Reuters
Mon 20 Oct 2008, 18:28
GMT
By Muchena Zigomo
MBABANE (Reuters) - An emergency summit to
try to end a deadlock in the
formation of a unity government in Zimbabwe has
been postponed until Oct.
27, the Southern African Development Community
(SADC) said on Monday.
The 15-nation regional body announced the delay in
a statement in Swaziland,
which was to host the meeting between Zimbabwe
President Robert Mugabe,
leaders of the opposition MDC and representatives
from South Africa and
three other nations.
The summit was
postponed after Morgan Tsvangirai, the head of the MDC,
refused to attend,
citing the Zimbabwe government's failure to provide him
with a new passport.
Tsvangirai is unable to travel on his old passport
because all the pages are
full.
"(MDC) President Tsvangirai was supposed to attend, but due to some
technical problems he could not attend," Swaziland King Mswati III told
reporters in Mbabane. "That is why the meeting is being
postponed."
The summit will move to Harare, said Mswati, who had offered
to send a
private jet to Zimbabwe earlier on Monday to fetch Tsvangirai. The
MDC
leader spurned the offer and demanded that he be issued a new passport
before making the trip.
The diplomatic snag followed weeks of
fruitless negotiations over the
allocation of cabinet positions in a unity
government, which was agreed
between Mugabe, Tsvangirai and the leader of a
breakaway MDC faction last
month.
Tsvangirai, who would become prime
minister under the deal, has accused
Mugabe's ZANU-PF of trying to grab the
most important ministries and
relogating the MDC to the role of junior
partner in the government.
The talks, which are taking place under SADC
mediation, are seen as critical
to any effort to solve Zimbabwe's deep
economic crisis. The country's
inflation rate has hit 231 million percent
and it suffers widespread
shortages of food, fuel and currency.
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/
Zimbabwe's opposition sent a
pointed message to President Robert Mugabe by
choosing to boycott a southern
African summit designed to rescue the country's
power-sharing
agreement.
By Peta Thornycroft in Harare and Sebastien Berger in
Johannesburg
Last Updated: 8:15PM BST 20 Oct 2008
Morgan
Tsvangirai, the leader of the Movement for Democratic Change and
Zimbabwe's
prime minister designate, could not attend the gathering in
Swaziland
because the regime has declined to give him a full passport.
His
colleagues decided to stay away in protest. "We can't travel to
Swaziland
without our principal," said Tendai Biti, the MDC's chief
negotiator.
King Mswati of Swaziland, the meeting's host, offered to
send a private jet
to collect Mr Tsvangirai, but the suggestion was
rejected.
The move came as Mr Mugabe faced rare criticism from one of his
African
neighbours. The government of President Ian Khama of Botswana, one
of Africa's
few vocal critics of Zimbabwe's regime, blamed Mr Mugabe for the
collapse of
talks on forming a new cabinet. "This failure, which is a result
of one
party seeking to dominate power, cannot be allowed to go
unchallenged," read
a statement released by Botswana's foreign
ministry.
Denying Mr Tsvangirai travel documents was "totally
unacceptable and an
indication of bad faith", the statement continued.
Botswana then became only
the second African country to call for the re-run
of this year's
presidential election, which handed Mr Mugabe victory after a
campaign
costing hundreds of lives.
"The only way forward is a re-run
of the presidential election under
international supervision in order to
avoid a repetition of the violence and
political intimidation," said the
statement. Mr Khama has recommended this
course in letters to the presidents
of South Africa and Tanzania and the
United Nations secretary-general, Ban
Ki-moon.
Botswana's announcement showed that diplomatic pressure on Mr
Mugabe is
growing.
Mr Biti denounced the ruling Zanu-PF party and
called for an emergency
summit of the Southern African Development Community
(SADC), the main
regional body. "There's no reality check on the part of
Zanu-PF, there's no
readiness on the part of Zanu-PF to engage in a
co-operative government with
Morgan Tsvangirai and the MDC," he
said.
"It's time that a full extraordinary summit of SADC is reconvened
not only
to look at outstanding issues, but to say to President Mugabe
'enough is
enough'."
Zimbabwe's power-sharing deal was signed amid
huge optimism five weeks ago.
But the parties have failed to agree on a new
cabinet. Mr Mugabe has
unilaterally declared that all key posts, including
the home affairs
ministry, bringing with it the control of the police, will
go to Zanu-PF.
Mr Biti insisted that it had not been a mistake for the
MDC to sign the
agreement without first settling the division of ministries.
But the reality
is that Mr Mugabe appears determined to hold power for as
long as he can -
and SADC has never imposed significant pressure on him in
the past.
Even if it were to follow Botswana's lead and do so now, he is
likely to
resist to the last. The lengths to which the regime will go became
clear
yesterday when the Electoral Commission confirmed that the body of one
of
his officials had been recovered, four months after he
disappeared.
Ignatius Mushangwe was kidnapped by unidentified gunmen in
June. His
strangled and partially burned body was recovered in Norton,
outside Harare.
Mr Mushangwe is believed to have leaked information to the
opposition and
the media about ballot-rigging.
Mr Justice George
Chiweshe, the chairman of Electoral Commission - who was
appointed by Mr
Mugabe - declined to go into details, but confirmed the
death. "The matter
is in police hands," he said.
SABC
October 20, 2008,
18:15
Leader of Zimbabwe's opposition Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC)
faction, Professor Arthur Mutambara, has walked out of the Southern
African
Development Community (SADC) Troika meeting that is currently
underway in
Swaziland.
Mutambara says the meeting is illegitimate
without the presence of MDC
leader Morgan Tsvangirai. Earlier, Mutambara
said the SADC Heads of State in
attendance assured him that a jet would be
sent to Zimbabwe to fetch
Tsvangirai. Mutambara says unless Tsvangirai takes
part in the meeting, the
whole exercise will be futile.
Meanwhile,
Tsvangirai has refused an offer from Swaziland's king to fly him
to a
regional summit aimed at breaking an impasse in power-sharing talks, an
opposition official said today.
"I've just spoken with him. He told
King Mswati not to send the plane. He is
not coming," Roy Bennett, an
official with Tsvangirai's MDC, said.
Tsvangirai's MDC said he had not
been granted travel papers to attend the
SADC security committee meeting in
Mbabane, which was called after weeks of
fruitless negotiations over the
allocation of cabinet positions. -
Additional reporting by Reuters
10.00 Monday 20th October
2008
"I have just been advised that Morgan Tsvangirai
will not be attending the
meeting of the SADC Troika because he has not been
issued with a passport.
If this report is true I wish to make the following
statement.
In terms of the agreement reached on the 15 September
2008 Morgan Tsvangirai
is to become Prime Minister of Zimbabwe. For the past
two months Morgan
Tsvangirai has been denied a passport. In the context of
the agreement what
sort of goodwill is that? I have raised this matter with
President Mbeki
and Mugabe. We should never allow trivial matters such as
this to affect
the national interest. SADC has an opportunity to help
Zimbabweans solve
their national crisis by standing up to Mugabe's
unacceptable behaviour in
this regard.
In light of the report
I have received this morning I have demanded through
President Mbeki that the
Troika meeting be cancelled. There can be no
discussion of any value without
Morgan Tsvangirai's presence.
In the past few weeks I have ended
up being a mediator-trying to do what I
can to ensure that a credible deal be
arrived at, specifically by ensuring
that the MDC T obtains control of the
Finance and Home Affairs Ministries.
The most important thing is that we
should all have a common vision for
Zimbabwe. Pragmatism and flexibility
should force the three leaders to come
up with an acceptable
agreement.
I stress that there needs to be a tripartite
agreement. As a political
party we are not beholden either to Morgan
Tsvangirai or Robert Mugabe-we
are beholden to the suffering masses of
Zimbabwe. Just as we are opposed to
any unilateral decision by Robert Mugabe
so we will also oppose any activity
by Morgan Tsvangirai to hold the nation
to ransom. There is absolutely no
alternative to the tripartite agreement
which must be concluded urgently.
If Robert Mugabe goes ahead
unilaterally to form a government, the party
that I lead will have no part of
it. If Robert Mugabe unilaterally forms a
government we will denounce and
call for the global isolation of any such
criminal and illegitimate
government."
Professor Arthur Mutambara
Johannesburg
Airport
10am
Monday 20th October 2008
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=6146
October 20, 2008
By Our
Correpondent
HARARE - MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai has said he will not
board a private
charter plane scheduled at the behest of King Mswati III to
fly in and pick
him up in Harare after government denied him a new
passport.
Tsvangirai was issued with an emergency single-entry travel
document (ETD)
around 5 pm on Sunday, authorising travel to Mbabane,
Swaziland. The ETD did
not list South Africa, where the MDC leader was due
to connect to Mbabane
through Johannesburg.
Tsvangirai was due to
attend an emergency regional summit of the SADC troika
on Politics, Defence
and Security summoned to break a weeks-long stalemate
over the division of
cabinet posts among the contesting political parties.
Tsvangirai
indicated he was not travelling to Mbabane saying the refusal by
the Mugabe
government to issue him with a new passport smacked of bad faith
on the part
of Mugabe and contempt for Tsvangirai, the
Prime-Minister-designate of
Zimbabwe.
MDC secretary general Tendai Biti, Tsvangirai's lead
negotiator, who is
already in South Africa, said he could not proceed to
Swaziland in the
absence of his leader.
He said: "We would like to
apologise to King Mswati for this but the real
apology should come from Mr
Mugabe who is imprisoning our president in
Zimbabwe. We want an
extraordinary summit we can say, 'Enough is enough, you
cannot continue to
abuse the people of Zimbabwe.'"
Tsvangirai has repeatedly asked a new
passport after his old one expired
early this year. He has instead been
repeatedly issued with an ETD on an ad
hoc basis. This stand off reveals the
antagonism between the two leading
political protagonists in Zimbabwe
despite the power-sharing deal.
At a feedback rally in Masvingo
yesterday, Tsvangirai protested against the
refusal by government to issue
him with a new passport, stating he did not
understand how the power-sharing
agreement would work when Mugabe did not
even trust him with his own
passport.
Senior MDC officials said Monday afternoon that Tsvangirai was
not going to
the emergency summit even if King Mswati's private charter
plane flew in.
In the meantime a host of leaders were waiting for him,
including King
Mswati, Armando Guebuza of Mozambique and the Foreign
Minister of Angola.
President Mugabe and his team of negotiators together
with leader of the
breakaway MDC faction, Prof Arthur Mutambara were already
in Swaziland.
Tsvangirai's spokesman George Sibotshiwe told The Zimbabwe
Times that King
Mswati III's offer to dispatch a plane to fetch Tsvangirai
has been turned
down by the MDC leader.
"He is not getting into the
plane until he gets his passport," Sibotshiwe
said.
Mugabe's
spokesman George Charamba is quoted in the Swaziland news wires as
saying
Tsvangirai could not be issued with a new passport because of
sanctions
imposed on the Mugabe regime.
"We are waiting for him and we think he
will come. He was just playing hard
to get," Charamba told a news conference
in Mbabane. "He has been given an
emergency travel document because Zimbabwe
is running out of paper for
passports . because of sanctions."
The
Zimbabwe Times heard that the Registrar General, Tobaiwa Mudede had been
instructed to immediately process Tsvangirai's passport. Monday's meeting
was expected to hear a report by Mbeki who was expected to report back on
his failed mediation last week.
A diplomatic source said: "It will be
up to SADC to decide what happens
next. But concerted pressure needs to be
exerted on the Mugabe regime."
Mutambara is also quoted in the Swaziland
news wires saying the refusal by
government to give Tsvangirai his passport
violated his human rights.
By Tichaona
Sibanda
20 October 2008
Botswana on Monday became the first country in
the SADC region to publicly
denounce Robert Mugabe's regime for refusing to
provide MDC President Morgan
Tsvangirai with a passport.
The Foreign
Affairs Minister, Phandu Sekelemane, said if the problems of
resolving the
crisis persist, Botswana held the view that the only way
forward is a re-run
of the presidential elections under international
supervision.
Sekelemane described the failure to grant Tsvangirai a
new passport as
'unfortunate, totally unacceptable and an indication of bad
faith.'
Tsvangirai is forced to seek emergency travel documents each time he
travels, and only got his latest ETD on Sunday evening, just as Mugabe was
leaving on a chartered flight to Swaziland. The MDC claim Tsvangirai's
passport was processed long ago but is being held by officials from Mugabe's
office to block him from traveling.
'Botswana is of the view that
should the present deadlock continue without
resolution, the only viable
solution to the political impasse is for the
people of Zimbabwe to decide
who their leaders should be,' Sekelemane said.
He said further
deterioration of the political and economic situation in
Zimbabwe was
threatening regional peace, stability and economic development
and can only
increase the current suffering of the people in the
country.
SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news
By Violet Gonda
20 October 2008
An emergency
meeting of the SADC Troika on Security, to discuss the
unfolding crisis in
Zimbabwe, was jeopardised on Monday when one of the main
leaders Morgan
Tsvangirai failed to travel to the summit because he is still
being denied a
passport by the Mugabe regime. The other principals, Robert
Mugabe and
Arthur Mutambara, were able to travel to Swaziland. Tsvangirai
was only
given a three day Emergency Travel Document for Swaziland on Sunday
night.
In a sign showing a total lack of seriousness and sincerity,
Mugabe's
spokesperson George Charamba said Tsvangirai had been given an
emergency
travel document because "Zimbabwe is running out of paper for
passports ...
because of sanctions."
Arthur Mutambara, the leader of
the other MDC formation, blasted the regime
saying denying Tsvangirai a
passport was a complete violation of his rights
and showed "a total
disregard and disrespect for the dialogue process."
He said it is a
travesty of justice that the person who is going to be Prime
Minister of
Zimbabwe continues to be denied a passport.
Mutambara refused to attend
the talks at the summit saying there will be no
Troika in Swaziland without
Tsvangirai. He told SW Radio Africa: "I have
told Swaziland, the King and
the Heads of government who are here that there
will be no Troika, the
meeting won't start, there will be no discussion and
no debates on Zimbabwe
without Mr Tsvangirai."
"We are saying that SADC must not be complicit in
this criminal conduct on
the part of ZANU PF."
The regional body had
called an emergency meeting to try and break a
stalemate between the
Zimbabwean principals over the control of ministerial
posts in a power
sharing government, which hit a serious snag when Mugabe
unilaterally
gazetted a cabinet list, giving his party all the key
ministries.
Mutambara said his party will only accept a tripartite
agreement and warned:
"If Mugabe is under any illusion that he can
unilaterally declare a
government, my party will not be involved in that
government. We will
condemn and denounce that government and more
importantly we will call for
international and global isolation of the
regime."
He said Swazi's King Mswati III was going to send his personal
jet to Harare
to collect the MDC leader, "and they will make sure that
Tsvangirai gets his
passport."
The outspoken leader said: "We will
not accept any nonsense about an ETD.
No, no, no an ETD is an insult to Mr
Tsvangirai. He must get a full passport
before we can have any
discourse."
Mutambara also slammed ex-South African President Thabo Mbeki
for failing to
reign-in Mugabe over the passport issue. He said: "I told
Mugabe personally
to stop being frivolous and trivial. I told Mugabe not to
allow trivial
matters like a passport to affect our national agenda, our
national
interest. I told him in a bilateral (meeting). We also discussed
this matter
with Mbeki, Tsvangirai and myself - the four of us, and we were
given a
commitment. Mbeki is aware of this problem and for Mbeki not to sit
on
Mugabe on this matter is unacceptable."
He said Mugabe's response
was some "nonsensical issues around logistics."
Meanwhile some MDC
sources have said pressure on Mugabe is what is needed,
rather than just
sending a jet. An official added: 'A jet is more expensive
than getting a
passport." The MDC is also now calling for an extraordinary
SADC summit
which will involve the participation of all Heads of States in
Southern
Africa.
It is widely believed the latest incident has been a major
embarrassment for
SADC.
.
SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe
news
http://en.afrik.com/
The Southern African
Development Community has acknowledged in a legal
document that it widely
felt concerns that Robert Mugabe should not be
recognised as Zimbabwe's head
of state are "legitimate".
Monday 20 October 2008, by Bruce
Sibanda
Despite this, SADC has rejected a demand that it should refuse to
allow
Mugabe and his government to participate in SADC activities, as
representatives of Zimbabwe.
Today Southern African leaders
representing the regional grouping SADC hold
a summit in Swaziland to try to
help Zimbabwe's rival parties break a
deadlock in negotiations on forming a
cabinet.
Mugabe, Morgan Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara, head of the
smaller MDC
faction, are expected to join the SADC troika in Swaziland.
Thabo Mbeki will
present a report of his facilitation to the SADC leaders
before Mugabe,
Tsvangirai and Mutambara present their positions, leading to
efforts to find
a compromise.
The SADC document is a direct response
to an urgent application brought by
the Zimbabwe Exile Forum (ZEF) last week
, asking the SADC Tribunal in
Windhoek not to invite Mugabe and his
government be barred from
participating in future SADC
activities.
The ZEF said Mugabe should be barred because he had not been
legitimately
elected.
It noted that Mugabe had come second to
Movement for Democratic Change
leader Morgan Tsvangirai in the March 29
presidential election and that the
re-run election on June 27 had not taken
place within 21 days of the first
election, as was required by
law.
The ZEF said even SADC's own election-monitoring mission had decreed
that
the violence-marred environment prevailing in the June 27 elections -
which
forced Tsvangirai to withdraw - had "impinged on the credibility of
the
electoral process. The election results did not represent the will of
the
people of Zimbabwe".
The ZEF said Mugabe had not been properly
elected, was not the legitimate
head of state of Zimbabwe and should not
represent the country at SADC.
In its response, delivered to the SADC
Tribunal, the SADC secretariat said
the ZEF's concern that Mugabe be barred
from the summit "because he had not
been elected into office through a
credible process" was "legitimate".
But it was also true that SADC had
launched a process to resolve the
conflict over the elections - under former
president Thabo Mbeki - and that
this had led to a power-sharing agreement
signed by all the Zimbabwe parties
on September 15.
So the SADC
Tribunal should reject the ZEF's application, SADC said.
Priti Patel,
acting director of the South Africa-based Southern African
Litigation
Centre, said "SADC should be applauded for acknowledging that
concerns
regarding its recognition of Mugabe as head of state were
legitimate,".
"But SADC's response so far has been woefully
inadequate in ensuring a
peaceful, democratic transition in Zimbabwe."
Reuters
Mon 20 Oct
2008, 17:22 GMT
By Sue Pleming
WASHINGTON, Oct 20 (Reuters) - The
United States threatened on Monday to
impose new sanctions against
Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe if he
reneges on a power-sharing deal
with the country's opposition.
A robust U.S. sanctions package is already
in place against Mugabe, but
State Department spokesman Robert Wood said
more punitive measures were
possible if Mugabe did not negotiate "in good
faith" with opposition leader
Morgan Tsvangirai.
"Should Mugabe
renege on this power-sharing agreement, the United States is
prepared to
impose additional sanctions," he told reporters but declined to
provide
details of what kind of measures were being planned.
Immediately before a
Sept. 15 power-sharing deal was signed, the United
States had a new package
of sanctions in the works, targeting individuals
and entities linked to
Mugabe, a senior U.S. official told Reuters last
month.
The European
Union has also threatened to step up sanctions on Zimbabwe
unless Mugabe
adheres to the terms of the Sept. 15 power-sharing accord.
Current U.S.
sanctions target Mugabe and other members of his government
deemed to
"undermine democratic" institutions in Zimbabwe.
Mugabe, who has governed
Zimbabwe since independence from Britain in 1980,
has appealed to Western
powers to lift sanctions he says have ruined his
country.
But Western
powers insist it is Mugabe's rule that has led to economic ruin
in the
southern Africa country once considered the breadbasket of the
region.
U.S. officials say Mugabe is being obstructive in the
negotiations.
Tsvangirai's party also says Zimbabwe's government has
refused to grant him
the correct travel papers to attend a regional summit
in Swaziland aimed at
resolving the impasse over allocating cabinet posts,
the key sticking point
in current talks. Zimbabwe's government denies
this.
"We have been encouraging the parties to try and reach an agreement
on the
allocation of cabinet positions, reflecting the September 15
agreement as
well as the will of the Zimbabwean people," said
Wood.
Wood said the United States was closely following events in
Zimbabwe but
that former South African President Thabo Mbeki was taking the
lead in
trying to broker a deal and there were no plans to send any senior
U.S.
officials to help.
South African politician Jacob Zuma, who is
likely to be the next president
of South Africa following the 2009 election,
is due to meet U.S. Secretary
of State Condoleezza Rice on Tuesday in
Washington.
Wood said Zimbabwe was always an "important topic of
discussion" in any
meeting with South Africa's leaders. Zuma became
president of the ruling
African National Congress in December. (Editing by
Jackie Frank)
http://www.newzimbabwe.com
By Joram Nyathi
Last
updated: 10/21/2008 14:24:14
WHEN the political deal to resolve Zimbabwe's
crisis was signed on September
15, I said nothing spectacular could come out
of desperate people; such
people are incapable of acts of
greatness.
Add to this intra-party fighting for portfolios and
inter-party mistrust and
you will understand the stalemate over "key"
ministries.
The debate on the issue is confused. When at first MDC leader
Morgan
Tsvangirai refused to sign the deal, he was hailed as a hero. We were
told
without his signature, there was no deal because there would be no
foreign
aid.
A month after he signed, there is no money and the tune
has changed to
infantile retreat: he shouldn't have signed the deal before
the ministries
were allocated. (It is as if people are still nursing a
hangover from
boycott politics).
Foreign money will be long in
coming. Those who had pledged rescue packages
are keen to show it is they
who hold the key. They have an excuse for not
releasing it by pretending
nothing has happened since 1998 although Zanu PF
and the MDC have agreed
land reform is irreversible
Add to this disconnect the creeping recession
after the Wall Street
bloodbath and the rest of Europe and you know we are
alone for the long
haul.
In declaring a deadlock over the sharing of
portfolios last week, Tsvangirai
said there was no agreement on any
ministry. He denied President Mugabe's
view that the dispute was over two
"key" ministries of finance and home
affairs. Previously the list included
foreign affairs, information, local
government and defence.
My idea
is that the strategic nature of a ministry and the resources
allocated to it
should be determined based on national development goals
such as better
health, food, education, housing, sanitation and clean water
for the
people!
Having thus reasoned, and convinced the MDC wanted to improve
people's
welfare, I thought they would focus first on social ministries
where need is
greatest. Isn't that where all the maladies are most
manifest?
Does alleviating people's misery depend on a party's ability to
arrest, to
declare war and peace, to set up diplomatic missions abroad and
to spread
propaganda?
What could be more exciting for a new minister
than getting the agriculture
portfolio where all the machinery has already
been provided? What could be
more uplifting than to see that sector turned
around over the next two
seasons and ensure Zimbabwe is able to feed itself,
export maize, cotton and
tobacco once again?
Local government is not
about Ignatious Chombo imposing unelected Zanu PF
councillors on local
authorities. It is about service delivery. People want
clinics, houses,
market stalls, lighting, water and safe roads and clean
cities. A political
party with people-centred policies would die to expose
Zanu PF's
incompetence by restoring the beauty of our towns.
Who is better placed
to win votes in the next elections than the man who
turns around the
collapsing health sector? The infrastructure hasn't
completely collapsed in
most hospitals. With resources, we don't need
miracle workers to get things
working again. The same can be said of
education which has been hard hit by
the depletion of resources and the
brain drain. What is needed are packages
of incentives to woo back our
teachers, lecturers, doctors, nurses and
engineers.
Take rural housing and social amenities. Isn't that a windfall
for any
political party? That is where 75% of the population lives. Who
would lose a
national election again after building one's political base
there providing
desperately needed low-cost housing, toilets, boreholes,
accommodation for
teachers, the police, chiefs and headmen? Who would lose a
vote with women
and the youth on his side given that the combined groups
constitute the
majority of voters in any national election?
My
observations are based on the understanding that ministries propose the
budgets they want, lobby fellow MPs and get the resources they need. In our
situation where Zanu PF and the MDC share MPs almost 50-50, I don't see how
a ministry's request can be blocked on the basis of which party holds it and
how controlling the army or police can resolve that.
I chose the
social ministries believing that our political leaders are
acting in good
faith and in the best interest of the people; and also that
political power
derives from the people through performance, not from the
barrel of the gun.
For if real power can be contemplated only within the
oppressive state
institutions set up in the Rhodesian era, what transition
is there to talk
about?
The myth of "key" ministries is interesting. First, it is
completely
divorced from the people's plight, hence the lack of urgency
among the
principals. It puts the spotlight on their mutual mistrust, which
has
coalesced into paralysing paranoia. Each suspects the other is plotting
an
ambush for it around the corner.
Second, it is based on a
debatable postulate that a ministry is strategic
per se outside an exigency
which necessitates the mobilisation and
deployment of national resources
through its structures, such as war, famine
or disease outbreak. Beside
health and police, there is no indispensable
ministry. Why in a democracy
should one government ministry be special to
any political party beside
bargaining for individual-specific posts?
Third, nothing suggests that
either Zanu PF or the MDC wants defence or home
affairs portfolios for
anything other than as instruments of coercion. They
seem to have endorsed
Mugabe's belief that not only should you use force if
necessary to get into
power but that the gun must be "its security
officer -- its
guarantor".
The tussle is as if Tsvangirai as prime minister will be in
charge of only
MDC ministers operating outside cabinet consensus. A deal
between two or
more people can only be as bad or good as the desires of
those who sign and
implement it. Until the principals put people at the
centre, there will be
no end to areas of discord and Thabo Mbeki is no
magician to cure the mutual
suspicion between them.
Joram Nyathi
is the deputy editor of the Zimbabwe Independent newspaper.
E-mail him at joram@zimind.co.zw
http://kubatanablogs.net/kubatana/?p=861
When the AU was formed
in 2002 as a successor of the OAU, one of its main
objectives was to achieve
peace and security in Africa and to promote
democratic institutions, good
governance and human rights. It was also going
to promote and defend common
African positions on issues of interest to the
continent and its
peoples.
The Zimbabwe crisis is just the latest indication of why we must
place no
confidence in the ability of either the AU or its young brother
SADC to
handle regional problems as well as sail this continent onto the
path of
development. Their inaction on Zimbabwe is shocking and appalling to
say the
least and it smacks of both lack of will and
incompetence.
Mugabe derives his spunk from the indifference and silent
support of his
peers. Ejecting him from the AU and verbally condemning his
actions would
probably have made some difference in his behavior or at least
lessened his
confidence. But only a few leaders like the late Zambian
president Levy
Mwanawasa, Botswana's new President, Seretse Khama Ian Khama
and lately,
Kenyan Prime Minister, Raila Odinga have dared to be vocal about
Mugabe's
self-imposed government and have even called for his and Zimbabwe's
suspension from the AU. The rest of the whiteheads especially in SADC have
been inexplicably maintaining what Odinga calls a "diabolical conspiracy of
silence bound by personal misdeeds and complicity in refusing to condemn
their neighbors," especially Mugabe. The same culture of impunity is what
nurtured the excesses of the continent's infamous dictators like Mobutu Sese
Seko of the DRC and Uganda's heartless Idi Amin under the banner of
predecessor OAU's founding principle of respect for national
sovereignty.
In trying to understand why the AU and the SADC are
toothless bulldogs
barking endlessly from the periphery, Odinga postulates
that African leaders
are an old dictators' club that have an inherent fear
of criticizing each
other. This is because, as Mugabe so rightly put it at
the Sharm el Shaik,
Egypt AU summit, they too have skeletons rattling in
their closets.
It is thus not surprising that the AU has failed to put
the people of
Zimbabwe first and to stand up for democracy. In an ironic
joint statement,
the AU/SADC pledged "As guarantors of the implementation of
the agreement,
both AU and SADC will spare no effort in supporting its full
and effective
implementation." What have these two organs done in the face
of Mugabe's
latest unilateral declaration of cabinet? Again, as was the case
in Kenya,
the party that should have rightly taken over power is being
forced by
regional pressure to concede to an increasingly unworkable
compromise deal
and endless mediation processes by an inefficient go-between
who insists on
a concept of quiet diplomacy that only he understands.
Recently, in response
to a legal application filed against it by the
Zimbabwe Exiles Forum two
months ago, SADC has for the first time
acknowledged that Mugabe should not
be recognized as a legitimate head of
state. But the organization rejected
the demand to refuse to allow Mugabe
and his government to participate in
future SADC activities. Its excuse was
that former South African President
Thabo Mbeki, the SADC appointed
mediator, was able to facilitate a power
sharing deal to end Zimbabwe's
political crisis.
What 'African' common position are the AU/SADC
defending when they fail to
condemn errant dictators who hold whole starving
nations to ransom in order
to protect selfish interests?
In its
thirty-nine year history, the OAU could only be judged as an abysmal
failure. It failed to challenge any major dictator on the continent and
stood idle while civil wars, ethnic conflicts, poverty and disease ravaged
ordinary Africans. Its only success was in preserving the notion of
sovereign borders in Africa. Wole Soyinka once described it as a
"collaborative club of perpetual self-preservation." The AU is the new OAU
under a different name: its membership is the same and there are no new
institutions to suggest that it will be any more effective or less selfish
than its predecessor.
As a pan-African organization, the AU must be
willing to stand up to African
dictators and military rulers that have been
the real causes of bloodshed
and poverty on the continent. So far the AU has
failed in this mission:
Mugabe is still a revered charter member of the AU
and it has failed to
recognize Morgan Tsvangirai as the country's rightful
elected leader. If we
start to question the complacency of the AU, we start
to ask, why was it
tolerable that a tyrant lost an election, imprisoned,
killed and molested
those who dared oppose him, then proceeded to reelect
himself to the
presidium, and no action was taken?
The AU has failed
the people of Zimbabwe by its unwillingness to deal
effectively with the
political crisis that was single-handedly constructed
by one dictator. For
months they have insisted on mediation and dialogue
when decisive action has
been called for. The AU has failed too often or
remained inert when it
should have acted, and its internal procedures are
often agonizingly
inadequate for the challenges it faces in problem
countries. For far too
long, and with immensely destructive consequences,
the AU has downplayed the
dimensions of crises in various African countries
and the urgency of
large-scale humanitarian intervention. This is
particularly true of the
situation in Africa's largest country, Sudan with
the longstanding and
ongoing conflict in Darfur that stretches as far back
as 2003. Look also how
dictators recently bulldozed their way into
leadership in Kenya.
The
AU has only been good at issuing statements. The AU's fine words at the
moment are little consolation to Zimbabwe's hungry, oppressed people. Once
more, like its predecessor, the AU is set to fail the people of
Africa.
This entry was posted on October 20th, 2008 at 1:02 pm by Natasha
Msonza
http://www.apanews.net/
APA-Harare (Zimbabwe)
Telecommunication traffic into and out of Zimbabwe,
including Internet
access, has been affected following fire that gutted a
telephone exchange in
Harare, APA learnt here Monday.
The fire extensively damaged the exchange
in central Harare, switching off
some telephone users with numbers from the
station.
The damage has also crippled Internet traffic for subscribers
using the
state-owned service provider, ComOne.
The affected
subscribers have not had Internet access since last week when
the damage
occurred.
Officials at ComOne's parent company, TelOne, suspected that
the fire was
caused by defective temperature regulation at the
exchange.
JN/nm/APA 2008-10-20
http://www.zimbabwejournalists.com
20th
Oct 2008 16:56 GMT
By Ian
Nhuka
BULAWAYO - Zimbabwe's biggest travel and tourism showcase,
Sanganai/Hlanganani Travel and Tourism Africa Fair ended here Sunday but was
marred by a poor turnout of foreign buyers and the public.
It opened
Wednesday at the Zimbabwe International Exhibition Centre here.
Although
entry was free for the final three days of the showcase, a few
hundred
people turned out. Vice-President, Joice Mujuru, officially opening
the show
Friday afternoon in the open air Main Arena, addressed a sparse
crowd that
sat on the western section of the ground.
Out of the 400 international
buyers that the Zimbabwe Tourism Authority
(ZTA) had invited, only 208
showed up.
Even the closing musical concert featuring a seemingly
impressive line-up of
sungura musician, Tongai Moyo, performer Sandra
Ndebele and Ringo Madlingozi
did not entice people.
Choosing the
arena, the size of a football pitch, the ZTA expected a huge
crowd, but got
less than it had bargained form.
Despite the apparent poor turnout, ZTA
chief executive officer Sunday told a
press conference that the show had
been a "great success."
"The fair was a success," he proclaimed, "and is
likely to contribute 174
000 visitors to the country, starting from this
month to next year Sanganai.
This therefore means the fair will earn the
country between US$130 million
and US$140 million within the same period.
This is undoubtedly a huge
success as we even got more than what we had
bargained for."
He said 619 exhibitors took part, an improvement from
last year's 130.
Despite the apparent snub by some 200 buyers who had
been invited, Kaseke
said the fact that 77 foreign buyers turned up
uninvited shows that the fair
is popular.
"Out of the 400 invited
buyers, 208 turned up, with an extra 77 we had not
invited," he
said.
"This shows that people now have a certain perception about our
country and
they know that Zimbabwe is a peaceful nation."
The poor
turnout could be a mirror image of the state of affairs in the
tourism
sector that has been crippled by declining arrivals from Europe,
America and
other Western source markets.
But the poor public attendance did not
elude Kaseke though.
He said: "We, however, have to improve in terms of
public attendance, the
turnout of people was visible low and I think as the
tourism industry we
have to strongly address that issue. Next time we want
the attendance of the
public to be very massive as they give their support
to the hospitality
industry."
The tourism show was held here for the
first time after its re-branding this
year.
Since 1982 until last
year, it was held in Harare and was called Zimbabwe
International Travel
Expo.
But this year, ZTA decided to hold it at a bigger venue, the
Zimbabwe
International Exhibition Centre, where the Zimbabwe International
Trade Fair
is held.
VOA
By Netsai Mlilo
Bulawayo, Zimbabwe
20 October 2008
The Zimbabwean town of Bulawayo recently
finished hosting the 4th edition of
Intwasa Arts Festival. During the 5-day
event, local and international
playwrights, actors, dancers, painters, poets
and musicians exchanged ideas
and showcased their different talents. Voice
of America English to Africa
Service reporter Netsai Mlilo says Bulawayo
residents and artists were
treated to a feast of
entertainment.
Several authors, including renowned historian Pathisa
Nyathi, launched their
latest books. Others exhibited paintings and
sculptures while poets read
their compositions at "slam poetry" or free
verse sessions judged by the
audience. Local and international theater
groups staged plays tackling a
broad range of subjects. Aside from
showcasing their works, this year's
Intwasa offered artists a chance to
sharpen their skills.
Renowned American playwright, Leslie Lee, was one
of several international
artists who attended the festival. Lee conducted a
2-week workshop for local
playwrights and actors. He said interacting with
local artists gave him an
idea of the extent of the country's artistic
talent: "There are stories to
tell here and I find that there is such a
goldmine here for talent, for
expression, there are voices here that should
be heard not only here in this
country but also throughout the world.
Intwasa really is doing the right
thing in showcasing this talent here so
you all here have something to be
proud of."
American actress Heather
Massies co-hosted a workshop with Lee. She focused
on imparting acting
skills to actors. Massie said she enjoyed conducting the
session and looks
forward to coming back to conduct further training events,
"Zimbabwe is a
wonderful place. It's been an honor to work with the artists
here. They
have so much to give and are making beautiful art here. Not just
the writers
but also the visual artists, the literary artists, the dance,
the music it's
so full of life."
Freelance actor, Gift Chakuvinga, participated in a
writers' workshop. He
enjoyed combing through different scripts and acting
out lines from a
variety of plays:
"It's been quite a challenge
playing all these different characters from
different plays. All these
plays were worlds apart, so in a way it's
something which has really groomed
me as an actor to be able to adapt very
quickly to different situations,
different scenes and different writers'
stories. Every writer has his own
way and his own way of presenting on stage
so it's something which has given
me a lot of experience in terms of
flexibility."
Chakuvinga, who's
also attended all 4 Intwasa festivals, says he's delighted
at the pace at
which the annual event is growing:
"Intwasa, I think it's growing in
leaps and bounds every year. It's been
running, I mean this is the fourth
year and I think it's been bigger than
the rest of the years when it
started. So I think I can say well done to the
organizers and everyone who
was involved in making this festival a success."
Meanwhile the countdown
to the next Intwasa Festival has already begun.
Organizers and artists say
they hope next year they won't have to grapple
with cash shortages caused by
the country's economic crisis.
UN Integrated
Regional Information Networks
20 October 2008
Posted to the web 20
October 2008
Harare
A cholera outbreak that has bridged Zimbabwe's
dry season is proving
difficult to contain and has spread from the cities to
rural areas.
There are fears that the onset of the rainy season could
make the waterborne
disease endemic if the authorities fail to address the
water and sanitation
crisis plaguing the county.
Cholera is an
intestinal infection causing acute diarrhoea and vomiting and,
if left
untreated, can cause death from dehydration within 24 hours. It is
easily
treatable with rehydration salts.
An anthrax outbreak has also been
reported in Hurungwe, a rural area in
Mashonaland West Province, about 300km
north of the capital, Harare, "where
10 cases have been reported, but no
deaths as yet. WHO [World Health
Organisation] is still investigating", the
UN said in a recent situation
report on cholera and anthrax.
Anthrax
is caused by the bacterium, Bacillus anthracis, and mostly affects
wild
animals and domesticated cattle, although it can be transferred to
humans
through inhalation of the bacteria's spores from a live or infected
dead
animal, blood contact if the skin is broken, or by eating the
undercooked
meat of a diseased animal. Anthrax is curable if diagnosed
early.
120
deaths
The UN noted that "a cholera outbreak has been a cause of concern
in
Zimbabwe since February 2008 ... so far 120 deaths have been recorded
cumulatively, with the highest percentage found in Mashonaland Central"
Province in the country's north.
The collapse of health and municipal
services is seen as the cause for the
spread of the disease, with local
authorities failing to provide potable
water, rubbish collection and
adequate sanitation, forcing people to dig
shallow wells to obtain household
and drinking water in areas where sewerage
spills into streets because of
poor, or non-existent, maintenance regimes.
The state-owned Zimbabwe
National Water Authority (ZINWA) has pumped raw
sewerage into Lake Chivero,
one of the reservoirs providing Harare with
water; residents with access to
piped water often have to contend with a
smelly greenish discharge from
their taps.
The UN noted in its report that Zimbabwe was battling three
cholera
outbreaks in different locations. Chitungwiza, a dormitory town 35km
southeast of Harare, had recorded 144 cholera cases and 15 deaths up to 13
October. UNICEF has been trucking in 30,000 litres of water daily and
providing hygiene education.
In Mola, in the western district of
Kariba, there were 22 cases with one
fatality as of 7 October, and "probably
more cases within the community,
unrecognised", the UN report
said.
Chinhoyi, in Mashonaland West Province, had recorded 6 deaths by 13
October,
and WHO reported another 15 cases the following day, but "many more
are
assumed to be in the community, and paediatric cases are being admitted
to
the hospital."
Recurring disease
A cholera outbreak on 31
August in Harare affected the townships of Mbare,
Kuwadzana, Highfields,
Chikurubi and Mbvuku, in which 19 cases and one death
were recorded. The
last case was reported on 24 September.
Nevertheless, even where the
cholera outbreaks have been brought under
control, the UN report warns:
"These locations remain potentially risk
areas, considering cholera [is a]
recurring trend."
The Combined Harare Residents Association (CHRA) said
in a statement that
Zimbabwe's political deadlock between President Robert
Mugabe's ZANU-PF and
Morgan Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change was
having a direct
impact on the provision of services.
"The water woes
that have seen many Harare residents losing their lives to
cholera outbreaks
are a result of the ruthless decision to hand over the
administration of
water and sewer services to ZINWA," the statement said.
"CHRA urges the
powers that be to stop burying their heads in the sand and
attend to the
governance stalemate as a matter of urgency."
[ This report does not
necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations ]
http://kubatanablogs.net/kubatana/?p=850
Over the weekend I waltzed into some of Gono's FOLIWARS
(Foreign Exchange
Licensed Warehouses and Retail Shops) at Fife Avenue. It
was a sight I had
not seen for close to a year. Shelves were overflowing
with goods. Cooking
oil sat gracefully among other basic commodities that
have been scarce and
the shops were brimming with cheery shoppers. There was
also the
unmistakable smell of freshly baked confectionery wafting in the
air from
laden breadbaskets, an unusual occurrence. All looked rosy until I
reached
the back of one supermarket where there were lots of empty or near
empty
shelves. This was the Zimbabwean dollar section and it hardly had any
basic
commodities one needs to purchase for a household. There was a lot of
cleaning things, overpriced chocolates and kapenta, all locally
manufactured. One of the conditions for operating a FOLIWAR is to sell all
locally manufactured goods in Zimbabwean dollars. This in principle is meant
to cushion 'vulnerable' members of society to enable them to access basic
commodities.
Already one particular supermarket at this shopping
center was flouting the
regulations. Mazoe orange crush, famously
manufactured in Zimbabwe and
widely exported to neighboring countries, was
being sold for US$2,50.
FOLIWARS have achieved the desired effect, i.e
ostensibly to help improve
availability of goods on the market. However,
there are some flaws in this
latest policy that have seen the central bank
once again fail to protect the
consumer.
It seems most retailers
suffer from the overcharging syndrome. Used to
working with billions and
trillions, they are overcharging the goods being
sold in US dollars. Most of
them are too expensive even by American
standards. You find something you'd
expect to cost less than a dollar pegged
at thrice the price simply because
the price looks or sounds too little,
even if it is not in exchange rate
terms.
The NIPC Chairman, Mr Goodwills Masimirembwa attempted to excuse
this
problem saying that unlike other countries, Zimbabwe is not
manufacturing
the goods hence it is inevitable for them to be more
expensive, especially
when transport costs and other mark-ups have been
factored in. True, but how
does he explain the locally manufactured orange
crush being sold in US
dollars?
On the other hand, under Gono's
system, some goods will perpetually be in
short supply as there will be no
incentive for people to make them available
for purchase in the increasingly
depreciating Zimbabwean dollar. Artificial
shortages will continue, while
the locally manufactured goods will be widely
available on the black-market
for purchase in the Rand or USD. It will also
mean FOLIWARS will shun local
goods in favor of imports in order to get
around the regulations of charging
in Zimbabwean dollars. This probably
explains why the Zimbabwean dollar
sections of most supermarkets have next
to nothing on the shelves. The few
goods found on these shelves are
obviously at the RTGS cost, despite the
fact that Gono scrapped that system.
Else, how is it possible to explain a
piece of chocolate that costs half a
million revalued Zimbabwean
dollars?
The empty Zim dollar shelves will mean that the street corner
vegetable
vendor or the grandmother from Dotito who has never seen the US
dollar in
her entire life will continue to struggle to purchase basic goods
available
on the black-market at prohibitive costs in Zimbabwean
dollars.
Then there is the issue of change. If there is anyone paying a
higher price
for this dollarization, it is the tellers operating the forex
tills in the
supermarkets. Somebody purchases a product for $4,75. They
demand their 25
cents change, even if they themselves have never seen what
25US cents look
like. As a result the teller embarks on the grueling task of
haggling with
the customer. Often, the customer settles for a compromise
seeing them
either leave their change behind or purchasing something else
they didn't
even want. As a result the 'forex' queues, though short take
longer to move
as the tellers haggle over change with each customer for at
least five
minutes. Most rude customers do not spare a thought for the poor
exhausted
teller who is underpaid in Zim dollars anyway. At the end of the
day one
wonders, why don't they just round of the prices? I mean, if
customers are
still going to leave their few precious cents, why not save
everyone the
hassle? Obviously retailers have ways of reaching a final price
for a
product, but the mere fact that they are now charging in USD reflects
an
abnormal situation, they may as well employ the Mickey Mouse economics we
are used to and just round off prices of goods. Some FOLIWARS have resorted
to putting up notices informing customers that they can only purchase goods
for $50 and above. Unfair but it works.
Another thing is that the
forex craze has silently sanctioned the use of
foreign currency in many
quarters of the economy. Landlords are now
unashamedly and openly demanding
rentals in forex, and those who initially
did not charge their tenants as
such have joined the bandwagon.
Dollarization has set a bad precedent and
everyone will soon be demanding
payment in that form in whatever
transaction.
At the advent of the FOLIWARS, the RBZ governor was widely
criticized and in
several places, calls were made that civil servants must
therefore be
remunerated in foreign currency. Most were sure the policy
would not be
sustainable, given that most people do not earn their salaries
in forex.
However, despite earlier skepticism, 'forex shops' like Shoppa
Stoppa are
suddenly attracting so many customers that by 6pm, long queues
are still
outside their walls. It is surprising how a lot of ordinary folk
actually
possess US dollars. As much as one US dollar is not little money in
exchange
rate terms, many shoppers are hoarding whatever goods they can lay
their
hands on. The panic buyer mentality has not dissipated a bit even with
the
reassurance that products are bound to be widely available now that a
more
stable currency is in use.
It will be a long time yet before
Zimbabweans have faith in this economy and
its ability to meet the entire
consumer's needs.
This entry was posted on October 20th, 2008 at 12:14 pm
by Natasha Msonza
HARARE,
20 October 2008 (PlusNews) - For almost six months now, John Mberi*, 14, from
the high-density suburb of Mufakose in Zimbabwe's capital, Harare, has been
taking care of his sick mother, Fortunate, who returned home from neighbouring
South Africa very ill.
Photo:
Eva-Lotta Jansson/IRIN
Young
people are now left to care for their parents
The community attributed Fortunate's condition to
food poisoning while awaiting deportation in the infamous Lindela repatriation
camp in South Africa, but close family members knew that Fortunate was HIV
positive.
Taking care of his ailing mother has been very difficult for
John, and he often misses school when her condition is worse. On days like this
he has to wash, cook, clean and bathe his mother in bed using a bucket of water.
"On her return from South Africa, my mother sent me to her only
surviving brother, who lives in rural Mutoko [about 200km outside Harare]. He
refused to come, saying we should relocate to the rural areas, but we had no
money to hire a vehicle to ferry our things," John told IRIN/PlusNews.
To ensure the family's survival, he now sells roasted and salted
groundnuts at a nearby bar after school. Occasionally the family gets help from
the local United Methodist Church.
"Sometimes we can't afford the
medicines that are prescribed at the local clinic. The drugs are cheap at the
clinic but they normally don't have them in stock, so they tell us to go and buy
on our own. My mother worries a lot but I have told her not to, because I will
take care of her."
Palliative care still not widely
understood
It was World Hospice and Palliative Care Day on 11
October but AIDS activists said in Zimbabwe there was little to celebrate.
John's situation is becoming increasingly common. As the HIV/AIDS
pandemic takes it toll, many young people are carrying the responsibility of
caring of sick members of the family, but are often unable to give them proper
and adequate care.
Activists argue that the responsibility of caring for
those with long-term or life-limiting illnesses lies with the government, not
young people like John.
According to the Hospice and Palliative Care
Association of Zimbabwe (HOSPAZ), palliative care is defined as the management
of the many physical, psychosocial, spiritual and emotional needs of people with
progressive life-limiting illnesses; it is not about "helping someone die" but
about "helping someone live as comfortably as possible with their illness".
"Everyone living with a
life-limiting illness has the right to quality hospice and palliative care to
enable them to live with dignity and without undue pain or distress," she said
on the Partners Zimbabwe website to raise awareness of the day.
"Lack of
access to pain and symptom relief can prevent people living with HIV and AIDS,
who may be experiencing painful and unpleasant side effects from antiretroviral
(ARV) treatments, from adhering to ARVs, with the result that their life
expectancy is curtailed. This breaches the right to life."
Tinashe
Mundawarara, Programme Manager of the HIV/AIDS Human Rights and Law Project at
Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR), told IRIN/PlusNews: "The current
health system in Zimbabwe, which is a narrative of strikes, stock-outs, expired
drugs and a malfunctioning public health framework, is a cause of consternation
rather than celebration. More so, there is no patient care and support system
that includes the family in the hospitals."
He said there was an urgent
need for reforming the laws on public health, educating people, and putting in
place palliative care programmes in all hospitals as a matter of policy.
"People living with HIV/AIDS need to speak with one voice on the
advocacy issues of access to treatment, drugs and care. Treatment, care and
support are the hallmarks of palliative care."
http://kubatanablogs.net/kubatana/?p=868
I sing the song of the Matebele,
I sing the song
of the tortured, butchered, marginalised and ostracized,
I sing the song of
the hopeless,
It is the cry of the downtrodden, weary, and abused,
It is
the voice of the Ndebele people.
My muffled voice wails from the deep
dungeons of the Great Shangani River
where my king's story ends.
Deep in
the dungeons, I cry for recognition and inclusion yet no one seems
to take
notice.
Every time I make an attempt to claim my position, to claim
recognition and
identity I am labelled a tribalist and a sell-out.
Every
time this happens I am drawn back to self pity and self hatred.
My pain
has been worsened by the Son of Bona
The Son of Bona tortured, brutalised and
killed my clansmen simply because
they were Ndebele.
Since then he never
looked back.
He has made sure that my people are marginalised and
peripherised.
Now he has made it worse by refusing to let go the reigns of
leadership.
My cry is now so deep such that its tears can fill an
ocean.
It is this deep because I see myself and my clansmen buried in poverty
and
swallowed by doldrums of history.
My cry has grown to be a cry of
the people of Zimbabwe.
This is because the bitterness is no longer the
Ndebele one only but a
bitterness of everyone in Zimbabwe.
Son of Bona,
you have destroyed our beautiful land, you have destroyed our
pride as a
nation.
I cry for the departure of the Son of Bona.
Son of Bona,
Zimbabwe has had enough of you.
Son of the Bona, you cannot offer us anything
that we can believe in.
Give others a chance to lead; Zimbabwe is for all of
us.
Farewell, Son of Bona, Zimbabwe will be a better nation without
you.
This entry was posted on October 20th, 2008 at 1:08 pm by Fungisai
Sithole
http://www.amnesty.org
20 October 2008
The leaders of
one of Zimbabwe's main activist movements have been remanded
in custody by
the courts in Bulawayo since Friday 17 June. Jenni Williams
and Magodonga
Mahlangu, leaders of Women of Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA), were
arrested on
Thursday in Bulawayo after leading a peaceful protest of about
200 activists
demanding immediate access to food aid in Zimbabwe.
Police used excessive
force to break up the protest. Magodonga Mahlangu was
beaten by police
during her arrest and is reported to be in pain.
Nine activists were
initially arrested, including Jenni Williams and
Magodonga Mahlangu; seven
activists were released on the same day.
Jenni Williams and Magodonga
Mahlangu were held at Bulawayo Central police
station over night and taken
to court on Friday morning. They were denied
bail. They will be held in
remand prison until Tuesday, when they are set to
come to court
again.
They have been charged under Section 37 1(a) of the Criminal Law
(Codification and Reform) Act for "disturbing the peace, security or order
of the public".
Amnesty International has urged the Zimbabwean
authorities to release Jenni
Williams and Magodonga Mahlangu, immediately
and unconditionally, as they
have been detained solely for the peaceful
exercise of their rights to
freedom of association and assembly. The
organisation also expressed fears
about the women's safety while in remand
prison, considering the long
history of ill-treatment of human rights
defenders while in custody in
Zimbabwe.
"Amnesty International
considers Jenni Williams and Magodonga Mahlangu to be
prisoners of
conscience," said Erwin van der Borght, Director of the Africa
Programme.
"Their arrest is part of the government of Zimbabwe's clampdown
on human
rights defenders who are campaigning to highlight the suffering of
the
people of Zimbabwe."
Jenni Williams and Magadonga Mahlangu were last
arrested in May 2008, and
spent 37 days in remand prison.
Harare City Council rates.
On the
14th of October 2008 residents of Houghton Park received final
notices from
Welcash Debt collectors. In my case the letter stated that the
City of
Harare had made efforts to get the overdue payment without any
success. The
debt collector gave me 48hrs from the date of the letter (dated
15 October
2008) to pay up the amount owed to the City of Harare (ZWD
40000.00) plus a
transfer fee of ZWD 50million as well as an administration
fee of
ZWD50million. On the 15th of October I then received the bill from
the City
of Harare with the $40000.00 bill that they have made frantic
efforts to
collect without success.
With the scenario where it costs $15000.00 for
one to commute to the CBD
only to get a maximum of $50000.00 from the bank
while the majority of
employees are earning not more than $90000.00 per
month, one would find it
hard to afford to go and have "talks" with the debt
collectors.
After missing the 48hr deadline I was slapped with a final
urgent warning to
pay the amount due plus an additional and not explained
penalty of
$100million.
As it stands I risk losing property for
failing to pay a $40000.00 bill that
came after being served with a final
notice without being served with any
prior notice. Due to the prevailing
inflational environment, the City of
Harare has found it difficult to send
upto date invoices for services that
they are not rendering to residents.
Now that it has become costly for the
City of Harare to print and dispatch
invoices residents are being told that
it is their duty to enquire the value
of the bill every month and make the
necessary payment. To make matters
worse the local offices always do not
have upto date information. One has to
go to ZINWA, City of Harare and ZESA
CBD offices to get upto date
information of their respective bills.
Now is a good time for one to turn
to God looking for miracles... money from
heaven maybe... as most of us have
nowhere to turn to.
Regards,
P
------
From another correspondent...
Wellcash is a scam.
I know of no one
who has received a "final demand" from them who had
received a prior
notice.
Most of the people who receive demands from Wellcash pay their rates
regularly.
Wellcash's threat to attach people's property is a method of
extortion.
For your property to be attached it first requires a summons from
the
Messenger of Court, and you can
then appear in court to defend
yourself.
This has been going on for too long, and there's evidently
a
relationship between Wellcash and certain people at the City
Council.
Affected people should contact the Mayor of Harare, Mr
Muchadeyi
Masunda, e-mail <arbitrationcentre@zol.co.zw>
and get an end put to
this once and for all.
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com
Monday, 20 October 2008
13:21
BRAZILIAN President Lula da Silva has dispatched his
foreign minister
Celso Amorim to Harare in a bid to break the deadlock on
the distribution of
ministries between President Robert Mugabe and main
opposition leader Morgan
Tsvangirai.
The move comes after
four consecutive days of negotiations which have
failed to crack the impasse
on cabinet portfolios.
Amorim was expected in Harare yesterday to hold
talks with Mugabe. He
was also going to meet Tsvangirai, and the other MDC
leader Arthur
Mutambara. The Brazilian embassy yesterday confirmed Amorim's
visit.
Sources said this followed a request by mediator, former South
African
president Thabo Mbeki, who is close to Brazil's da Silva to help out
in the
talks. Brazil is an emerging power in South-South
geopolitics.
Brazil is becoming influential in dialogue between South
America and
developed countries, especially the United States. It played an
important
role in negotiations in internal conflicts in Venezuela and
Colombia.
Brazil, a huge agricultural economy, is also expected to
assist
Zimbabwe in reviving its ruined agriculture. South Africa is also
trying to
do so. Sceptical Western countries and donors have said they would
adopt a
wait-and-see approach.
Amorim will today hold a press
conference at the Rainbow Towers Hotel
to brief journalists on the
matter.
The talks, aimed at sharing key ministries which Mugabe
allocated to
his party last week, continued in circles in Harare yesterday
with Zanu PF
giving indications it might cede finance to the opposition MDC
but certainly
nothing else.
The convoluted negotiations have put a
damper on last month's
hard-to-pin-down power-sharing agreement which gives
Mugabe and Zanu PF 15
ministries, Tsvangirai and his party 13 and Mutambara
and his group three.
Issues at the centre of the current dispute
include:
* Ministries, especially finance and home
affairs;
* Provincial governors, ambassadors and other
envoys;
* Ministry permanent secretaries and principal
directors;
* Senior civil servants and top government officials;
and
* Loopholes in the agreement and 19th amendment to the
constitution.
Besides the ministries and governors, the other
issues are not part of
the latest round of talks and according to sources in
both Zanu PF and the
MDC they would be dealt with later.
Mugabe,
Tsvangirai and Mutambara were at the time of going to press
yesterday still
locked in negotiations, but informed sources said since
Tuesday Mugabe had
been clinging to what he gazetted last week. He was only
prepared let go of
finance, which he left unallocated last week.
As reported in the
Zimbabwe Independent three weeks ago, Zanu PF had
resolved to hold all
principal ministries except finance for strategic
reasons. They want the MDC
to mobilise funds and resources for social and
economic
reconstruction.
While Mugabe is prepared to discuss only finance and
home affairs, the
MDC says there are now important 10 ministries in
dispute.
Diplomats say they are sceptical about the viability of the
agreement
that leaves Mugabe in charge as head of state and government. Zanu
PF held a
secret emergency politburo meeting on Wednesday morning to discuss
the
situation and resolved not to yield.
Sources said Mugabe is
under pressure from his army of disgruntled
outgoing ministers and senior
party officials to adopt an unyielding
position to ensure they remain part
of the patronage network.
Out of about 64 ministers, deputy ministers
and provincial governors
who are also resident ministers, Zanu PF is at most
likely to retain only 28
if it gives five governors' posts to the MDC
factions.
Sources said Mugabe is refusing to relinquish home affairs -
which is
also at the centre of discussions - after seizing all other crucial
ministries including defence, justice, foreign affairs, local government,
information and mines.
It is said Mugabe offered finance on
condition that the MDC agrees
with his wresting of other ministries. Sources
said he also offered home
affairs under pressure on condition it would be
rotational after every six
months or have co-ministers.
Mugabe
reportedly proposed that if the rotational system was
unacceptable, there
should be two home affairs ministers - one from MDC and
the other from Zanu
PF.
Departments that fall under the ministry such as the Registrar's
Office, Immigration and Police would be shared equally between the
parties.
Zanu PF has also been trying to come up with a rotational
system on
the finance portfolio or appointing two deputies to accommodate
the three
parties to the agreement in one ministry.
Sources said
Zanu PF fears that if the MDC gets finance and operates
it unchecked, it
would deny Mugabe and his party state funds they need to
avoid collapse.
They also fear, it is said, the MDC might institute what
they call a
"forensic audit" to find out if government funds have been
misappropriated.
On home affairs, it is understood Mugabe and his
party fear the MDC
could use the ministry to arrest their officials and
supporters for various
crimes ranging from corruption to political
violence.
Mugabe has also ensured that State Security is no longer a
ministry
but a department in his office, retaining all instruments of
coercion in his
bid to maintain his iron grip on power. The EU on Monday
condemned Mugabe's
"unilateral decision" to form a new cabinet and
threatened fresh sanctions
unless he respects the power-sharing
deal.
EU foreign ministers meeting in Luxembourg slammed what they
called
"the unilateral decision to form a new government which has not been
agreed
by all parties".
They said they were "ready to
consider additional measures" if the
deal continues to be blocked.
British Foreign Secretary David Miliband described Mugabe's measure as
an
"attempted power grab".
New French ambassador Laurent Contini, who
presented his credentials
to Mugabe on Thursday, urged parties to conclude
the talks urgently.
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com
Monday, 20 October 2008 12:41
FORMER PF Zapu senior members have told President Robert Mugabe not to
cede
the three governors' posts in Matabeleland to either of the two
formations
of the MDC under the power-sharing deal signed last month.
Sources
said the ex-PF Zapu leaders also want their former members in
the diplomatic
service in various countries worldwide to be retained.
The move by
ex-Zapu leaders came in the wake of pressure from the
Morgan Tsvangirai-led
MDC for Mugabe to distribute the country's 10
provincial governors' posts
among the parties to the unity-government deal.
Tsvangirai also wants the
restructuring of the diplomatic service, as he
intends his party and the
smaller faction of the MDC led by Arthur Mutambara
to appoint ambassadors
from within their ranks.
The sources said former senior members of PF
Zapu have been holding
meetings with a view to pulling out of the 1987 Unity
Accord with Zanu PF if
Mugabe ignores their concerns.
"The
consensus among ex-PF Zapu members is that whatever Mugabe agrees
with the
two MDC formations should not affect the Unity Accord of 1987," one
of the
sources said. "Everyone is agreed that there was no consultation
between
Mugabe and us on the deal and as far as we are concerned the 1987
Unity
Accord is still unchanged."
Sources close to the negotiations between
Mugabe, Tsvangirai and
Mutambara on the formation of a unity government said
the Zanu PF leader was
adamant that he would not cede the home affairs
ministry because it was a
preserve of ex-PF Zapu members.
"If
Mugabe gives in to the MDC and allocates them the home affairs
ministry he
would have compromised the Unity Accord," another source said.
Information minister Sikhanyiso Ndlovu this week said he was not aware
of
the manoeuvres by his colleagues to leave Zanu PF, but confirmed that the
1987 Unity Accord was discussed with Mugabe.
"The issue of the
Unity Accord is not for debate in the talks and it
will remain as it is,"
Ndlovu said. "That is why Vice-President Joseph
Msika was retained as
vice-president in the current deal. We have pushed for
it (Unity Accord) to
be respected and everybody is happy."
Ndlovu, however, could not be
drawn to discuss cabinet posts reserved
for the former PF Zapu
leaders.
"The Unity Accord is not for debate. President Mugabe assured
us that
the current negotiations with the opposition will not compromise the
unity
accord and the MDC did not contest that," he added.
By Loughty Dube
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com
Monday, 20 October 2008
12:38
A FINAL power-sharing deal between President Robert Mugabe and
the two
formations of the MDC is expected to be concluded by year-end amid
reports
that the political protagonists are far from resolving contentious
issues.
Sources in Zanu PF and the MDC said the agreement signed
last month
may be finalised by the end of December given the rate at which
the
negotiations to constitute a unity government have been
proceeding.
The deal ran into serious problems a few days after it was
inked when
Mugabe and the leaders of the two MDC formations, Morgan
Tsvangirai and
Arthur Mutambara, hit deadlock on the distribution of the 31
cabinet
portfolios among their parties. Under the deal, Mugabe should have
15
ministries, Tsvangirai 13 and Mutambara 3.
The tension
heightened last Friday when Mugabe parcelled out the
ministries despite
having met Tsvangirai and Mutambara earlier that day and
having agreed to
recall the pact broker, former South African President
Thabo Mbeki, to
Harare to try to unlock the logjam.
The Tsvangirai-led MDC accused
Mugabe of retaining key ministries -
defence, home affairs, foreign affairs,
local government, justice, and
information - which they said was tantamount
to "power-grabbing" instead of
power-sharing.
Mbeki flew into
Harare on Monday and last night was still trying to
resolve the crisis. But
sources said even if the deadlock is unlocked, there
were more problems on
the road ahead.
Chief among the obstacles, the sources said, would be
the drafting,
gazetting and debating of Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment
No19 that will
operationalise the unity deal.
The amendment would
create the office of the prime minister and deputy
prime ministers and would
expand the numbers of MPs in both the House of
Assembly and the
Senate.
"Details of the constitutional amendment should come from the
three
parties," one of the sources said. "The input into the amendment will
be
contentious and there is a likelihood of another stalemate."
The
source said the MDC-Tsvangirai would fight for a constitutional
provision
stating that Mugabe would make key appointments only after
agreeing with the
prime minister.
Tsvangirai would be the prime minister in the unity
government.
The MDC wants the word "consult" in the agreement referring
to Mugabe
to be replaced with "agreeing".
The sources said Zanu PF
would fight "tooth and nail" to block the MDC
from curtailing Mugabe's
power.
The two MDC formations, the sources added, would also fight to
have a
constitutional provision empowering them to be involved in appointing
key
permanent secretaries, ambassadors, heads of parastatals and government
departments.
If the parties agree, Constitution of Zimbabwe
Amendment No19 will be
gazetted in terms of the law.
After being
gazetted, the constitutional amendment should be debated
publicly for at
least 30 days before it is tabled, debated and passed by
both the House of
Assembly and the Senate. Mugabe would then sign it into
law.
"Given
the process the amendment has to go through, the final
conclusion of the
unity deal should be by the end of December," another
source said. "The
parties are yet to meet to deliberate on the details of
the amendment yet we
are already moving towards the end of October. There is
need for at least
two months from the day of gazetting and passing into
law."
The
sources said apart from the constitutional amendment, Zanu PF and
the two
MDC formations were yet to negotiate on the 10 provincial governors'
posts
Mugabe's party wanted to cling on to.
The Zanu PF central committee on
September 17, two days after the
power-sharing deal was signed, resolved
that the 10 provincial governors
appointed by Mugabe on August 29 should
remain in office.
The central committee agreed that the issue of
governors was not
contained in the pact signed by the three parties
But the MDC has since said the governors' posts should be distributed
among
the parties in line with the outcome of the March 29 elections.
Last
week, Tsvangirai said: "We have not yet deliberated on the
outstanding issue
of the allocation of governors. This issue remains
outstanding considering
that as negotiating parties we agreed that the
allocation of governors must
be in the spirit of the result of the election
on March 29."
The
sources said in this week's round of negotiations with Mbeki in
the chair,
the MDC did not raise the issue of the governors, but left it for
another
day.
Zanu PF and the MDC would also haggle on the proposal by Mugabe's
party to scrap a clause in the unity government barring by-elections for 12
months.
The parties agreed on the clause after considering the
divisiveness
and confrontational nature of elections and also out of the
need to allow
the deal to take root.
The clause read: "Cognisant of
the need to give our people some
breathing space and a healing period, the
parties hereby agree that for a
period of 12 months from the date of signing
of this agreement, should any
electoral vacancy arise in respect of a local
authority or parliamentary
seat, for whatever reason, only the party holding
that seat prior to the
vacancy occurring shall be entitled to nominate and
field a candidate to
fill the seat subject to that party complying with the
rules governing its
internal democracy."
Soon after Zanu PF
resolved to have by-elections, the party tasked its
commissariat department
to prepare for by-elections in
Chegutu, Matobo South and Guruve
North.
By Constantine Chimakure
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com
Monday, 20 October 2008
11:26
LAST week, after an inordinately prolonged delay, the Central
Statistical Office (CSO) released Consumer Price Index (CPI) and inflation
data, although only for July 2008.
At one time such data was
forthcoming within two weeks of month-end,
when it was still meaningful and
of value to the private sector, but for
most of the last year either the
data has been wholly withheld, or has been
released very, very belatedly,
when its impact and usefulness would be of
negligible extent.
This
tardy issuance of key economic facts has generally not been the
fault of
CSO, but of government, which has recurrently barred or hindered
release for
fear of popular reaction being very negatively focused upon
government and
its abysmal failure to ensure a virile, viable economy.
Not only is the
extraordinary belated issuance of CPI and inflation
data highly
prejudicial to effective private sector economic strategisation
and
formulation of operating policies but, once the data is eventually
forthcoming, its veracity is necessarily and inevitably in doubt.
In part, that doubt is fuelled by the delays that have occurred, for
such
delays unavoidably stimulate cynicism and scepticism as to the
credibility
of the released information, with pronounced suspicions that
government has
motivated "doctoring" of the data in order to minimise
negative assessment
of governmental policies and actions.
Yet a further reason for the
private sector, and others, to be unable
to view the alleged CPI and
Inflation statistics with any substantive
credibility is the awareness that
the data is compiled having regard to
"controlled" prices as foolishly,
ineffectively and destructively prescribed
by the National Incomes and
Prices Commission (NIPC), instead of the actual
prices payable by the
population. The hard fact is that virtually no goods
are available for
purchase in the formal sector, save and except from
foreign-currency
licensed shops (FOLIWARS) and from others unlawfully
selling only against
foreign currency payments.
Thus, almost all the public's purchasing of
goods is either within the
black market, where controlled prices are not
applied, or is funded in
foreign currency, which currency is generally
sourced at gargantuan premiums
within the "alternative", unofficial money
markets.
Hence, the real cost of goods is usually in a range of
anything
between 5 and 20 times the controlled prices, but the CSO uses the
controlled prices to compute CPI and, therefrom, to determine inflation
rates. Even in instances where goods are available at the prices prescribed
by NIPC, few can purchase them at these prices, for almost all traders
demand payment in cash, and will only accept cheque payments if they
incorporate a massive premium (usually in the range of 400% to 1
000%).
But most of the population cannot access a sufficiency of cash
to fund
their basic, essential purchases, let alone anything else and
therefore,
although most reluctantly, many do pay the extortionate premiums
demanded
for acceptance of cheques. (of course, with inflation soaring
upwards daily,
and it taking up to five to seven days for cheque clearances
to be effected,
it is unsurprising that there is a great reticence to accept
cheques, unless
they incorporate a substantive compensation for the
inflation that will
occur between date of acceptance and date of
payment).
The magnitude of inflation is further very intensively
magnified by
the immensely pronounced scarcity of foreign currency, which
has enabled
illegal trafficking in foreign exchange to thrive. The Reserve
Bank,
supported by the National Economic Conduct Inspectorate (NECI), the
Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP), the NIPC, and others, have vigorously
sought to curb such foreign currency trading, primarily by resorting to
ever-greater regulation and control and also by constant threats,
fulminations and sabre-rattling against those engaged in such
trading.
But both the controls, and the menaces and declarations of
"big
stick" actions, have not only failed to curb the unofficial foreign
currency markets, but have driven the exchange rates within these markets
ever higher.
Whilst there are innumerable causes of Zimbabwe's
horrendous
inflation, including grossly excessive governmental spending and
consequential past exceedingly great printing of money, in recent times the
most substantive cause of Zimbabwe's gargantuan inflation has been the
impact of alternative market currency exchange rates upon cost of imports
and production, and upon the populace's accessing of foreign currency in
order to obtain goods absolutely basic and essential to its needs, not
otherwise available (including maize meal, flour, sugar, milk, cooking oil,
salt, bread, candles, petroleum products, and much else).
Admittedly, yet another major cause of Zimbabwean inflation is the
catastrophic decline in productivity, with the manufacturing sector
operating at one-fifth of its output levels of 6 years ago, and with
agricultural production having decreased by approximately two-thirds from
past attained levels. And the greatest causes of the decrease in
productivity are again the massively great controls which government seeks
to wield and exert upon all facets of the economy. If government were
willing to privatise parastatals, the infrastructural collapse would be
halted and reversed, to the benefit of national productivity. If government
would remodel its land reform, tenure and redistribution programme, instead
of seeking total control of land, agriculture could be progressively
restored to former levels of glory.
Thus, clearly and not credibly
contestable, government's control-freak
approach is the principal cause of
the most pronounced hyperinflation
prevailing anywhere in the world, and the
third highest level of
hyperinflation in recorded history (and still
rising!). According to CSO,
year-on-year inflation to July, 2008 was 231 162
000%, whilst inflation for
the month of July was stated to be 2 600, 2%. In
reality, the year-on-year
inflation probably exceeded 400 million%, and the
month-on-month inflation
for July will undoubtedly have been in excess of 3
000%.
Agonisingly worse is that inflation in August and September,
2008, and
continuing into October, was indisputably even higher, and it is
probable
that by the end of the present month, annualised inflation will
exceed one
billion%. Even worse is that there can be no expectation of
change, and a
curb to inflation, until a genuinely unified government is
operational,
sound international relations are restored and yield
significant foreign
currency inflows, economic deregulation is
aggressively pursued (including
the burial of NIPC, and the cessation of
cash withdrawal limits), and
genuine efforts are made to restore
productivity. Until all that happens,
the governmental control freaks will
continue to fuel inflation, destroying
the remnants of the economy, and
condemning Zimbabweans to ever greater
suffering.
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com
Monday, 20 October 2008 11:22
GRACE Mugabe has reassured the nation that she will remain First Lady
under
the power-sharing agreement.
"Some people are taking advantage of the
fact that you have limited
access to the media and you are not following
political developments," she
told Bindura residents.
"President
Mugabe remains Head of State and Government and I will
remain the First Lady
while the two Vice-Presidents will remain office
bearers."
This is
an interesting spin. First of all, who has taken advantage of
gullible folk
to spread the word that President Mugabe remains the absolute
ruler under
the power-sharing deal? There has been no suggestion that he is
sharing
anything in the columns of the state press.
Instead it is being said
that he is accommodating other parties from
the same generosity of spirit
that led him to include whites in 1980 and
Zapu in 1987. There is no hint
that he is having to accommodate the MDC
because his party lost the March
general election at the same time that he
lost the presidential
poll.
The government media has invented the fiction that Zanu PF won
"the
popular vote".
Whatever is meant by that construction, Zanu PF
lost a majority of the
seats which is how we determine which party gets to
form the next
government.
And we were interested to hear that
"Amai" Grace Mugabe gets to stay
on as First Lady in terms of the
agreement.
We are not aware of any clause in the agreement referring to
her
status. The term "First Lady" has no constitutional basis. It is
borrowed
from the United States. Grace Mugabe is very simply the wife of the
president. She has no other claim to fame except as a serial
shopper.
She should stop promoting herself as some sort of saviour who
will
defend the "gains" of land reform.
How can she talk about the
gains of land reform when the Americans and
the EU are having to feed
Zimbabwe's starving masses because her husband has
made such a mess of the
economy?
As for the two vice-presidents, we don't recall them being
mentioned
once in the various speeches made on September 15. And not much
has been
said about them since. Hence the necessity for a cheesy front-page
picture
in the Herald to remind us of their existence.
But how do
we explain Grace Mugabe's shrill intervention in a field
that doesn't really
concern her?
Well, it could have something to do with Oppah
Rushesha's demise.
Grace could have her eye on the leadership of the Women's
League. And Joice
Mujuru could be the agent of her ambitions. Watch this
space as the terrible
two criss-cross the country handing out other people's
largesse.
It is said the farming implements, food hampers and
tonnes of maize
donated under Operation Gutsaruzhinji were sourced through
the Reserve Bank.
A picture in the Sunday Mail showed both donors and
recipients dressed in
Zanu PF attire.
In other words public funds
were used for party-political purposes.
And isn't it shocking that
politicians like Mujuru can go around
pretending that Zimbabwe's problems
are the product of sanctions and that in
the March election voters didn't
understand "the developments that were
taking place in our
country"?
In other words, Zanu PF lost because voters didn't understand
the
issues!
Rule No 1 Amai Mujuru: Don't insult the
voters.
"The hardships that the country is experiencing are a result of
sanctions," she proclaimed. "As leaders we should be careful that our
politics do not hurt the people we lead."
Has she told her
politburo colleagues this?
One reason we believe the public press
should be kept out of Zanu PF's
grasping clutches is to prevent distortions
of the sort we witnessed on
Tuesday where the Herald's features and
political editor claimed that Kenya's
President Mwai Kibaki entered into a
power-sharing agreement with Raila
Odinga "following widespread
post-election violence believed to have been
ignited by the
opposition."
Not difficult to see what is going on here. But the truth
is more
instructive.
Post-election violence was sparked in Kenya
because a younger
generation of Kenyans felt they had been deprived of the
opportunity for
change by an ageing president who tolerated corruption and
whose party used
a suborned electoral commission to procure his return to
office after an
election the opposition manifestly won.
This is
clear to everybody except the Herald's political editor!
As for the
Herald's attempt to persuade us that "Tsvangirai got more
than Kenya's
Odinga" in the September 15 agreement, a closer look suggests
the two
parties got about the same division of power. Whatever the case,
Kibaki has
been largely silent since Odinga's appointment and the Kenyan
prime minister
seems to be playing the leading role in speaking for his
country on a range
of issues including Zimbabwe.
Perhaps we should revisit the Kenyan
power-sharing deal to see how the
allocation of important ministries to
Kibaki's party has not prevented
Odinga from occupying the political high
ground.
One area which the MDC has sacrificed to Zanu PF without
realising
their mistake is Media, Information and Publicity. Zanu PF are
already using
this portfolio to mislead the public about the September 15
agreement and
prevent a diversity of views to be expressed about the way
forward.
This is unacceptable. Zanu PF is demanding that the MDC help
them in
their agenda of closing down externally-based radio stations while
continuing to spew partisan propaganda from the state-owned media at home
and preventing newspapers such as the Daily News from reopening. The only
voice heard on radio stations across the land is Mugabe's.
Last
weekend the Sunday News published an editorial in which it quoted
the
Information ministry's permanent secretary George Charamba's remarks
criticising the MDC for three fulsome paragraphs and then added "We could
not agree more."
As if they would be allowed to do anything other
than agree more!
This is obsequiousness at its worst. These flaws need
to be brought to
the attention of Zimbabweans in all walks of life before
Zanu PF claims it
enjoys a media mandate. And the MDC needs to be more
forthright in backing
media reform. As it stands, the absence of a free
media will vitiate
whatever agreement is reached as ruling party
propagandists continue to
resist change.
Muckraker was
interested to read that a driver in the Ministry of
Information and a
salesman had appeared in court on allegations of stealing
five brand new
government trucks. The two committed the offence in league
with the
ministry's acting director (finance and human resources) who has
since fled
the country, it is alleged.
The vehicles had been allocated by the
Reserve Bank and were part of a
batch of 79.
Charamba was quoted as
saying the ministry was committed to keeping
the public informed about any
new developments in the case.
Muckraker has two questions: What does
Gideon Gono think he is doing
allocating 79 vehicles to a ministry which is
little more than a party
mouthpiece? And if the ministry is so committed to
disclosure regarding the
thefts why didn't somebody spot the disappearance
of the two vehicles when
the thefts spanned the period February to
September?
Muckraker raised the issue of government vehicles being
abused by
drivers and relatives of ministers in this column a few weeks
ago.
On Tuesday the Herald reported police had launched a manhunt
for
Andrew Mutinhiri, son of Youth Development and Employment Creation
minister
Rtd Brigadier Ambrose Mutinhiri. He is wanted for allegedly
diverting 10
tonnes of maize acquired from the GMB to buy a car.
This follows a crackdown on corrupt GMB officials.
So what do we have
here? A parastatal widely seen, like other
parastatals, to be a form of
sheltered employment for those with
ruling-party connections? And a
minister's son who is clearly a beneficiary
of his family connections. The
local GMB manager has been arrested in
connection with this case.
The father occupied one of the finest farms in the country, a wine
estate in
Marondera, during the land invasions but then relinquished it to
his wife,
Tracy, who is also a politician, when he moved onto another farm.
Tracy and
young Andrew failed to make a going business of what is a very
specialised
field of agriculture. Which is probably why Andrew's business
interests took
him into new fields of endeavour. He is the director of a
milling company in
Mahusekwa, we are told.
We are reading nearly every week of the
delinquent progeny of chefs,
but why is all this only coming out now? Are we
missing something here?
Surely Zanu PF can't reinvent itself as a clean
party, if that is the
improbable intention.
ZTA CEO Karikoga
Kaseke is a typical parastatal boss, repeating Zanu
PF mantras about why
Zimbabwe is currently isolated and using his clout to
secure perks that
other guests have to pay for.
He appears to have taken exception to
comments in the column a couple
of weeks ago regarding the Sanganai expo
which he arbitrarily moved to
Bulawayo when the city's accommodation
capacity couldn't cope. As a result
punters stayed in Harare where there was
surplus space and were flown to
Bulawayo every day for the expo.
Our Bulawayo staff contacted us on Wednesday to say that our
newspapers had
been refused accreditation to cover the expo.
There was no explanation
for this counter-productive behaviour other
than to learn that Kaseke had
given the instruction.
He subsequently relented and admitted the
reporters.
The episode however simple illustrates our point that
over-mighty
parastatal apparatchiks need a paradigm shift that removes them
from the
ruling party's obsession with message-control and educates them in
elementary media relations.
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com
Monday, 20 October 2008
10:49
Every well-meaning and realistic person who genuinely wants an
urgent,
sustainable political solution to the current Zimbabwe crisis
supports the
current talks.
A workable power-sharing
agreement could pave the way for
reconstruction to ensure social and
economic recovery.
However, these talks reflect our political
underdevelopment as a
society - its lack of developed institutions, values
and attitudes that form
the political power system. It also reflects the
convolution of the current
problems.
Let's face the hard truths
to find our way out.
Given the current situation in which
successive elections since 2000
have failed to resolve the crisis, talks
appear to be the best way out. They
seem to be the most useful tool,
although limited in many ways.
The biggest problem is that in the
final analysis talks may help to
rescue President Robert Mugabe or force the
MDC into a negotiated surrender.
Otherwise, they have to be pursued to the
limit because there are no other
options.
Generally speaking,
negotiations may not be an option at all. Firmly
entrenched dictators who
feel secure in their positions may refuse to
negotiate with the opposition.
Or, when negotiations have been initiated and
they recover, they may then
refuse to be cooperative. This is what Mugabe is
doing.
Yet at
the same time an all-out political fight between Zanu PF and
MDC would
inevitably lead us into civil strife. The conditions for that
already exist.
Any explosive event would ignite the situation.
This further
illustrates why talks must be pursued to the end.
However, this is not to
say the MDC must accept a raw deal. It must push the
frontiers. Mugabe and
Zanu PF are hard-nosed, but they must be forced to
adjust to the political
landscape after March 29.
The assumption underlying this is Mugabe
at some level wants the talks
and can work with the MDC. If he is just
driven by narrow self-interest,
deceit and cynicism, as some of his critics
say, then talks will lead us
nowhere.
Understandably, reacting
to recent brutalities, torture,
disappearances, and killings, some people
say confronting Mugabe head-on is
the only way out. They say talks are a
waste of time. Mugabe personifies the
crisis and cannot be part of the
solution, they argue. They also say Mugabe
still thinks at the very same
warped level at which he created the crisis
and cannot pull us out of the
woods unless he adopts a paradigm shift.
Others put it simply: As
long as Mugabe is in charge nothing will
change, except for the worse. They
say the solution is for the MDC to pull
out of the deal and continue the war
of attrition with Mugabe until he quits
by himself or is forced to
go.
The method suggested is mass action and civil disobedience
because,
the argument goes, Mugabe has no political legitimacy because he
lost the
substantially free and fair March 29 election, only to storm back
into
office through a brutal campaign of violence.
The
assumption informing this proposition is that the MDC in its
current
structure and form is able to mount an open campaign of defiance
against
Mugabe.
Whatever the merits of the confrontational option, however,
one point
is clear. By resorting to antagonistic engagement, the MDC would
have chosen
the very type of terrain and struggle in which Zanu PF would
almost always
have an upper hand. Zanu PF still has all the instruments of
coercion at its
disposal.
The MDC's choice to engage the
regime, especially after the March
elections in which Mugabe and Zanu PF
were defeated was a good decision as
the situation appeared ripe for the
picking. The only problem was the MDC
gave away too much too soon in the
negotiations and now is being forced to
surrender all key ministries, except
perhaps finance.
This deal is very bad, whichever way you look at
it, but there is no
better option at the moment.
Some amazingly
naïve MDC officials and their supporters still claim up
to now the agreement
is a good deal. They don't get it. They still deny it
leaves Mugabe firmly
in charge. They argue illogically that Mugabe is head
of state but not head
of government because the agreement does not state it
in
writing.
But it is clear to everybody who is straight-thinking that
Mugabe is
the head of state and government. His role as head of state is
clearly
outlined. He is also head of government simply because he chairs
cabinet.
Let's go back to the basics. According to the Oxford
Concise
Dictionary of Politics, covering political institutions,
philosophies,
concepts, leaders and thinkers and renowned as one of the most
up-to-date,
cabinet means "regular meetings of ministers - chaired by a head
of
government - with authority to make policies and decisions on behalf of
government".
This may be a bitter pill to swallow to some, but
that's the hard
truth.
Instead of being in denial, MDC
functionaries and their strategists
need to remember that in such a conflict
characterised by political
defiance, things are constantly changing in the
field of struggle with
continuing interplay of moves, countermoves and
manoeuvres. Nothing is
static.
Power relationships, both
absolute and relative, are subject to
constant and sometimes rapid
changes.
In the absence of an alternative, the MDC should try to
capitalise on
this deal. Flawed as it is, it provides significant openings
for them. It
must also ensure that if the ancien regime continues to resist
change, the
world will quickly know of it.
By Dumisani
Muleya
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com
Monday, 20 October 2008 10:39
AS
negotiations for an inclusive national government lurch inexorably
towards
some sort of conclusion, it is clear the outcome is likely to be
fatally
flawed.
The whole purpose of an agreement is to give effect
to the clearly
expressed national wish for change. That desire is not
reflected in either
the ministerial composition or attitude of the erstwhile
ruling party. The
dead wood can be seen floating on the surface of the new
government.
President Mugabe doesn't recognise the significance of
his defeat in
March, or if he does, seeks to wish it away. His followers are
evidently of
the view that the people made a mistake and require
reeducation.
The beating they got at the hands of Zanu PF militias
ahead of the
June run-off was an introductory course. Since then Mugabe has
been steadily
clawing back power.
Vice-President Joice Mujuru
made the party's attitude clear in Mazowe
last week when she told Bindura
voters that "many of you were not aware of
and did not understand the
developments that were taking place in our
country".
These were
caused by sanctions, she claimed.
In other words, the electorate
was mistaken in believing bad policy
decisions had led to food shortages,
price distortions, and hardship. These
were externally-induced, she would
have us believe.
This is the sort of breathtaking dishonesty
politicians get away with
when there is inadequate media scrutiny. As Grace
Mugabe pointed out at the
same event in Mazowe: "Some people are taking
advantage of the fact that you
have limited access to the
media."
Those "taking advantage" of a captive crowd included
herself and
Mujuru. Their audience was clearly not getting an accurate or
honest picture
of the national malaise from either woman handing out the
elements of
persuasion in the form of farm implements and
hampers!
A media deficit where one party gets to abuse the state
media for
partisan publicity is dangerous to the health of any
society.
Mugabe -- husband and wife -- will go on telling audiences
that all
their problems are the responsibility of Britain and the US so they
don't
have to be accountable for their own home-made disasters.
So we will have a government where the majority of ministers, blindly
following their leader, are in denial about their unpopularity, and a former
opposition which will be thwarted at every turn in its efforts to engineer
recovery. It will not be a power-sharing agreement because Zanu PF will
exercise all the important levers of power and above all the instruments of
persuasion.
Even a cursory reading of the state media suggests
its editors are
happy to be used by officials in the President's Office to
spin the view
that Zanu PF did not really lose the March election and that
all our
problems are the fault of Western interventionists. The MDC's
Ministry of
Economic Planning and Investment Promotion will thus be dead on
arrival as
nobody in the West will want to assist a recidivist regime that
declines to
acknowledge where it went wrong.
Mugabe has been
slow to realise that what is required is change. The
people voted for change
and haven't got it. That change -- economic
reconstruction and international
rehabilitation -- can only be effected if
Mugabe and his ministers are
prevented from thwarting their MDC colleagues
in policy implementation. But
every indication is that they propose to do
just that.
For
instance, Zanu PF demands that what it calls "pirate" radio
stations are
closed. But it continues to abuse ZBC for its own partisan
purposes and
blocks the return of dozens of journalists evicted from the
country over the
past eight years for telling inconvenient truths.
At the same time
it refuses to allow the Daily News and other banned
papers from
operating.
Another significant indication of its insincerity is
refusing Morgan
Tsvangirai a passport and persisting with a pernicious
prosecution of Arthur
Mutambara and the Standard newspaper for criticising
the state and the
judiciary during the election campaign.
This
is obviously not a foundation on which any national government
can be
built.
So whatever the outcome of the negotiations that President
Mbeki has
been presiding over this week, our hopes for change depend upon a
recalcitrant regime wedded to power and unprepared to concede anything more
than an illusion of partnership.