial politics has also been provided the much needed ideological backing by urban intellectuals, including university lecturers, independent researchers, writers and journalists, whose motives for supporting ZANU PF vary from ideological beliefs to the party’s patronage system which guarantees benefits to its supporters. These intellectuals, dismissed by critics as ‘patriotic intellectuals’, have become the party’s vital organic intellectuals who defend and rationalise its nativist politics and ideology inside the country and abroad through their writings and conference addresses. The ZANU PF message on race and Zimbabwean supra-nationalism has also resonated strongly among Zimbabweans living abroad, especially those in South Africa, Europe and America who, like other African migrants, have to deal with being black in countries where issues of race and racism are still serious problems and have to develop defensive nationalism as a coping mechanism (Muzondidya 2010). This defensive nationalism, triggered by a combination of discrimination and the emotional void created by being away from home, has led some Zimbabweans abroad, even those who did not support the incumbent government, to develop a positive image of Zimbabwe and everything Zimbabwean and to be defensive about Zimbabwe and its government, especially when outsiders make generalisations about their country. It has also led others to embrace (temporarily or permanently) ZANU PF’s politics of race. The resonance of the race message among Zimbabweans has even been felt within the political opposition, characterized by Mugabe and ZANU as a foreign white creation (Raftopoulos 2006). Having initially committed itself to the politics of non-racialism and having embraced whites in its structures and activities at its inception, the issue of race created strains within the MDC as some activists began to complain about the predominance of whites in certain leading positions (MDC 2005). It was therefore not surprising that the MDC, when confronted with the problematic legacies of racism and racial inequalities in post-settler society, began to adopt a much more cautious and sensitive approach towards issues of race and white representation in its activities (Raftopoulos 2005). Under the strain of trying to find its own space and voice within a context where it was characterized as an extension of foreign white forces, the MDC has thus not only had difficulties dealing with issues of representation of Zimbabwean whites and other minorities in the party’s leadership position (Raftopoulos 2006) but also maintaining an open relationship with its donors and supporters in the West (Makunike 2008). Race and International Responses to the Zimbabwe Crisis The language of race and anti-imperialism has played particularly well on the African continent and other parts of the Third World where ZANU PF has received support partly because it has managed to articulate the political conflict to a broad anti-imperialist audience by mobilizing the language of subalternism both to define the conflict and to mobilize support (Raftopoulos and Phimister 2004; Raftopoulos 2006). Conscious of the anti-imperialist and anti-racist sentiments among marginalized people across the world, ZANU PF ideologues have tried to conceal their authoritarianism and responsibility for the crisis by appealing to the language of postcolonial redress, black nationalism, anti-imperialism and pan-Africanism to project their government as a victim of an imperialist, Western plot designed to punish black Zimbabweans for having stood up to the interests of white capital and racism. The party’s propagandists deployed inside and outside the country have also skilfully tried to link every problem in Zimbabwe to international sanctions by the European Union and the USA (Phimister and Raftopoulos 2004). The West’s ‘clumsy reaction’ to the Zimbabwe crisis has helped to bolster ZANU PF’ claims that it is a victim of Western hegemonic designs. The West’s ‘clumsy’ response to the Zimbabwe crisis has manifested itself in the British government’s abrasive denial of responsibilities for colonial injustices in Zimbabwe, the imposition of targeted sanctions on the government of Zimbabwe by the US, Australia, Canada and the European Union, and offering of open support to the opposition in Zimbabwe (Phimister and Raftopoulos 2004; Makunike 2008). At the same time, the Western governments’ repeated verbal attacks on the Zimbabwean government, delivered in the arrogant language of imperial hegemony, has helped to divide international public opinion on the Zimbabwe crisis in a way that has complicated international intervention efforts in Zimbabwe. In Southern Africa, for instance, all the powerful regional actors, South Africa, Angola, Mozambique and Namibia, partly resentful of Western attempts to dictate orders, have solidly supported the ZANU PF government while countries like Botswana have taken a more critical but cautious stance. The reasons for this support are indeed complex, ranging from economic interests at stake to historical ties and solidarities forged during the anti-colonial struggle (Phimister and Raftopoulos 2004). However, the resentment to Western attempts to dictate positions on African leaders, in a region pregnant with memories of racial domination and supremacy, has led many African governments to support the Zimbabwean government, even though they disagree with some of its repressive and partisan politics. Though increasingly unpopular and repressive at home, through some orchestrated articulation of racial politics, the ZANU PF government has somehow managed to develop a populist appeal among some marginalized groups around the world by successfully mobilizing the language of race and positioning itself as the champion of ‘mass justice.’ The same posturing has enabled it to maintain ideological backing among some Zimbabweans who, in spite of their continued economic suffering under the crisis, cannot disagree with its articulations on racial inequalities and prejudice. As scholars like Sam Moyo, Paris Yeros, Ian Scoones and Mahmood Mahmood Mamdani have all correctly observed, Mugabe’s land reform measures, however harsh, has won him considerable popularity, not just in Zimbabwe but throughout southern Africa, particularly among those who see his government’s action as an attempt to deal with unresolved long term historical grievances (Mamdani 2008; Moyo and Yeros 2007; Scoones 2008). Explaining the Power of Race in Post-colonial Zimbabwe What has helped to make race a powerful tool for mobilization in post-2000 Zimbabwe are not simply the visible and salient racial inequalities among Zimbabweans but the concerns about the legacies of colonialism and racialism in the region as well as Third World grievances about the continued dominance and marginalization of the South under globalization. The mobilization of race as a legitimizing force or mobilizing idiom in Zimbabwe occurred against a background of unresolved long term historical economic grievances which included racial inequalities in the control and ownership of land and the economy (Hammar and Raftopoulos 2003; Mlambo 2005; S. Moyo 2000). Throughout the 1980s and early 1990s, white farmers had been reluctant to relinquish their colonially inherited control over land and there had been little radical reform or structural change in the Zimbabwean economy which had remained in foreign hands, especially British and South African-based multinational corporations, and some local whites (Stoneman 1988). The predominance of foreign-owned companies in the productive sectors of the economy meant that locals continued to be excluded. In the absence of concerted pressure for justice and economic reform from the impoverished masses in the 1980s when the economy was performing well and social obligations were being met, both government and privileged whites were lulled into a false sense of political and economic security and did not do much at all during the first decades of independence to address the inherited racial imbalances in wealth between blacks and whites. The government’s indigenisation policies were not coherently defined and were implemented half-heartedly (Raftopoulos 1996; Raftopoulos and Compagnon, 2003), while many privileged whites, acknowledging their loss of political primacy, focused on maintaining their economic status (Huyse 2003). The behaviour of many white Zimbabweans continued to be influenced by what both Ranger and Mandaza have described as the legacy of ‘settler culture’- a standardised mode of behaviour and thought which tenuously held the position of the white community’s predominance over blacks and perpetual domination of natives by white settlers through settlers’ virtual monopoly over political and legal institutions, coercive control over the labour and livelihoods of Africans (Mandaza 1986; Ranger forthcoming). Influenced by the legacy of settler culture, many white Zimbabweans made no efforts to reform their political attitudes towards their black compatriots or to contribute to nation building (Godwin 1984; Godwin and Hancock 1993). Notwithstanding the significant role played by many whites who remained in Zimbabwe after independence, many whites had withdrawn into their ‘racial enclaves’ (Godwin 1984). While some whites, especially the younger generation, were socially proactive and integrated, many maintained their isolation and ‘largely abdicated from actively engaging in the process of nation building’ (K. Alexander 2004). As Selby has written in respect of white commercial farmers, ‘The white community’s visible affluence and continued social isolation, which amplified during structural adjustment, provided a target and a catalyst for anti-white sentiment. An independent consultant identified the racial exclusiveness of the CFU [Commercial Farmers Union] as their biggest weakness and greatest threat. Racism among some whites was still prevalent and mounting scepticism among farmers towards government was often explained through condescending cultural perspectives (Selby 2006). Two decades after independence, there had been little integration in schools, sports, residences and other spaces of social contact. In the urban areas, for instance, some responded to black suburban encroachment by creating alternative spaces where they continued to keep to themselves, ‘retreat from public life into the laager of sports club, home entertaining and the video’ (Godwin 1984). In Harare, affluent whites reacted to the post-independence movement of blacks into previously white-only areas such as Mabelreign and Avondale by withdrawing to more exclusive suburbs like Mount Pleasant, Glen Lorne and Borrowdale; their counterparts in Bulawayo acted similarly by moving into areas like Suburbs (Kilgore, 2009: 19-30, 92-105; Pickard-Cambridge 1988: 1-13; Financial Gazette, 30 December 1999). In clubs, diners and restaurants, separation was enforced through practices such as membership-based admission. In the educational sector, some white parents responded to the government’s de-racialization of education and the admission of blacks into formerly white-only (Group A) schools by building new, independent schools whose fee structures were designed to exclude the majority of children from middle- and low-income black families. Lack of social integration was similarly experienced in sport, especially in the formerly white codes of rugby and cricket, where issues of transformation continued to be a problem through to 2000 and beyond. The above social and economic context, in a way, provided ZANU PF with the space and opportunity it needed to turn race into a powerful mobilization idiom when it found itself against mounting pressure from the masses. The organization was able to mobilize on the basis of race partly because of Zimbabwe’s failure to deracialize the economy and society following the end of colonial rule. As in the colonial period, race had continued to shape and influence the economic, social, and political life of post-independence Zimbabwe. Race had continued to matter for most Zimbabweans, mainly because it remained embedded the social, economic and political structures of the country. Though removed from the country’s legal system, it remained the modality through which life was experienced. This is the basic point that explains how and why ZANU PF was able to mobilize successfully on the basis of racial politics at this particular point in time- 20 years after the dismantling of colonial rule and its racialized structures of power. Regrettably, this fundamental point has been missed or skirted by the plethora of analyses of post-2000 Zimbabwean politics and critiques of ZANU PF’s racial politics. Conclusion I have argued that the failure to resolve the colonial legacies of racial divisions and inequalities helped to shape the nature and character of the Zimbabwe crisis as well as prolong its resolution. First, the continued existence of deep racial inequalities and racial prejudice in Zimbabwe, two decades after the end of colonial rule, enabled the incumbent ZANU PF to mobilise the political idiom of race to defend its control of the state by blaming all its weaknesses and failure to deliver on social and political demands on white control over the land and the economy. Opportunistically mobilizing on the rhetoric of race and land, ZANU PF has been able to articulate the Zimbabwean crisis as a racial issue whose solution could only be found in addressing issues of racial domination and inequalities. While repression and coercion have been important aspects of ZANU PF rule, the rhetoric on race and land has been its political draw-card. Second, by mobilizing on the basis of race, an increasingly repressive and waning ZANU PF has not only been able to rally a significant proportion of the masses in Zimbabwe behind it but also to build its political legitimacy inside the country and abroad. Third and most imporatntly, the insensitivity to, and inability to deal with, issues of race and racial domination within both the domestic and international opposition movements has helped not only to internationalize the Zimbabwe crisis but also to prolong its resolution as the issue has polarized regional and international opinion. The above observations, regrettably, are some of the disconcerting but greatest lessons of the Zimbabwe crisis which have been avoided or silenced by most intellectual and academic debates on the crisis. A full version of this argument is found in my journal article- ‘The Zimbabwean Crisis and the Unresolved Conundrum of Race in the Post-colonial Period’, in Journal of Developing Societies, Vol. 26, 1, 2010, pp. 5-38. This article is archived on our website at: http://www.solidaritypeacetrust.org/834/the-elephant-in-the-room-a-critical-reflection-on-race-in-zimbabwe%E2%80%99s-protracted-crisis/. |
PEACE
WATCH 11/2010
[12th October 2010]
STOP
PRESS
Please sign the petition to stop sexual violence in conflict and
ensure that women are part of peace talks that affect their
lives
Women and girls hardly ever fight the
world's wars, but they often suffer the most. Increasingly, they are the direct
targets of fighting, when sexual violence is deliberately used as a tactic of
warfare. And yet fewer than 8 percent of the people who negotiate peace deals
are women, and only about three dozen individuals have been convicted and jailed
by international war crimes tribunals for committing or commanding widespread
sexual violence. Sexual violence in conflict is NOT inevitable. It can be
stopped. Ten years ago, in its landmark resolution 1325, the United Nations
Security Council called for women's full and equal participation in all elements
of peacemaking, and for prevention of this kind of violence. But implementation
of this historic resolution has been too slow.
The Petition
[This
petition is sent out by the UNIFEM Say NO – UNiTE to End Violence against Women
Campaign]
Make Women
Count for Peace
Add your name to this petition and
ask your government to support three steps to implement Security Council
resolution 1325:
·
Prosecute
those who command and/or commit sexual violence and exclude them from armies and
police forces after conflict.
·
Ensure
that women participate in peace negotiations and all post-conflict
decision-making institutions.
·
Increase
the number of women in troops, police forces and civilians within international
peacekeeping efforts.
Appeal from the Say No
Team
Dear Friends,
We have 2 weeks left
to impress the UN Security Council with a strong call to end sexual violence in
conflict and ensure that women are part of peace talks that affect their
lives.
Take a stand
today:
sign the petition
before October
21, urging governments to implement
UN Security Council Resolution 1325 that
ensures women’s participation in peace-building.
In today’s wars, ninety percent of casualties are
civilians, and women and children suffer the most. Increasingly, they are direct
targets of sexual violence. Yet among peace negotiators, women average at less
than 8 percent. As a result, their needs and priorities are
sidelined.
You can make a difference!
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Again for those without
Internet access, below is the full text of Resolution 1325 (2000)
Resolution 1325 (2000) Adopted by the
Security Council at its 4213th meeting, on 31 October 2000
The Security Council,
Recalling its resolutions 1261 (1999) of 25
August 1999, 1265 (1999) of 17 September 1999, 1296 (2000) of 19 April 2000 and
1314 (2000) of 11 August 2000, as well as relevant statements of its President,
and recalling also the statement of its President to the press on the occasion
of the United Nations Day for Women’s Rights and International Peace
(International Women’s Day) of 8 March 2000 (SC/6816),
Recalling also the commitments of the Beijing
Declaration and Platform for Action (A/52/231) as well as those contained in the
outcome document of the twenty-third Special Session of the United Nations
General Assembly entitled “Women 2000: Gender Equality, Development and Peace
for the Twenty-First Century” (A/S-23/10/Rev.1), in particular those concerning
women and armed conflict,
Bearing in mind the purposes and principles of the
Charter of the United Nations and the primary responsibility of the Security
Council under the Charter for the maintenance of international peace and
security,
Expressing concern that civilians, particularly women and
children, account for the vast majority of those adversely affected by armed
conflict, including as refugees and internally displaced persons, and
increasingly are targeted by combatants and armed elements, and recognizing the consequent impact this has on
durable peace and reconciliation,
Reaffirming the important role of women in the
prevention and resolution of conflicts and in peace-building, and stressing the
importance of their equal participation and full involvement in all efforts for
the maintenance and promotion of peace and security, and the need to increase
their role in decision-making with regard to conflict prevention and resolution,
Reaffirming also the need to implement fully
international humanitarian and human rights law that protects the rights of
women and girls during and after conflicts,
Emphasizing the need for all parties to ensure
that mine clearance and mine awareness programmes take into account the special
needs of women and girls,
Recognizing the urgent need to mainstream a
gender perspective into peacekeeping operations, and in this regard noting the
Windhoek Declaration and the Namibia Plan of Action on Mainstreaming a Gender
Perspective in Multidimensional Peace Support Operations
(S/2000/693),
Recognizing also the importance of the
recommendation contained in the statement of its President to the press of 8
March 2000 for specialized training for all peacekeeping personnel on the
protection, special needs and human rights of women and children in conflict
situations,
Recognizing that an understanding of the impact
of armed conflict on women and girls, effective institutional arrangements to
guarantee their protection and full participation in the peace process can
significantly contribute to the maintenance and promotion of international peace
and security,
Noting the need to consolidate data on the
impact of armed conflict on women and girls,
1. Urges Member States to ensure increased
representation of women at all decision-making levels in national, regional and
international institutions and mechanisms for the prevention, management, and
resolution of conflict;
2. Encourages the Secretary-General to implement
his strategic plan of action (A/49/587) calling for an increase in the
participation of women at decision making levels in conflict resolution and
peace processes;
3. Urges the Secretary-General to appoint
more women as special representatives and envoys to pursue good offices on his
behalf, and in this regard calls on Member States to provide candidates to the
Secretary-General, for inclusion in a regularly updated centralized roster;
4. Further urges the Secretary-General to seek to
expand the role and contribution of women in United Nations field-based
operations, and especially among military observers, civilian police, human
rights and humanitarian personnel;
5. Expresses its willingness to incorporate a
gender perspective into peacekeeping operations, and urges the Secretary-General to ensure
that, where appropriate, field operations include a gender component;
6. Requests the Secretary-General to provide to
Member States training guidelines and materials on the protection, rights and
the particular needs of women, as well as on the importance of involving women
in all peacekeeping and peacebuilding measures, invites Member States to incorporate these
elements as well as HIV/AIDS awareness training into their national training
programmes for military and civilian police personnel in preparation for
deployment, and further requests the Secretary-General to ensure that
civilian personnel of peacekeeping operations receive similar training;
7. Urges Member States to increase their
voluntary financial, technical and logistical support for gender-sensitive
training efforts, including those undertaken by relevant funds and programmes,
inter alia, the United Nations Fund for Women and United Nations Children’s
Fund, and by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and
other relevant bodies;
8. Calls on all actors involved, when
negotiating and implementing peace agreements, to adopt a gender perspective,
including, inter alia:
(a) The special needs of women and
girls during repatriation and resettlement and for rehabilitation, reintegration
and post-conflict reconstruction; (b) Measures that support local women’s peace
initiatives and indigenous processes for conflict resolution, and that involve
women in all of the implementation mechanisms of the peace agreements;
(c) Measures that ensure the
protection of and respect for human rights of women and girls, particularly as
they relate to the constitution, the electoral system, the police and the
judiciary;
9. Calls upon all parties to armed conflict to
respect fully international law applicable to the rights and protection of women
and girls, especially as civilians, in particular the obligations applicable to
them under the Geneva Conventions of 1949 and the Additional Protocols thereto
of 1977, the Refugee Convention of 1951 and the Protocol thereto of 1967, the
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women of
1979 and the Optional Protocol thereto of 1999 and the United Nations Convention
on the Rights of the Child of 1989 and the two Optional Protocols thereto of 25
May 2000, and to bear in mind the relevant provisions of the Rome Statute of the
International Criminal Court;
10. Calls on all parties to armed conflict to
take special measures to protect women and girls from gender-based violence,
particularly rape and other forms of sexual abuse, and all other forms of
violence in situations of armed conflict;
11. Emphasizes the responsibility of all States to
put an end to impunity and to prosecute those responsible for genocide, crimes
against humanity, and war crimes including those relating to sexual and other
violence against women and girls, and in this regard stresses the need to exclude these crimes,
where feasible from amnesty provisions;
12. Calls upon all parties to armed conflict to
respect the civilian and humanitarian character of refugee camps and
settlements, and to take into account the particular needs of women and girls,
including in their design, and recalls its resolutions 1208 (1998) of 19
November 1998 and 1296 (2000) of 19 April 2000;
13. Encourages all those involved in the planning
for disarmament, demobilization and reintegration to consider the different
needs of female and male ex-combatants and to take into account the needs of
their dependants;
14. Reaffirms its readiness, whenever measures are
adopted under Article 41 of the Charter of the United Nations, to give
consideration to their potential impact on the civilian population, bearing in
mind the special needs of women and girls, in order to consider appropriate
humanitarian exemptions;
15. Expresses its willingness to ensure that
Security Council missions take into account gender considerations and the rights
of women, including through consultation with local and international women’s
groups;
16. Invites the Secretary-General to carry out a
study on the impact of armed conflict on women and girls, the role of women in
peace-building and the gender dimensions of peace processes and conflict
resolution, and further invites him to submit a report to the Security Council
on the results of this study and to make this available to all Member States of
the United Nations;
17. Requests the Secretary-General, where
appropriate, to include in his reporting to the Security Council progress on
gender mainstreaming throughout peacekeeping missions and all other aspects
relating to women and girls;
18. Decides to remain actively seized of the
matter.
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to ensure reliable information, but cannot take legal responsibility for
information supplied.