http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 21 October 2010 21:27
PRESIDENT
Robert Mugabe has begun to mobilise Zanu PF structures and
supporters as he
pushes for early elections while his faltering health still
permits despite
strong reservations by senior members of his party, informed
sources said
this week.
After flying a kite to test the political waters, Mugabe
is said to have
decided this is the right moment to go for elections and is
now fixated on
the polls. The sources said Mugabe has started mobilising his
party - with
the help of the security establishment - to get ready for yet
another
gruelling electoral battle with the MDC-T and its leader Morgan
Tsvangirai.
The top brass of the army, police and intelligence structures are
said to be
behind Mugabe and Zanu PF again despite their constitutional
obligations to
remain neutral in executing their professional
duties.
Sources said the same structures which retained Mugabe in
office during the
bloody 2008 presidential election run-off after his defeat
by Tsvangirai in
the first round of the poll have been reactivated and
deployed on the ground
to work with Zanu PF functionaries ahead of the draft
constitution
plebiscite and national elections.
"Those structures
are back in action and are working with Zanu PF in a
massive restructuring
and mobilisation drive for elections," a well-placed
insider
said.
Senior Zanu PF leaders told the Zimbabwe Independent this week
that Mugabe
was now convinced that he should lead his party to early
elections because
this was an opportune moment to dislodge Tsvangirai and
the MDC-T and
recover lost ground.
"The president is now clear on
this issue. He wants early elections by mid
next year. He wants elections
when he is still fit and when his rival
(Tsvangirai) is limping," a senior
Zanu PF politburo member said.
"This means that as a party we must
start preparing now and that's what he
was talking about last week. We are
now going out in full force to start
mobilising party structures and our
supporters for elections."
Mugabe last week told the Zanu PF National
Youth Assembly that elections
would be coming by mid next year. He said the
inclusive government should
end by February or soon after the referendum on
the new constitution to pave
way for elections.
"The
constitution-making process has to be accelerated because the life of
this
creature (inclusive government) is only two years," said Mugabe.
"It
started in February last year and in February next year, it must end. It
would have lived its full life and it will not be extended by more than six
months or a year. After a referendum then we have elections by mid next
year. I don't see any reason why we shouldn't have elections next
year."
Another politburo member confirmed Mugabe has started
mobilising the party's
"principal organs and structures".
"At the
moment the idea is to mobilise for elections through the national
people's
conference in December, the politburo, the central committee, the
consultative assembly, women's league, youth league, provincial coordinating
committees, provinces, district committees, branches and cells," the
politburo member said.
"The party is not in good shape but the
national people's conference would
be the best platform for us to formally
launch the campaign because all the
party structures would be represented
there."
One of the functions of the Zanu PF national conference is to
"declare the
president of the party elected at congress as the state
presidential
candidate of the party".
Sources said Mugabe has
already started the campaign to ensure he is
declared the party candidate.
The Zanu PF women's league, which usually
leads the way, has already said
Mugabe would be the candidate and all other
structures would now follow
suit. His endorsement at the conference in
Mutare would be a mere
formality.
The sources said in the next politburo meeting Mugabe
would impress upon the
party's top leadership the need to get ready for
elections.
"The president is going to talk about that issue and
discuss strategies for
elections. One of the tactics of our campaigns would
be to focus on
indigenisation and sanctions. We will go all out telling the
people that the
MDC-T is against indigenisation and has failed or is unable
to remove
sanctions. It's going to be a serious campaign."
While
Mugabe mainly campaigned on the platform of land reform since 2000 and
during the last 2008 elections, his party now wants to focus on
indigenisation and sanctions. Zanu PF leaders think the MDC-T is unable to
respond effectively to these issues effectively.
Sources said
Zanu PF leaders also believe Tsvangirai and the MDC-T are
caught in a spiral
of possible terminal decline following their "dismal
performance" in the
inclusive government and during the ongoing
constitution-making
process.
Mugabe's spokesman George Charamba, who often reflects his
boss's thinking,
has been going to town about this in his column which he
writes under a
pseudonym in the daily state-controlled Herald on
Saturdays.
In one of his telling columns, Charamba claimed on October
2 that Zanu PF
had out-manoeuvred the MDC-T in the constitution-making
process and put
itself in a win-win situation. He said the MDC-T would now
be confronted
with a choice between a Zanu PF-driven draft constitution
(another Kariba
draft) and the current Lancaster House
constitution.
"The MDC's dilemma is choosing between Lancaster House
and a Zanu PF draft.
Much worse, the MDC-T did not have structures in
far-flung rural areas where
the (constitution-making) exercise began. By
contrast, Zanu PF had, and
relied on its organic structures to mobilise
participation and to
consolidate submissions. Not helped by white farmers
who have become a
sulking lot following the MDC-T's failure to secure their
interests, the
party could not mobilise what remains of its farm labourers,"
Charamba said.
"The result was that in well over 98% of rural
centres, Zanu PF's position
prevailed." Charamba said MDC-T was forced to
bus people into rural areas
but ended up being stretched and dismantling its
urban structures. Besides,
he said the MDC-T's lack of leadership and lack
of organisational capacity
have been exposed and this interpretation of
events seems to be giving
Mugabe the confidence to push for early
elections.
Dumisani Muleya
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 21 October 2010 21:17
EIGHT
foreign-controlled banks are targeted for indigenisation amid
recommendations that the empowerment threshold for local investors in the
banking sector should be reduced from the statutory 51% to 40%.
The
banks are Standard Chartered, Barclays, Stanbic, MBCA, CABS, Premier,
Metropolitan and BancABC. They are part of the 25 operating banking
institutions in the country, comprising 15 commercial banks, five merchant
banks, four building societies and one savings bank.
The
empowerment regulations which came through a Statutory Instrument
gazetted
earlier this year, operationalised the Indigenisation and Economic
Empowerment Act of April 2008. The legislation compels foreign-owned
companies valued at US$500 000 or over to dispose of a controlling interest
to black Zimbabweans within the next five years. Most balance sheets of
local banking institutions are above this threshold.
If the 40%
recommendation is adopted by government, six banking institutions
would be
targeted for empowerment - Barclays, MBCA, Stanbic, Standard
Chartered and
CABS - because local ownership is below the proposed
threshold.
According to a report of the economic empowerment
Financial Services
Sectoral Committee in possession of the Zimbabwe
Independent, the 14-member
team has recommended to Empowerment minister
Saviour Kasukuwere an
incremental five-year re-orientation of banks'
shareholding to local
investors.
The committee, one of the 13
sector-specific committees of the
Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment
Board (IEEB), was tasked by
Kasukuwere to advise government on the
appropriate net asset value threshold
above which business in the sector is
required to comply with empowerment
regulations, and recommend sector
specific indigenisation and economic
empowerment strategies for
consideration by the IEEB, among others.
It recommended that local
shareholding in banks should be restricted to at
least 40% because the
"financial services sector is the most integrated
sector in respect of the
inter-linkages with an individual country's economy
and the global
economy".
"Accordingly, the jurisdictions have allowed entry of
foreign-owned
financial institutions to operate in their economies in order
to allow their
citizens to benefit from the diversity of products and
services and
technological advancements," reads the report. "It is therefore
recommended
that indigenous ownership of banking institutions must be at
least 40%."
The re-orientation of the shareholding, the committee
recommended, should
commence next year with foreign-owned banks selling 20%
stakes to locals and
thereafter 5% annually until 2015.
The
empowerment recommendations were made despite stiff resistance from the
Bankers Association of Zimbabwe, which in its submissions to the committee
had argued that the banking sector "was already indigenised" because 85% of
banks were owned by locals.
Out of the targeted
foreign-controlled banking institutions, which make up
nearly 45,06% of the
banking sector's total assets, Stanchart (100%
foreign), Barclays (68%),
Stanbic (100%), MBCA (76%) and CABS (100%) have
historically been
foreign-owned.
However, Premier (54%) and Metropolitan (60%) banks
-both formed by local
shareholders - have become predominantly foreign-owned
following the
disposal of 70% and 60% shareholding, respectively to foreign
shareholders
in recapitalisation initiatives, the report
said.
BancABC, according to the report, has 53% foreign shareholding
by virtue of
having its primary listing on the Botswana Stock Exchange. The
entity has a
secondary listing on the Zimbabwe Stock
Exchange.
"In order to promote transparency and sound corporate
governance in the
implementation of the indigenisation regulations with
regards the financial
sector, it is recommended that financial institutions
that have reached a
certain balance sheet size threshold be required to list
on the Zimbabwe
Stock Exchange."
The committee further advised
government that public listing would also
foster shareholder diversification
and ongoing compliance with prescribed
minimum capital requirements for
financial institutions.
"It has been further observed that some
banking institutions that were
locally owned at inception, such as Premier
Banking Corporation and
Metropolitan Bank, have become foreign-owned
following failure by local
shareholders to inject additional capital," the
report further reads.
"Implementation of the proposed recommendations
should not result in a weak
financial sector reversing the gains from the
liberalisation of the
financial sector." Such fear echoed Reserve Bank
governor Gideon Gono's
warning to government earlier this year against
implementing a "one-size
fits all policy".
On funding the
empowerment programme - which most critics said would be a
handicap to
indigenisation because of lack of capital in Zimbabwe - the
financial
services committee proposed "various types of finance mechanisms"
that
include government budgetary allocations, introduction of levies and
debt
finance.
Banks, which made losses this year, are however expected to
oppose the
funding initiatives.
Nearly half of Zimbabwe's
financial services institutions made losses during
the period ending June 30
2010. Treasury on the other hand is incapacitated.
Finance minister
Tendai Biti is on record saying the US$200 million election
slated for next
year would be a strain to the fiscus. Treasury is also
struggling to raise
funds required to capitalise the central bank.
"These
(indigenisation) funds can be accessed at concessional interest by
indigenous people to finance capital projects or acquisition of stakes in
foreign owned companies," the committee advised. "The levy may be collected
from all companies operating in Zimbabwe, including banking institutions, to
contribute to the indigenisation fund. The levy can be a percentage of
profit or a specific amount payable per annum for example
US$500."
Bernard Mpofu
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 21 October 2010 21:08
MDC-T
treasurer Roy Bennett, who is facing a US$1 million defamation lawsuit
and
is being hunted down by the police, said he will not return to Zimbabwe
until the political situation stabilises and rule of law is
restored.
In a telephone interview with the Zimbabwe Independent
yesterday from South
Africa, Bennett said his wish was to return home, but
at the moment he would
continue staying in South Africa, assessing the
situation.
He said: “I might come back, but it depends on the political
situation in
the country. Zanu PF is ruling with an iron fist. The issues
that I am
being accused of doing are false. They are lies and are just
meant to
torment me.”
Bennett said his decision not to return was also
based on advice from his
colleagues in the party.
“I must take counsel
from my colleagues on that very issue, that counsel
must come from what good
can I serve sitting in jail in Zimbabwe with my
passport taken away from me.
In my position as the treasurer of the MDC I
must be able to mobilise
resources and be able to send support that is
necessary to move our party
forward, so that has to come first and
foremost,” Bennett said.
“I will
re-establish myself in South Africa and I will travel the world and
I will
highlight these issues. I will put them on the table and put as much
pressure to expose the duplicity and total lack of respect by the Zanu PF
junta for the people of Zimbabwe.”
He said allegations raised by Justice
Chinembiri Bhunu that he defamed the
judge were political, adding that he
never made those comments in the media.
According to High Court case number
HC 6724/10, Justice Bhunu is suing
Bennett for US$1 million for allegedly
defaming him in an interview with the
Guardian newspaper of the UK on May 24
in which the MDC-T treasurer was
quoted saying the judiciary was selective
and that “the very judge that is
trying me is the owner of a farm that he’s
been given through political
patronage”.
Since September, Bhunu’s lawyers
said efforts to serve Bennett with the
summons have proved
fruitless.
This has prompted Bhunu’s lawyers to go for a chamber application
to allow
them to serve the senator with the summons through the press, the
Herald
specifically, claiming that the address he gave was
non-existent.
Bhunu says the remarks “were intended to convey and be
understood by the
readers of the Guardian newspaper to mean that the
plaintiff was not a fit
and proper person to be a judge of this honourable
court and to preside over
the trial of the defendant in that: Plaintiff was
deliberately selected to
preside over the defendant’s trial by persons that
will stop at absolutely
nothing to achieve their ends by a selective
application of the rule of law”.
Bennett yesterday said: “All these
are
lies and I never gave a wrong address of where I am staying. The address
that I gave of the flat when I applied for bail is there. It’s just Zanu
PF’s
way of wanting to torment me.”
He said he knew that the police were
instructed to arrest him and he thinks
that this was designed by Zanu PF to
scuttle his appointment as deputy
Agriculture
minister.
Wongai Zhangazha
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 21 October 2010 20:25
THE
three main political parties in the inclusive government have clashed
over
the new constitution with MDC-T now declaring that the outcome of the
process would be a transitional document paving the way for free and fair
elections next year, Zanu PF saying no to a negotiated charter, and MDC-M
revealing that the final draft would be negotiated with the Kariba draft as
the reference point.
MDC-T made a summersault this week on proposals to
have a negotiated
constitution, saying it will now support the "flawed"
outreach outcome as a
transitional document paving the way for the 2011
elections.
Party spokesman Nelson Chamisa told the Zimbabwe Independent on
Wednesday
that the MDC-T would rally behind the outreach process outcome as
a way of
respecting the people's views which were expressed under choking
conditions
and come up with a "transitional constitution" before
elections.
Chamisa said Zimbabweans would be given a chance to write another
constitution after the elections when they are in power.
President Robert
Mugabe, who should proclaim election dates in consultation
with Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and his deputy Arthur Mutambara, last
week
indicated that elections were likely by mid-next year.
Chamisa insisted that
the outreach process was flawed although the content
could not be ignored
considering that Zimbabweans sacrificed to air their
views under threats
from Zanu PF.
He said: "We don't want a negotiated constitution. The
constitution-making
process is not what it was supposed to be; it's not
legitimate because
Mugabe frog-marched people to uphold Zanu PF views but we
certainly cannot
throw away what other Zimbabweans contributed under a
difficult political
environment.
"Zimbabweans will be given another
chance to write a constitution in a free
environment after elections. That's
why we want a transitional constitution
now to create a conducive climate
for elections, after which a new charter
will be written."
Tsvangirai
last month hinted that a new governance charter could be
negotiated in the
same way the Lancaster House constitution was written,
citing political
violence and intimidation that marred the
constitution-making process around
the country.
However, Mugabe criticised Tsvangirai's negotiated constitution
proposal,
saying the supreme law would be crafted on the basis of the
people's views.
Presidential spokesperson George Charamba told the
Independent this week
that Mugabe would not agree to a negotiated
constitution, disregarding the
views of ordinary Zimbabweans.
Charamba
said: "They refused the Kariba draft and wanted a people-driven
constitution
and then we said it shall be that. When we have taken the
trouble to order
people on their views like that and these views are
binding -- that is the
essence of democracy. They (MDC-T) don't have a
choice. We will insist on
the complete respect of the people.
"The constitution-making process has a
management committee hence it doesn't
proceed on the goodwill of a political
party. (NCA chairperson Lovemore)
Madhuku can choose to withdraw but MDC
cannot play God in a national
process. It can not stop because of
MDC-T."
MDC-M deputy secretary-general Priscilla Misihairabwi-Mushonga told a
conference in Harare on Zimbabwe Transition in Comparative Perspectives this
week that the outreach process was agreed to by politicians as a "way of
managing the process" but they had an agreement that the Kariba draft was
going to be the constitution.
"It's now time for us to come out in the
open," she said adding that the
parties would definitely go back to the
negotiating table and Kariba would
be the starting point for the
negotiations.
Misihairabwi-Mushonga added that the ruling parties had agreed
on the
outreach process so as to manage the people.
The Constitution
Parliamentary Select Committee (Copac), which is battling
to come up with a
new constitution on time, suspended outreach meetings in
Harare and
Chitungwiza due to a wave of violence blamed on Zanu PF and
military and
security agents.
Mugabe, Tsvangirai and Mutambara agreed under the global
political agreement
(GPA) to write a new constitution before fresh
elections.
Tsvangirai told his supporters in Mabvuku on Tuesday that his
party demanded
a report from Copac and the management committee over the
violent cases that
disrupted gathering of views. He said Copac was supposed
to redo areas that
were marred by violence and intimidation.
His latest
statement exposed Tsvangirai's backtracking from his previous
announcements
declaring the party's inclination was for a negotiated supreme
law.
"Those who interfered with meetings should be arrested after which
Copac
must have a fresh visit in areas that were disturbed," said the
premier in
Mabvuku.
MDC-T is now insisting that there should be no
consultation meetings, even
in Harare, until perpetrators of violence are
arrested.
However, Charamba said there was no link between judicial processes
and the
constitution-making process.
"The Prime Minister at the last
meeting of the National Security Council was
shown images of his own people,
including MPs, instigating violence -- ask
him about it. These people were
apprehended. However, there is no link
between the judiciary and the
constitution-making process. The constitution
process will take momentum on
its own life of the GPA," he said.
Tsvangirai said it was poignant that
Mugabe and cronies have instilled fear
among Zimbabweans to stifle them from
pushing for critical democratic
reforms like the constitutional
agenda.
"We are agreed with Mugabe for a constitution-making process then a
referendum before the elections. But we don't support an outreach process
marred by violence," he said.
MDC-T supporters in Mabvuku said they would
not be allowed to vote because
they were classified as aliens even though
their forefathers lived in
Zimbabwe more than a century ago. They argued
that it was a ploy by Mugabe
to weaken Tsvangirai's stronghold in Harare and
other urban centres.
Tsvangirai said aliens voted in 1980 and Zimbabwean
citizens cannot be
disenfranchised.
"We are going to tell ZEC (Zimbabwe
Electoral Commission) that the so-called
aliens must have the right to vote.
It's unfair to disenfranchise people,"
the premier
added.
Brian Chitemba/Faith Zaba/Wongai Zhangazha
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 21 October 2010 20:23
LAWMAKERS
heckled Transport and Infrastructural Development minister
Nicholas Goche
this week accusing him of making political and tribal
considerations in
allocating the US$15 million raised by the Zimbabwe
National Road Authority
(Zinara) from tollgates.
Goche told the House of Assembly that his ministry
was not responsible for
the disbursements of Zinara funds to local
authorities, stating that as a
matter of policy, councils received what they
would have requested for their
road development projects.
"The minister
is not responsible for the direct disbursements of funds to
local
authorities. This is the jurisdiction of Zinara board," Goche said.
"However, I have to say the amounts disbursed were in relation to providing
of acquittals for previous disbursements."
The minister said this in
response to Masvingo West MP Mharadza Tachiona's
question on what criterion
was used by the ministry in the disbursement of
US$15 million for road
maintenance when one takes into consideration that
half of the funds were
disbursed to Zvimba, Bindura and Rusununguko (Shamva)
districts at the
expense of districts from the southern provinces.
Zvimba, President Robert
Mugabe's home district, received slightly above
US$2 million, second to
Bindura that received US$2,6 million and other
Mashonaland districts
received more than US$100 000 in comparison to
southern districts that
received mostly amounts less than US$100 000.
Tachiona interjected as Goche
tried to distance his ministry from the
disbursement of the funds, saying
the minister had allocated his home
district more money in a clear case of
political patronage.
"You disbursed a substantial amount of money to your
constituency," he said.
Goche is the MP for Shamva North.
Insiza MP
Siyabonga Ncube also called for fairness and transparency in the
distribution of the funds as toll gates were found across all
provinces.
"Minister, the national cake should be shared equitably among the
districts.
There is a feeling that disbursements are not being done fairly,"
charged
Ncube.
Goche defended the disbursements and maintained there was
no corruption or
political patronage that was used in the allocation of the
funds. Tempers
flared as MPs heckled the minister and the Speaker, Lovemore
Moyo, had to
call the House to order.
After calm was restored, Goche
said: "There are other councils that got more
than the published figures in
past disbursements. If you want, I can give
you the full list. There was no
corruption. The councils receive what they
request for their
projects."
Mugabe and his loyalists have over the years been accused of
grabbing
national resources to develop their own regions at the expense of
others.
This has created imbalances in national development and angered
other
regions which felt marginalised.
The disbursement of tollgate funds
collected between August last year and
June this year has raised questions
about Mugabe's role in ensuring fair
distribution of national resources,
especially after his home district, a
place with little commercial activity,
and Bindura, the capital of the Zanu
PF stronghold, Mashonaland Central, got
the lion's share.
An analysis of the distribution pattern of tollgate money
contained in
Finance minister Tendai Biti's recent Mid-Term fiscal policy
review
statement clearly shows that proportionally most of the US$15 million
already disbursed by Zinara to different districts for the maintenance of
the country's road network went to Mashonaland West and Mashonaland
Central.
Paidamoyo Muzulu
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 21 October 2010 20:23
A HARARE
magistrate has ruled that the alleged fraud case involving
Renaissance
Financial Holdings chief executive officer Patterson Timba and
his brother,
Stevenson, is not a criminal case as the state has failed to
adduce facts
that constitute a crime.
Magistrate Vongai Muchuchuti who made the
ruling on Wednesday said:
“Litigants must be urged to desist from abusing
the criminal justice system
to score points against business rivals and
partners.”
She refused to place the Timba brothers on remand on what she
described as
“baseless allegations”.
Timba, jointly charged with
Stevenson, chief executive of Freshco Resources,
appeared at the Harare
Magistrates’ Courts last month facing allegations of
fraudulently attempting
to take over a mining company, Glencairn.
“The accused persons are facing a
charge of fraud and the essential elements
of this offence demands that
there be actual or potential prejudice. In this
case the state seems to
allege that it was the company which suffered
prejudice and that cannot be
substantiated,” said the magistrate.
“The fact that certain people be
appointed directors without consultation
from others does not cause
prejudice to the company at all.”
She said during cross examination the
investigating officer held the
contention that the accused breached the
provisions of the Companies Act,
but could not explain how he arrived at the
offence of fraud.
“It is clear that the investigating officer handling this
matter is not
conversant with the company laws vis-a-vis the memorandum of
understanding
and the articles of association of the company. That is where
the crux of
the matter lies,” she said.
Muchuchuti said it was the duty
of the state to place before the court
cogent facts that show that there is
reasonable suspicion that the accused
persons committed an offence known in
the criminal system.
“It is disheartening when matters that have nothing to
do with the criminal
law are brought before the criminal courts,” the
magistrate said.
“Appointments of directors in a company and the matrices
used to appoint
such are civil matters which have no business in the
criminal courts.”
She said she could not understand why the case was brought
before the
criminal court despite the Attorney-General (AG)’s Office’s
refusal to
prosecute.
“How the matter came before this court after the
brilliant and instructive
note written by Mr (Chief Law Officer Chris)
Mutangadura of the AG’s office
explaining why prosecution was being denied
boggles the mind,” Muchuchuti
adjudged. “The IO (investigating officer)
admitted that the AG declined to
prosecute this case and that admission
leaves the court in a quandary as to
who between the police and the AG is
the prosecuting authority.”
Last month, Timba’s lawyers, Atherstone &
Cook, wrote a complaint to officer
commanding Criminal Investigations
Department CID Fraud in Harare, Assistant
Commissioner Samson Mangoma,
asking him to ensure that justice and rule of
law is observed by the police
towards their clients’ case.
The lawyers said the police’s conduct in the
case showed that they had
personal interests, considering that Mutangadura
had declined to prosecute
the Timbas saying the matter was more civil than
criminal.
Wongai Zhangazha
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 21 October 2010
20:19
PRIME Minister Morgan Tsvangirai has said President Robert Mugabe
has no
powers to determine the lifespan of the inclusive government without
consulting other political principals.
The premier was responding to
Mugabe’s statement last week that Zimbabweans
will go for elections by mid
next year because he cannot extend the
inclusive government lifespan by more
than six months.
According to Constitutional Amendment No 19, the inclusive
government would
be reviewed after the writing of a new constitution, but it
does not give
the lifespan of the pact.
Tsvangirai told his supporters in
Mabvuku on Tuesday that Mugabe had no
right to limit the term of the
inclusive government which was formed as a
result of the sham June 2008
presidential election run-off.
He said MDC-T was solid and ready for
elections to end the pact with Mugabe’s
Zanu PF and the MDC led by Deputy
Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara.
The three principals formed a coalition
government in February last year,
but it has been shaky with Tsvangirai and
Mugabe clashing on several
occasions and the MDC-T leader blaming Mugabe of
flouting the Global
Political Agreement (GPA).
“All what Mugabe did in
the inclusive government, appointing governors,
judges and ambassadors is
illegal and unconstitutional. They say I don’t
understand because I am not a
lawyer, but I know what is right or wrong,”
Tsvangirai said.
The MDC-T
leader said Mugabe had failed to share executive power, forcing
his party to
demand an end to the inclusive government, which he said was
forced on the
country by Sadc.
Tsvangirai said the MDC-T wanted Sadc, the African Union and
international
observers as well as peacekeepers before the elections to
allow for a
conducive environment.
The MDC-T claims that Mugabe unleashed
a wave of violence during the June
2008 presidential election run-off which
left 200 of its supporters dead
while thousands were injured.
He said his
party told Sadc facilitator, South African President Jacob Zuma,
that he was
prepared for elections if Mugabe wants the polls.
“We will use the regional
and international powers to make sure elections
are free and fair,” he said.
“There should be Sadc and international
peacekeepers before the elections.
We also want a new voters’ roll before we
go for the elections.”
However,
presidential spokesperson George Charamba said the lifespan of the
inclusive
government was determined by the GPA, which he pointed out ends in
February
2011.
On elections and international observers, Charamba said: “The more
there are
disagreements, the more elections are attractive. Elections will
settle the
problems. Dysfunctionality of the inclusive government simply
invites or is
asking for an early election.
“Sadc as observers is not a
new thing. All elections have been observed by
Sadc –– we signed the Sadc
protocol adjusting the Electoral Act, which meet
the expectations of
Sadc.”
Charamba added that: “If a state takes an antagonistic stance against
another state, you can’t expect that state to suddenly emerge as an
observer. Britain, America and the EU are contestants in an election in
Zimbabwe, which disqualifies them as observers. We have made enough
concessions. This is now a hard-knuckled phase of Zimbabwean politics.
”
Last week, Zuma sent his facilitation team to Harare after Mugabe
unilaterally re-appointed Zanu PF provincial governors without the consent
of other principals. Tsvangirai launched a fierce attack on Mugabe’s
appointments, which he said were “nonsensical and illegal”. He appealed to
South Africa, the United Nations and European Union to ignore diplomatic
appointments made by Mugabe since 2008.
The premier said an independent
electoral commission should be appointed to
implement critical reforms and
criticised the “partisan” Zimbabwe Electoral
Commission (ZEC) which is
headed by Zanu PF allies.
Apart from MDC-T, the Mutambara-led MDC and civil
society are lobbying for
electoral reforms before fresh elections, but
Mugabe seems determined to go
for polls with or without the
reforms.
Charamba said the reforms, which include the electoral reforms
agreed by the
negotiators, would be put in place before the elections mid
next year.
“These are false arguments because these (the implementation of
reforms) are
predicated on a cooperation stance. Wasn’t Constitution
Amendment No 19 done
in one afternoon –– as a matter of fact in seconds ––
because it was agreed
that none of the parties should oppose the
amendments,” he said.
Tsvangirai said he would push for justice in the rural
areas where war
veterans’ leader Jabulani Sibanda is reportedly terrorising
political
opponents.
In an interview this week, MDC-T spokesman Nelson
Chamisa said it was not
surprising that Mugabe was pushing for elections due
to his frustrations of
failing to manipulate Tsvangirai and his top
aides.
“Our relationship with Zanu PF in the inclusive government is now like
oil
and water. We can’t be the same,” he said.
Chamisa said the political
environment could be free once international and
Sadc observers are deployed
six months prior to the elections.
Meanwhile, MDC-T sources said the party
was auditing structures in
Matabeleland North, South, Midlands and Bulawayo
to fill gaps that were left
vacant following the 2005 split.
The sources
said the restructuring exercise was aimed at strengthening the
grassroots
level of the party ahead of a possible congress next year.
MDC-T organising
secretary Elias Mudzuri confirmed that he had embarked on a
restructuring
exercise to strengthen the party.
“We are on a countrywide restructuring
programme where we are putting in new
structures while strengthening old
ones. It’s an ongoing exercise which we
are not sure when we will complete,”
he said.
Brian Chitemba/Faith Zaba
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 21 October 2010
20:18
THE Ministry of Health and Child Welfare is set to receive a paltry
US$100
million in the 2011 budget against its bid for USS$534 million amid
revelations that 70% of diseases and deaths in the country, caused by
malnutrition, diarrhea, malaria and pregnancy-related complications, are
preventable.
The ministry's permanent secretary, Brigadier-General Gerald
Gwinji, made
the revelations when he gave oral evidence on the ministry's
budget bid for
2011 to the parliamentary portfolio committee on health on
Tuesday.
"Several studies confirm that Zimbabweans continue to die from
easily
preventable and treatable conditions like HIV and Aids, tuberculosis,
diarrhea, acute respiratory infections, malaria, malnutrition, injuries,
hypertension, maternal deaths and mental health disorders," he said.
On
his ministry's bid, he said: "The ministry was promised only US$100
million
by the treasury in the next budget against our bid for US$534
million. This
allocation falls short of the Abuja declaration on the funding
of health
that should take up 15% of the national budget. Currently we are
only
getting about 7,6% of the national budget and the country is still far
from
meeting its disease reduction targets."
Zimbabwe still has an unacceptable
high level of HIV prevalence at 13,7%
among the 15 to 49 age group.
Currently, only 315 000 people are on
anti-retroviral therapy
countrywide.
The country's maternal mortality levels are at an unacceptably
high level of
725 deaths per every 100 000 births according to a 2007
Maternal and
Perinatal Mortality Study.
Gwinji said the country was still
not out of the woods on cholera outbreaks.
"Cholera epidemics, exacerbated by
a countrywide breakdown of sewerage and
water supply and treatment systems,
claimed 4 269 lives out of a total of 97
469 cases by end of 2009. We still
have sporadic outbreaks and recently
there was one in Chiadzwa area,
Manicaland province," he said.
Due to perennial underfunding, the country
still relied on the donor
community for most of essential medicines found in
public health
institutions.
"In the years 2009 and 2010, purchase of
medicines and medical supplies were
mainly supported by partners. About 90%
of medicines in the public health
sector are from development partners. This
support from development partners
targets the primary health centres that
are clinics and district hospitals.
Thus government needs to avail funds to
purchase supplies for central and
provincial hospitals," the permanent
secretary said.
Gwinji lamented the shortage of qualified and experienced
human resources
within the ministry due to poor salaries and conditions of
service compared
to regional countries and Western Europe.
In the same
breath, he acknowledged the donor community's support in giving
allowances
to the few qualified staff still in the country as retention
allowances.
"The conversion of currency from Zimbabwe dollars to United
States dollars
in 2009 helped stabilise the deteriorating situation.
Partners support came
in handy in improving government efforts by paying
retention allowances,"
Gwinji said.
The portfolio committee members were,
however, sceptical of the ministry's
policy of expatriate recruitment. They
questioned the credentials of some of
the foreign doctors engaged due to a
higher incidence of misdiagnoses and
malpractices reported at centres where
they are stationed.
Gwinji defended the recruitment saying it was a stop-gap
measure in the face
of the massive exodus of qualified and experienced staff
at the height of
the economic meltdown in early 2000 for greener pastures in
the Diaspora.
The ministry hired expatriates from Cuba, Democratic Republic
of Congo,
China, and North and South Korea.
The portfolio committee
resolved to support and advocate for a higher vote
to the ministry in the
face of the evidence that was produced in defence of
the ministry's 2011
budget bid.
Paidamoyo Muzulu
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 21 October 2010 20:16
THE
deeply divided Zanu PF Bulawayo province is sinking slowly as party
officials plan to sack over 70 top provincial members for boycotting party
meetings and events.
Insiders told the Zimbabwe Independent this
week that the provincial joint
council met two weeks ago at Davies Hall,
party headquarters in Bulawayo,
where it was resolved that those who have
not been attending crucial
meetings and activities should be fired.
The
October 10 meeting, sources said, was poorly attended with only 30 out
of
110 provincial joint council members present, sparking anger from
controversial chairman Isaac Dakamela.
The main functions of the
provincial joint councils -- made up of provincial
executive council
members, provincial women's league committee and
provincial youth league
committee -- are to co-ordinate the affairs of the
three wings of the party
within the province.
Politburo member in charge of Bulawayo, Sikhanyiso
Ndlovu, was two weeks ago
cornered by other senior party officials,
including Angeline Masuku, Tshinga
Dube, Edison Ncube and Eunice Sandi-Moyo
for failing to build vibrant party
structures.
On August 26, only 50 out
of 150 provincial coordinating committee members
attended the gathering,
showing deep-rooted problems bedevilling the former
ruling party in the
province.
The politburo and central committee members were concerned about
the
collapse of structures ahead of the party's December conference in
Mutare
and instructed Ndlovu to ensure sanity prevails in Bulawayo.
"More
than 70 people are targeted; they will be given dismissal letters
anytime,"
a senior party official said this week. "The provincial joint
council agreed
that Bulawayo should attend the conference with solid
structures rather than
counting on people who are not interested.
Absenteeism has stalked all
leagues of the party: women, youth and the main
wing. It's like people are
disgruntled over the running of affairs of the
party by Ndlovu."
Dakamela
has confirmed that the provincial joint council met, but denied
that radical
action would be taken against members accused of letting down
the
party.
"No one will be removed from party structures. We met of course, but
we don't
intend to fire anyone," he said.
Dakamela is expected to send
the letters next week after which new members
will be co-opted into the
provincial executive.
A close ally of Mines minister Obert Mpofu, Dakamela
was suspended in July
on corruption allegations, but declined to vacate
office.
The major reason for the October 10 meeting was to take an audit of
structures and come up with ways to rejuvenate the party that is slowly
losing significance in Bulawayo and other Matabeleland provinces, added the
source.
The provincial coordinating committee which consists of
politburo, central
committee and provincial executive members also resolved
a fortnight ago to
repossess vehicles from party officials who are
"inactive".
The source said Dakamela, under Ndlovu's orders, two weeks ago
sent youth
league members to take back a vehicle from a provincial executive
member,
Christopher Dube, who refused to part with it.
It emerged that
Ndlovu instructed Dakamela to withdraw party vehicles from
district
coordinating committee chairpersons whom he chiefly blamed for the
imminent
collapse of party structures.
"There is a tussle over Zanu PF vehicles
because Dakamela wants to repossess
the cars while those who use the
vehicles are resisting. It's a fight over
party property," said a provincial
executive member.
Dakamela denied that he was repossessing vehicles from
party members. Ndlovu
could not be reached for comment as his mobile phone
was not reachable, but
last week he denied that there was infighting in Zanu
PF in Bulawayo.
Zanu PF is continuing to lose support in Bulawayo where the
party failed to
win a seat in the March 2008 elections. The country's second
largest city as
well as Matabeleland North and South have become MDC
strongholds. Both
formations of the MDC enjoy support in the
region.
Insiders say of late, Zanu PF is slowly losing members to the revived
Zapu
led by former politburo member Dumiso Dabengwa, who two years ago said,
as
Zapu, they were pulling out of the December 22 1987 Unity Accord,
accusing
President Mugabe and his top aides of sidelining former PF-Zapu
members.
Brian Chitemba
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 21 October 2010
19:58
ZIMBABWE will not be ready for elections in eight months time
because the
national healing process is yet to take effect and democratic
reforms are
still to be implemented, analysts said this week.
They said
credible, free and fair elections could only be held after
addressing issues
which have dented the credibility of the last elections
held in
2008.
Past elections have been marred by political violence, intimidation,
torture
and abuse of state machinery by Zanu PF and its leader, President
Robert
Mugabe.Zimbabwe’s institutions are too weak and compromised to
prevent
state-sponsored violence or to deliver a democratic election, the
analysts
pointed out. Mugabe, who under the constitution sets the date for
elections,
last week said polls would be held by mid-next year, ending the
marriage
between the three main political parties in the inclusive
government.
Elections have lost their elixir in Zimbabwe, analysts said,
adding that
credible elections could only be held after government
implements
substantive electoral reforms, cleans up the voters’ roll (which
has
thousands of ghost voters), entrenches national healing and allows for
proper voter education.
The MDC wants the Southern African Development
Community (Sadc) to supervise
elections to ensure full compliance with its
2004 Grande Baie principles and
guidelines governing democratic elections,
which include impartiality of
electoral institutions, full public
participation, prevention of
state-sponsored violence and non-interference
in electoral processes by the
state security sector.
Harare-based analyst
Trevor Maisiri, who is also executive director of the
African Leadership
Reform Institute, said eight months were too short a time
to put Zimbabwe’s
house in order.
“There are several factors that seem to work against this
deadline,” said
Maisiri. “Firstly we must realise the contentions that have
been expressed
with the state of the voters’ roll. If we are going to an
election with the
old voters’ roll which has lost credibility then we must
also be aware of
what outcome it may give us.”
Maisiri said the political
violence which characterised past elections
continued to threaten future
polls as no “meaningful effort has been relayed
into creating a peaceful,
reconciliatory and integrative political
environment in Zimbabwe”.
The
Organ on National Healing, Reconciliation and Integration balked under
the
weight of the polarisation in the country and an ambiguous and hazy
mandate
which has seen it failing to record significant success. Another
analyst,
Psychology Mazivisa, said while the constitution and the GPA were
supposed
to play complementary roles, and this disjoint has contributed
towards a
failed national healing.
“The constitution contemplates a free, open and
democratic society while the
GPA specifically makes provision for an organ
on national healing,” said
Mazivisa. “However, in practice, our constitution
is subservient to Mugabe.
He is the law. As far as the organ on national
healing is concerned it
exists in name, but not in deed.”
Maisiri added
that there was no guarantee that the electoral reforms
proposed since the
formation of the inclusive government in February 2009
would pass through
parliament in time for the plebiscite as there “seems to
be no time
congruence for a comprehensive electoral legislative agenda”.
Takura
Zhangazha, a political scientist, said a free and fair election could
only
be guaranteed after the full implementation of reforms agreed to by the
political parties signatory to the GPA.
“Issues that must be addressed in
order to arrive at a stage where free and
fair elections can be held relate
to initially an independent review of the
reforms that the inclusive
government has undertaken as regards national
healing, elections and
constitutional reform,” said Zhangazha.
Zhangazha added that it was possible
to have a much “less ambiguous
negotiation of the extension of the mandate
of the inclusive government and
GPA until the greater majority of the
undemocratic tendencies of the
inclusive government have been transparently
addressed”.
The path towards the next elections appear jagged and littered
with legal
and political landmines which threaten to derail the staggering
economic
recovery.
Business was unequivocal last month, appealing to the
political leadership
to put elections on hold until a much firmer ground for
economic recovery
has been established. However, events in the last two
weeks could drown
their plea as both Mugabe and his bitter archrival Prime
Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai appear to have gone for broke calling for an
election. According
to the GPA, a new constitution should come first, but of
the problems which
emerged during the constitutional outreach programme,
there is now talk that
the country might go for elections under a
provisional legal framework or
the current document. Analysts have, however,
warned that such an
arrangement, which would bring in a negotiated
constitution leading to
elections, would result in a messed-up process.
There are also fears of
violence breaking up before the polls.
“We do not
write constitutions in order to go to elections, we write
constitutions in
order to lay a solid ground for current and future
governance of nations,”
said Maisiri. “So we are likely to have a situation
where a quick-fix
constitution may be intimated so as to allow the rollout
of elections. How
does one then govern after those elections on a
constitution that would have
primarily been meant for that very election?”
Leonard Makombe
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 21 October 2010 19:48
THE
Bankers Association of Zimbabwe (BAZ) has asked government to extend the
use
of multiple currencies by five more years amid fears of massive
externalisation ahead of next year’s general elections.
Externalisation
falls under the Exchange Control Act and is applicable only
to residents of
Zimbabwe who are obliged to remit their foreign currency
through authorised
dealers.
Bank deposits have since the adoption of foreign currencies grown to
US$1,86
billion from US$1,4 billion in the first half of the year.
BAZ
president, John Mushayavanhu told stakeholders attending the National
Budget
consultative workshop at a local hotel in Harare that treasury should
maintain the use of foreign currencies, a policy adopted last year to stem
hyperinflation. Finance Minister Tendai Biti is expected to present the
Budget Statement before Parliament next month (November).
The BAZ
position could be a response to President Robert Mugabe’s weekend
remarks
that he was unwilling to extend the tenure of the coalition
government which
he said would lapse next February. Mugabe cited sharp
differences with his
long-time rival and partner in the inclusive
government, Prime Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai for holding the election.
“The currency position needs to
be clarified in the budget statement so that
it can be legislated in the
Finance Act,” Mushayavanhu said. “The budget
statement should clearly state
the minimum duration of the multi currency
regime. A minimum period of five
years is recommended. This will stem
externalisation as we head for
elections next year.” Government announced
that it would “revise” the policy
in 2012 although it remains unclear
whether Zimbabwe will restore the use of
the now worthless local unit or
join the South African Customs Union
anchored by the rand.
The BAZ also warned that the non return of Statutory
Reserve Balances is
threatening the viability and liquidity of banks. A
statutory reserve is the
amount of money any bank has to maintain with the
Reserve Bank for every
customer. The bankers however advised government to
issue Special Treasury
Bills with “staggered maturity dates” at a nominal
interest rate. The bills
according to Baz should have a final maturity date
by June 2011.
“In the absence of a clear payment plan by the Finance
ministry, these
balances will be regarded as non performing assets which
should be fully
provided for. This has the effect of reducing banks’
profitability (and
capital) by plus or minus US$80 million, which is the
total outstanding in
unpaid Reserves.”
Following an increase in bank
robberies after the introduction of multi
currencies as legal tender, the
bankers association advised government to
waive duty on imported security
systems for banks.
“It is therefore recommended that duty be waived for the
importation of
point of sale machines and ATMs to enable banks to import
more gadgets. Also
it is recommended that taxes on automated transactions be
removed or reduced
to promote use of plastic money,” Mushayavanhu
said.
Meanwhile, the Zimbabwe Association of Pension Funds also backed BAZ
submissions saying government should maintain the monetary regime up to
2016.
“The industry would appreciate clarification on the currency policy
up to
2016 to ascertain value preservation on any future bond issues,” reads
ZAPF
proposals submitted to treasury.
Bernard Mpofu
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 21 October 2010 19:43
AIR Zimbabwe has
bought two A340-500 Airbuses which will service the
Harare-London and
Harare-Beijing routes, the airline's chairman Jonathan
Kadzura said this
week.
The first plane will be delivered by the end of November and
the second will
be expected either in December or early January next
year.
The planes will fly to London three times a week and twice a week to
China.
Air Zimbabwe's management has been pressing government to replenish
its
ageing fleet to give it a competitive edge.
The airline currently
flies two Boeing B767-200s, two B737-200s and one
Chinese Modern Ark 60
turboprops.
Kadzura confirmed to businessdigest that the new planes would
arrive in the
country by December.
"It is our desire to ensure that the
national airline is completely revived
for the better. We are expecting the
two aircrafts by December," he said
Kadzura could however not disclose the
cost of the planes. The Airbus
A340-500 operates the world's longest
commercial air routes linking
Singapore non-stop with New York.
The
Airbuses are coming at a time Zimbabwe is trying to lure other national
airlines to fly to Zimbabwe
A total of 18 international airlines have
left the country due to negative
publicity on Zimbabwe as a result of the
political crisis.
These include Lufthansa, Qantas, Austrian Airlines,
Swissair, Air India, Air
France and TAP Air Portugal. African airlines that
are no longer flying into
Harare include Egyptair, Air Mauritius, Linhas
Aereas de Mocambique, Air
Namibia, Royal Swazi Airlines, Air Seychelles, Air
Tanzania, Ghana Airways,
Air Uganda and Air Cameroon.
Insiders said the
delivery of the two aircraft will give Air Zimbabwe the
opportunity to
service West Africa and the Dubai route with the Boeing 767
as the national
airline re-launched its expansion programme in line with the
economic
stability.
However, they said the introduction of the new aircraft alone
without
dealing with issues like debt, retrenchments and retiring of the old
Boeing
737 will not bring a quick turnaround to the national
airlines.
Aviation sources said the airline had been struggling because it
embarked on
cost-cutting measures which have seen Air Zimbabwe pulling out
of several
lucrative routes such as Harare-DRC, Harare-Dar-es-Salaam,
Harare-Lilongwe
and Harare-Nairobi.
They believe such cost-cutting
measures should have been complemented by
other strategies to salvage and
maintain market share.
Analysts said the airline had lost out on potential
investors or meaningful
investment due to their failure to produce up to
date audited financial
accounts.
Air Zimbabwe and other parastatals in
the country are facing serious
challenges relating to public accountability
as a result of poor business
culture, which has been compounded by the
economic challenges the country
faced over the past decade.
Air
Zimbabwe's attempts to go regional in partnerships with Air Malawi, Air
Mauritius, Zambia, Tanzania and Kenya have not yielded anything.
It is
also alleged that these partnerships have been aborted on claims that
some
of the airlines were not performing, although it has since been
realised
that more foreign currency earnings could have been earned from
such
partnerships.
Paul Nyakazeya
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 21 October 2010
19:43
THE mining sector says inflation pressures have subsided in the
second half
of the year and will see the annualised inflation closing the
year at 4%.
In its macro economy perspective report, the Chamber of Mines of
Zimbabwe
sees a deceleration of inflation after inflationary pressures eased
in the
second half of the year.
“Inflation pressures, which had picked up
considerable pace during the first
half of 2010, have subsided, with annual
headline inflation decelerating
from 5,3% in June to 4,1% in July 2010,” the
Chamber of Mines said: “The
annual headline inflation is forecast at about
4% through December 2010.”
In July, inflation stood at 4,1%, while in August
it dropped to about 3.6%
and then in September it picked up by about 0,6%
making it 4,2%.
The Chamber of Mines said the strengthening of the South
African rand
against the US dollar, productivity and capacity utilisation,
borrowing
costs, international food and oil prices and other exogenous
factors would
determine the inflation trend for the rest of the
year.
“The strengthening of the rand against the US dollar exerts upward
price
pressures on prices in Zimbabwe and a weaker rand exerts downwards
price
pressures through a buildup of price pressures in South Africa which
is
Zimbabwe’s largest trading partner,” the chamber said.
“A combination
of enhanced productivity, higher capacity utilisation and
retaining zero
duty on food imports implies containment of inflation
pressures, while high
domestic costs of borrowing, utilities and food
prices, exert upward
pressures on domestic prices.”
Meanwhile economic growth is said to be
growing with fiscal revenue
collections now at US$143 million per month and
the growth of individual and
corporate taxes is picking up, albeit unevenly
across sectors of the
economy.
Growth is estimated at 6,3% in 2010, on
the back of mining and agriculture
performance with mining growth projected
at 35.3% and agriculture projected
at 18% in 2010.
The economy emerged
from the deflation that immediately accompanied the
official introduction of
the multicurrency in February 2009.The annual rate
was -7.8% in December
2009, reflecting the pronounced deflation that
occurred at the beginning of
2009.
During the first quarter of 2010, month on month inflation averaged
0,9%,
and by March the year on year inflation was 3,5%, effectively ending
deflation.
Winfilda Shana
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 21 October 2010 19:40
THE Zimbabwe
Association of Pension Funds has asked government to outlaw a
piece of
legislation barring the association from investing beyond the
country's
borders owing to a subdued performance on the local capital
markets. The
sector is emerging from a low base after years of
hyperinflation. Low
industry capacity resulting from limited access to lines
of credit and
unsustainable interest rates on short term loans being offered
by the
banking sector has led to low pension contributions, ultimately
stifling
investment options for pension funds. The inclusive government
formed last
year has only managed to channel just over US$1 billion to
revive the once
moribund economy.
Davidzo Chitengu, spokesperson of the ZAPF told delegates
attending the
pre-budget consultative workshop in the capital on Wednesday
that pension
funds, which contribute to the bulk of trade on the ZSE, have
resolved to
look elsewhere for business growth. The ZAPF, whose mandate is
to mobilise
resources for retirement age and domestic savings for economic
growth also
has investments on the property market.
This proposal comes
at a time when the local bourse is struggling to tick
owing to liquidity
challenges and investor anxiety over indigenisation laws
compelling
foreign-owned companies to dispose controlling stakes to black
Zimbabweans
over the next five years.
"Current pension legislation does not allow pension
funds to invest
offshore. We propose that offshore investment be allowed in
order to
diversify the funds' portfolios and reduce country or currency
risk,"
Chitengu said. "The amount invested offshore should be limited to a
percentage,we suggest a maximum of 10-15%, of the fund's assets to avoid
concentration risk."
The associationalso urged government to grant
further tax concessions to
pensioners within 10 years of retirement to allow
them to build an adequate
retirement provision needed to alleviate the
adverse impact of
hyperinflation on their savings over the past
decade.
The pension funds also appealed to government to extend tax exemption
policy
on income from a pension fund for pensioners aged over 55 years.
Government
introduced the reprieve for pensioners four years ago. Apart from
this
reprieve, banks are currently exempting pensioners earning US$25
monthly
pensions from paying service charges.
"We note that non-working
widows and surviving children under the age of 18
years who do not qualify
for tax exemption for elderly citizens are
grappling with the taxes which
are almost wiping away the meager benefits.
We propose that the tax
exemption for elderly pensioners be extended to
surviving spouses and
children," Chitengu said.
Finance minister Tendai Biti however said
government was satisfied with the
recovery in the sector whose investments
were wiped out by hyperinflation
that came to an end last year after the
adoption of multiple currencies.
"Insurance companies and pension funds have
been revitalised by the improved
macroeconomic environment," Biti said."The
recovery in the sector has made
it possible for my ministry to reintroduce
prescribed assets that had been
suspended and that encouraged the Insurance
and Pensions Commission to
implement minimum capital requirements for
companies conducting insurance
business".
Bernard Mpofu
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 21 October 2010 20:02
YOU
would think that a meeting of women involved in politics would reflect
intelligent debate around the issues of the day such as stimulation of the
economy, investment opportunities, and infrastructural
development.
Instead we were treated to a dose of hero-worship from Zanu PF's
supine
Women's League last weekend. Their national assembly resolved
unanimously to
endorse President Mugabe's candidacy in the next presidential
poll because
of his "leadership prowess".
This presumably includes the
near collapse of the economy over the past 10
years and the marginalisation
of women in nearly every facet of the nation's
life!
"As the Women's
League we endorse your candidature," secretary for Women's
Affairs Oppah
Muchinguri proclaimed. "We are saying stand in the next
election and rule
forever."
Couldn't she think of anything better to say? Like "we urgently
need fresh
ideas to extract us from the quagmire we are now stuck
in"?
"Your work cannot be compared to that of anyone else," Mugabe was told
at
the meeting.
At least we have no quarrel with that statement!
The
president told the women that we are now in transitional mode. "We want
to
get to elections and get into a situation where Zanu PF can rule the
country."
So what's it been doing up until now?
In this context we
are grateful to Tafataona Mahoso for reminding us of what
Morgan Tsvangirai
had to say recently on the sanctions issue.
"All Zimbabweans know that Mr
Mugabe and his colleagues brought the
restrictive measures on themselves
through the flagrant abuses of human
rights and the economic disaster which
they inflicted on this country,"
Tsvangirai said. "All Zimbabweans know that
these restrictive measures are
the result, not the cause, of that economic
disaster."
In a normal national environment, Mahoso spluttered with
indignation, the
media alone would have forced the PM not only to apologise
but to resign for
such statements. But the muted response to Tsvangirai's
"outrage", he
claims, is "a measure of the corruption of both worldview and
daily practice
in the media industry and corporate sector".
In other
words, when nobody buys Mahoso's baloney, he passes it off as
"corruption".
He will have to do better than that. One of the most
noteworthy aspects of
the 2008 campaign was the refusal of the electorate to
swallow Zanu PF's
threadbare ideological mantras. Mahoso concedes as much
when he blames the
party leadership for refusing to make sanctions a
priority issue.
Tsvangirai's reminder that Zanu PF brought sanctions on
itself was timely.
This is a truth the MDC should hammer away at without
worrying about how
Zanu PF will take it.
Zanu PF has already advertised
its agenda of dishonesty. It is refusing to
learn the lesson of 2008 when it
was defeated by an electorate which had no
wish to swallow the blandishments
of a predatory ruling class.
Mahoso should try another tack. His Sunday
pronouncements are evidently
unconvincing.
In a poorly argued (even
for him) article by Isdore Guvamombe in the
"Reflections" column of the
Herald last Friday, a supposed case is made for
re-branding the hugely
successful Kariba Invitation (not "Invitational")
Tiger Fish
Tournament.
Guvamombe bemoans the fact that "although a tourist event" (is
it?) the
Zimbabwe Tourism Authority was nowhere mentioned or invited and its
flags
weren't flying at Charara Harbour in Kariba's Eastern Basin.
We
have no idea whether ZTA was invited; that's up to the organisers, but
why
should they be "mentioned" at an event that has run almost seamlessly
smoothly under unpaid, volunteer management for the past 49 years?
As
almost all tourism insiders and professionals know, the presence of the
dreaded ZTA and its bully-boy boss "Karaoke" Kaseke is an almost certain
kiss of death.
Guvamombe's poorly researched and spelled piece,
ironically, was being read
in stunned disbelief by Muckraker Minor when a
breathless underling from ZTA
arrived with a stack of invitation cards for
staffers of this paper and its
sister titles.
It was nearly noon. The
invite was for a Sanganai/Hlangani "Buyer's (sic)
Cocktail" at Wild Geese
Lodge six hours later!
Now ZTA - funded by a two-percent levy on every
dollar spent on
accommodation, food, drink etc in every hotel, lodge, bar,
restaurant and
club in the country - had a full year to organise Sanganai,
grandiosely
sub-titled World Travel and Tourism Africa Fair, and the
associated events
including parties.
Why six hours' notice to a function
which, rightly, should have been held
on-site in the Andy Millar Hall at
Harare Exhibition Park and was originally
slated for the nearby
government-owned, RTG-run Rainbow Towers and not at a
venue almost 20km
away, at night, on one of the worst maintained roads in
the city?
MM's
diary was full, so he declined, but muses if any "Buyers" were actually
there. Certainly the vast number of reluctant exhibitors (nearly all
complained of being pressured, threatened and virtually blackmailed into
booking expensive non-profitable space) spoken to said no international
travel buyers had been seen when he visited, at lunchtime Friday and again
on Saturday.
Normally the Herald of Absolute Candour, or the Sunday Wail
would have
images of these "buyers" (often from former communist-bloc
satellite states)
snapped at the Falls, enjoying a fabulous freebie paid for
from the
extortionate two-percent levy, but nary a pic nor a peep from them
this
year.
One "buyer" MM heard about was a UK specialist surgeon,
courting a
Zimbabwean girl. Apparently because he occasionally organises
golf outings,
he was classed as a pro golf tourism fundi and came along for
a jolly,
protesting that his fellow rabbits would have neither time nor
money to play
in Zimbabwe.
The famous ZTA kiss of death was squarely
planted on his forehead. A much
anticipated side-trip to play 18 holes on
the breathtaking Leopard Rock
Hotel course was simply cancelled, without
apology, at the 11th hour.
Sanganai was even more chaotic than usual.
Despite the city being bedecked
with crossed Expo/Zimbabwe flags as if some
major state visit was in
progress, there was no plan or map of exhibition
space.
MM needed the Malawi Tourism Board. When he found it on Friday, all
"opinion
formers and decision makers" had been summoned to a previously
unannounced
event at Rainbow Towers.
A return visit on Saturday was
overshadowed by advancing time, as he was
anxious to be offsite before the
"official opening" (about three hours
before official closing!) On previous
occasions, exhibitors, genuinely
interested visitors, tyre-kickers,
rubber-neckers, pickpockets and even
ice-cream vendors were forced by police
and army to hear the tourism
minister's platitudes.
MM was particularly
tickled by Zimbabwe Defence Forces' stand.
"Guarding Our Heritage" they
proclaimed in a slogan surrounded by dramatic
pictures of Zimbabwean
wildlife. In pride of place was a Cape buffalo.
Talk to any resident or
regular visitor to the Zambezi Valley and you'll
hear the reason you no
longer see massive herds (1 000-beasts plus, as in
Chobe, Botswana) - indeed
you'll be lucky to see any - is that ZDF (Army and
Air Force helicopter
gunships) shot out almost every last one of the
creatures to provide our
troops in the DRC pantomime with rations!
Talking of herds, Guvamombe
says that National Parks and Wildlife (who, he
claims, weren't visible at
KITFT when they were actually everywhere and
charging massively for their
increasingly poor services!) are responsible
for disease control, poaching
control (really ?. poachers' nets can be seen
in every creek mouth) and
"herding" of tiger fish.
Well that's a new one on MM, a veteran of at least
15 tiger tournaments.
Herding fish? Hmmmm?
Thanks to the Sunday Mail
for its revelation that the Nuanetsi Ranch maize
project initiated seven
years ago by government to grow maize on 4 000
hectares of land has been
abandoned under "unclear circumstances".
Broken-down tractors now lie idle
in the middle of the bush. A Chinese
company hired to clear the area has
given up.
Don't we recall commenting on this scheme some years ago?
This
was an Arda scheme. Has Minister Joseph Made, agricultural advisor to
the
president, explained how this disaster occurred on his watch?
It's funny
because as soon as one hears his name, the "circumstances"
suddenly become
"clear"!
Those parents seeking some intellectual stimulus for their
youngsters may be
disappointed by Zimsec's simplistic question and answer
exam papers.
This week pupils were asked: "Why was there apartheid in South
Africa?"
Answer? "Because the whites didn't like the blacks."
And the
Coloured folk? Were they there because the whites liked the blacks
too
much!
We liked the picture on the front page of the People's Voice of
President
Mugabe congratulating Joshua Sacco for being the last white man
standing in
Zanu PF. You couldn't miss him. Sacco was wearing one of those
Mugabe
fan-club shirts George Charamba used to wear!
Gauteng Police
have just announced the discovery of an arms cache of 200
semi-automatic
rifles with 250 000 rounds of ammunition, 10 anti-tank
missiles, four
grenade launchers, two tonnes of heroin, R80 million in
forged South African
banknotes and 25 trafficked Nigerian prostitutes all in
a block of flats
behind the Hillbrow Public Library.
Local residents were stunned.
A
community spokesman said: "We're shocked. We never knew we had a
library!"
Finally, we chuckled at the heading in a local newspaper last
weekend: "Male
circumcision: Bone of contention".
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 21 October 2010
20:01
LAST week the Ministry of Industry and Commerce disclosed that it
was
vigorously pursuing formulation of a draft 2011-2015 Industrial Policy
Framework targeted at revitalisation of the economy as a whole, and with
special focus upon the recovery and growth of the manufacturing sector. The
ministry’s declared intent is that upon completion of the draft, it will
consult substantively with the private sector, and will then dynamically
pursue the policy implementation so as to restore industry to its former
prominence, and major growth thereafter.
For 80 years Zimbabwe had a
manufacturing sector of which it was justly
proud, and which contributed
significantly to the country’s economic
wellbeing. The sector was much
diversified, including engineering, textiles
and clothing, pharmaceuticals,
furniture, food processing and much else. To
a major extent it was dependent
upon imported inputs, instead of a focus
upon value addition to Zimbabwe’s
quality primary products. Until
government dogmatically destroyed
Zimbabwe’s agricultural sector,
manufacturing was the second largest
employer of labour, and contributor to
total economic output and, after
the collapse of agriculture, was Zimbabwe’s
economic front-runner. However,
over the last two years it ceased to be so,
in part because of the growth in
the mining sector, but primarily because
abysmal, unnecessary circumstances
forced a mammoth contraction in
manufacturing.
Initially, the contraction
of the sector was primarily attributable to the
immense decline in consumer
spending power, as ever more Zimbabweans were
rendered unemployed, and
soaring hyperinflation eroded the consumers’
resources. Concurrently, that
hyperinflation caused intense escalations in
manufacturing production costs,
rendering many of the products’ prices
uncompetitive in export markets,
enabling imported products to be highly
competitive in the domestic
market.
Thereafter, the trying circumstances confronting the sector
intensified
exponentially, resulting in progressive and accelerated
contraction of many
operations, and recently fuelling the unavoidable
closure of many companies.
In 2009 there was a brief period of upturn,
following upon more ready access
to imported inputs and the cessation of
hyperinflation, with production
rising from a niggardly 8% of productive
capacity to almost 40%. Sadly, the
upturn was short-lived, and currently
the sector is exceptionally fragile
and decimated.
Major measures are
critical and urgently necessary if the sector’s decline
is to be halted and
reversed, and hopefully will be constructively addressed
in the forthcoming
2011-2015 Industrial Policy Framework, although even that
will not yield the
desired results unless government (including the Zanu PF
elements who have
consistently negated and undermined necessary policies)
are absolutely and
unreservedly supportive of necessary corrective, recovery
measures. Those
measures are many and greatly varied, and include:
Most critical is that
adequate working capital funding becomes available
rapidly, for almost
without exception the manufacturers are grossly
undercapitalised. The
intense hyperinflation of 2008 escalated the funding
required to finance
inputs, operational costs and overheads, and extension
of credit to
customers, multifold, resulting in previously adequately funded
enterprises
being almost devoid of resources. Whatsoever limited funds they
still had
in early 2009 became valueless upon the demonetisation of the
Zimbabwean
currency. Since then, the money market has been consistently
highly
illiquid and, therefore, unable to provide working capital to almost
all in
the economy in critical need. What little monies available were
subject to
immense charges, for the financial institutions had to resort to
high levels
of interest in order to fund ongoing overheads. The inadequacy
of money
market funding was, and continues to be, partially attributable to
most of
the populace being reluctant to utilise banking services as they
fear for
the security of their funds, and to a major extent is a consequence
of the
high risk perceptions of the international money market of any
lending to
Zimbabwe.
If this critical circumstance is to be addressed effectively,
minister
Welshman Ncube’s first action is to prevail, undoubtedly with
difficulty,
upon the Minister of Finance Tendai Biti to draw down the
substantial IMF
Special Drawing Rights (available to Zimbabwe and unutilised
for over a
year) and make those funds available to industry. Soon
thereafter, and
inevitably with even greater difficulty, he needs to
motivate government,
and especially the president and his hierarchy, to
reconcile with the
international community, and to pursue policy revisions
which will restore
harmonious relationships and accord Zimbabwe an
acceptable international
credit risk rating. That would generate
substantial developmental and
recovery aid, loan funding and investment,
which would restore substance to
the money market and, therefore, to the
economy.
Concurrently, a key focus must be to ensure that government
finally, and
belatedly, enables comprehensive, viable, affordable service
delivery by
parastatals. Industry cannot survive when it is confronted with
consistently erratic, extremely unreliable energy supplies from the Zimbabwe
Electricity Supply Authority, only intermittent telephonic and
telecommunication services by TelOne, uncertainty in rail and air services,
and the like. Most of the parastatals strive to provide requisite services,
but are grievously lacking in necessary finances, technological skills and
other resources. Government’s insolvency is so intense that it cannot
adequately address the needs of the parastatals, and it needs to recognise
that only Public/Private Sector Partnerships, total or partial
privatisations can effectively address their crisis circumstances with
reasonable speed.
Yet another area which urgently requires action by
government is to bring
about a regime of sense and reason in the field of
labour relations.
Currently most labour relations are horrendously
constrained. The wellbeing
of labour has been exceptionally straitened by
the magnitude of past
inflation, grossly eroding spending power and thereby
precluding ability to
finance essential needs. Those still in employment
have ever-increasing
numbers of dependants as a result of escalating
unemployment and of the
impact of HIV-Aids and increasing community
malnutrition and ill-health.
Consequently, labour feels oppressed, exploited
and has ever-decreasing
morale, and this has greatly impacted upon
productivity, with consequential
prejudice to the employer. Employers and
labour have to work together to
bring about recovery for their mutual
benefit, and that of Zimbabwe as a
whole. Government must play a lead role
in bringing about employer/employee
reconciliation, conciliation and
harmony, and joint endeavours for mutual
wellbeing.
Numerous other
actions are essential for the survival and resurrection of
industry, and
some of them will be addressed in next week’s column, and
hopefully all will
be constructively addressed in the forthcoming policy
framework.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 21 October 2010 19:56
OVER the
past decade, elections have been a controversial business in
Zimbabwe. The
question on many people's minds is whether Zimbabwe, two years
after signing
a global political agreement (GPA) that ushered in a
power-sharing interim
government in February 2009, is indeed ready for
another election in
2011.
This question can be better answered by looking back at the conditions
prevalent during the previous elections, highlighting the main causes for
the violence and electoral irregularities that ensued in these
instances.
In 1999, in response to mounting popular discontent over the lack
of
implementation of economic and political reforms, gross mismanagement,
excessive government expenditure and rising corruption, the Zimbabwe
Congress of Trade Unions formed a political party - the now well-known
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC).
This was also around the time when
the fast-track land reform process became
increasingly violent, with
President Robert Mugabe encouraging the forcible
acquisition of the mostly
white-owned farms as a means of rewarding Zanu PF
supporters for their
loyalty, a move which further crippled the economy and
led to chronic
shortages of basic commodities.
In the 2000 parliamentary elections, Mugabe's
Zanu PF faced serious
competition for the first time since Independence
(Zanu PF won 62 seats and
MDC won 57 seats out of the 120 contested seats).
Later, elections in 2005
were marred by gross manipulation and suppression
of dissent, and the MDC
split in November 2005 after Tsvangirai overruled
senior members who voted
to participate in upcoming senate elections. The
split led to the formation
of two factions: the MDC-T led by Morgan
Tsvangirai, and the MDC-M led by
Arthur Mutambara.
In March 2007, Sadc
mandated the then South African President Thabo Mbeki to
mediate between the
government and the MDC. The goal was to pave the way for
a new constitution
and to create the conditions for free and fair elections.
However, Mugabe
proceeded unilaterally to declare March 29 2008 as the date
for the next
elections, although the MDC had wanted to postpone them until a
new
constitution was adopted. Violence and intimidation of opposition
supporters
was again expected in the run-up to the March 2008 parliamentary
and
presidential elections. Some observers claimed that there was a skewed
playing field ahead of the elections due to pre-poll manipulation and the
accreditation of only friendly countries and institutions to observe the
polls.
Such reports notwithstanding, and for the first time since
independence in
1980, Zanu PF lost its majority in parliament to the
opposition MDC.
The Zanu PF-led government, however, withheld the results of
the
presidential elections for several weeks, raising suspicions that
Tsvangirai
may have won an outright victory.
After finally releasing the
results - with Tsvangirai winning 47,9% of the
total votes compared to
Mugabe's 43,2%- the country was geared for a run-off
on June 27 2008. A few
days prior to the event, however, Tsvangirai
announced his withdrawal from
the race, citing the increased violence
against his supporters as cause for
his decision.
Have the conditions that led to the violence of 2008 changed
enough to
guarantee the holding of peaceful, credible elections in 2011? The
answer is
a resounding no. While the realisation of a power-sharing
agreement in
September 2008 saw an end to the international isolation of
Zimbabwe, the
negotiations failed to address the fears and demands of
hardliners and
potential spoilers on both sides of the political
divide.
Most prominent in this regard is the failure to clarify the position
of the
security apparatus, or offer any assurances, such as amnesty for
offences
committed against the population, to secure the support of this set
of
actors when the deal was struck.
Prior to the inauguration of the
interim government, the Joint Operations
Command (JOC), chaired by the
Minister of Security and comprising army
commanders, air force, intelligence
service and prisons, served as the
central oversight body for all government
operations and policies. Given the
pivotal role played by the JOC commanders
in the past, securing the future
of this particular group of potential
spoilers is essential for any
sustainable political transformation to take
hold.
Nearly six months into the rule of the inclusive government and
following
five failed attempts at scheduling its first meeting, the newly
established
National Security Council (NSC), - headed by Mugabe with Prime
Minister
Tsvangirai as a member - finally met in August 2009. However, it is
reported
that JOC, while officially dismantled under the GPA and replaced
by the
NSC, still meets regularly and continues to maintain an influence on
developments in the political sphere, particularly with regards to the
implementation of the GPA and the associated difficulties in resolving the
well-known outstanding contentious issues.
In conclusion, it should be
noted that democratic procedures tend to
exacerbate existing tensions in an
already divided society. Social and
political conflicts intensify with the
launch of election campaigns as
opportunistic politicians exploit such
tensions to pursue their own vested
interests. We have already witnessed
this trend in the case of Zimbabwe.
An initial delay of elections could allow
for an improvement of relations
between the adversaries before entering into
this inherently conflictual
process. The South African transition in the
early 1990s is a case in point.
By the time elections were held, the
confidence-building efforts undertaken
during the negotiation process had
begun to bear fruit. The parties had
begun to trust each other, political
forces had collaborated with each
other - hence decreasing the likelihood of
a contested election or, in the
case of South Africa, a hardening of the
ethnic divide. In Zimbabwe,
conditions have not been established to render
any electoral process to be
free of rigging, violence or
intimidation.
However, one key challenge faced in Zimbabwe is the question of
buy-in from
all stakeholders involved in the transitional process. And given
the lack of
progress in fully implementing the GPA, the statement made by
Mugabe at the
signing of this historical document almost two years ago
points to a
not-so-promising absence of political will for reform: "The
opposition will
always want more than what it deserves. It will devise ways
and means of
getting power."
* Dr Judy Smith-Höhn is a senior
researcher in the African Conflict
Prevention Programme of the Institute for
Security Studies in Pretoria.
By Judy Smith-Höhn
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 21 October 2010 19:53
THE MDC-T road
map for resolving the political and economic crisis in
Zimbabwe was very
simple — a campaign of democratic resistance to force Zanu
PF into
negotiations for a transitional government, the drafting and
adoption of a
new constitution followed by a national election to resolve
the issue of
leadership of the state.
This road map has been more or less achieved and
ever since Zanu PF signed
the global political agreement (GPA) in September
2008 they have been
fighting a rearguard action to avoid the agreed
reforms.
The impression that has been created by the propaganda machine of
Zanu PF
has been to try and establish the image that they are still in
control and
that the only reason why the economy is in such a state and
further reforms
are impossible, is the “illegal” imposition of “sanctions”
on Zimbabwe. The
reality is that they know that if the GPA is implemented in
full, they are
unlikely to be able to control the next elections and the
consequence will
be a comprehensive and humiliating defeat.
They do not
believe the fiction about sanctions and they understand full
well why the
economy collapsed under their watch from 1997 to 2008. They
have a clear
understanding of the remedies as evidenced by minister Patrick
Chinamasa’s
skilful presentation of the fundamental economic reforms needed
to stabilise
the economy a month before the swearing in of the current
transitional
government.
Their biggest problem is that their leader, Robert Mugabe, signed
the GPA
and now the region and African leadership in general is actually
demanding
that they abide by that signature.In particular, the leadership in
South
Africa has adopted a hard stance on the issue and as South African
Planning
Minister Trevor Manuel said last Thursday, “we expect African
leaders who
sign agreements to live up to them”.
Zanu PF’s strategy since
February 2008 has been to delay reforms and trigger
a snap election under
existing conditions. They want an election held under
conditions where the
new Independent Electoral Commission is ringfenced and
powerless, the voters
roll heavily manipulated and bloated with dead and
absent voters, and the
delimitation of constituencies remains the same with
a 60:40 split between
rural and urban constituencies, despite the 63:37%
split in the actual
population, urban to rural.
They want an election where they can ring-fence
the former commercial
farming districts as no-go areas for the MDC.
They
want to be able to control the media, especially radio and the print
media;
they want to be able to conduct a programme of political intimidation
and
targeted violence behind a screen of anonymous silence. They want to use
the
traditional leaders to control the communal population and to use fear
and
patronage on a massive scale to herd people towards the Zanu PF flag.
They
have the diamonds tightly controlled and this has given them new
confidence
and capacity. They have their campaign strategy all worked out
right down to
an advertising campaign and radio jingles.
Their only problem is that they
signed the GPA and now, unbelievably, the
region is holding their noses to
the grind stone. We saw that at the Sadc
summit in August and there is every
sign that it is happening again right
now. The facilitators were here last
Tuesday and Wednesday after the failure
of the principals to agree to a
resolution of the outstanding items in the
GPA the previous
Monday.
Mugabe’s statement at the Youth meeting of Zanu PF last Friday was
instructive and clearly showed the influence of the discussion with the
South Africans on Wednesday night. We are going to shortcut the Copac
process, he said, and hold the referendum on the new constitution before mid
2011, and then we are going on to hold an election before the end of the
year. Nelson Chamisa’s statement that the MDC is ready for an election at
any time was a clear response and confirmation that this is the thinking in
the highest levels of political leadership in the region and in
Zimbabwe.
The first reaction of most people to such a scenario is “not
again”; more
violence and killings, more house burnings and intimidation. In
a nutshell,
rape and mayhem.
I am not so sure. I think the South Africans
are going to insist on
compliance with the GPA and are going to force
adoption of the essential
reforms required for a free and fair election that
is recognised by the
international community. In fact recognition by the
major powers in the
world is so critical to the region, that they are likely
to be more amenable
to pressure from the US and Europe than normal on issues
such as the
Zimbabwe crisis.
What we have to decide is what steps lie on
the roadmap to an acceptable
electoral process? I would list the
following:
* A truly independent electoral commission with its own
budget and
freedom to control the whole electoral process, independently of
the
Registrar General’s Office.
* A new voters’ roll conducted by
a private contractor employed for this
purpose.
* A new
delimitation based on the new voters roll and the political and
institutional structures agreed in the new constitution.
* Full
implementation of the GPA media reforms and in particular
community-based
radio stations and the return of the Daily News.
* The dismantling of
the Joint Operations Command and the appointment of
all MDC governors at
provincial levels to oversee the dismantling of the
State control of all
instruments of violence and intimidation and deliberate
targeting.
* The promulgation and implementation of the electoral
reforms already
negotiated and agreed.
* The provision of a
comprehensive system of supervision and observation
of Sadc and AU monitors
of the electoral process, campaign and subsequent
elections.
*
The provision and supervision of election monitors in every polling
station
in the country, and the secure collection of all signed polling
station
returns to ensure rapid tabulation of results and total
transparency.
* Regional guarantees that the results of the
election will be respected
and implemented without delay after the
poll.
Is that too much to ask for? I do not think so, but it is the
minimum that
we need if we are to conduct a free and fair election in
Zimbabwe which will
finally resolve the political and the economic
crisis.
* Eddie Cross is MDC-T MP for Bulawayo South.
www.eddiecross.africanherd.com.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 21 October 2010
20:10
PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe seems to be pushing hard to have elections
next year
at whatever cost, even if it means doctoring the Global Political
Agreement
(GPA) and misrepresenting issues. This reveals his desperation to
extricate
himself from the GPA.
Mugabe last week told his party's youths
that he wants early elections,
preferably mid next year after the referendum
on a new constitution which he
fancies in the first quarter of the
year.
There is no doubt that Mugabe's strategy is to go for early elections
when
his faltering health still permits and when his arch-rival Morgan
Tsvangirai
and his MDC-T are on the ropes and floundering. Mugabe wants to
secure his
future in this process and ensure that he becomes life president.
There is
no other motivation than his personal interests, particularly
safe-guarding
himself against all sorts of possible consequences of his
disastrous rule,
including prosecution for gross human rights abuses.
His
expedient agitation for elections is motivated by his own sense of
insecurity. This suits the collective interest of his Zanu PF cronies who
want him to remain in office so they can continue looting and protect their
ill-gotten wealth.
Electioneering has actually started. Besides Mugabe's
recent moves and
statements, the hullabaloo over the Big Brother Africa
reality show outcome
and Munya's impressive performance has been hijacked
and politicised by Zanu
PF. While ordinary people who supported Munya did it
for national pride and
entertainment, Mugabe and his Zanu PF lackeys are
busy politicking and
campaigning.
The ridiculous posturing and the
charade of goodwill exhibited around the
issue are a thinly-veiled - but
certainly hopeless - attempt to capture the
national mood and with a bit of
luck votes, especially among the young
people who have long tergiversated
the party which is now home to political
dinosaurs and their failed
policies.
Since when has Zanu PF mandarins and surrogates been so generous
when they
have through misrule and corruption ruined schools, hospitals and
clinics,
roads, water systems, electricity and other utility infrastructure
without
scruples? They even have a record of stealing public funds.
And
are there no other serious causes for them to rally around like taking
care
of the kids who are not going to school because they can't afford
exorbitant
fees, the elderly who are neglected and suffering or orphans
instead of
trying to project Zimbabwe through Big Brother?
Why are they not concerned
about people who have no water, electricity and
jobs out there? How about
local refugees in South Africa and elsewhere who
fled Mugabe's economic
tsunami and political violence?
The plot is clear. Mugabe is pushing for
early elections and is already
campaigning.
But before fresh elections
Zimbabwe needs first to fully adopt Sadc
principles and guidelines governing
democratic elections. These include
creating conditions to ensure full
participation of citizens in the
political process, freedom of association,
assembly and speech, political
tolerance, equal opportunity for political
parties, independence of the
judiciary, impartiality of electoral
institutions, opportunity to exercise
the right to vote and be voted for,
voter education, acceptance of election
results and the opportunity to
challenge contested results in terms of the
law of the land.
The Zimbabwe
Electoral Commission, which runs elections, must be impartial
and competent.
A new voters' roll which is accurate and up to date is
needed. Impartial
voter education must be freely allowed. Delimitation of
constituencies must
be transparent and credible, and there should be no
gerrymandering.
Elections are a process, not just an event. The entire
process leading up to
and including the actual voting must be peaceful, free
and fair. Political
parties must be able to campaign freely and peacefully.
Violence or
intimidation and bribery must not be allowed.
Political
parties contesting elections must have fair and
equal access to the public
media. Polling stations must be accessible to
voters and be adequately
manned. Monitors and observers must be given free
access. The counting of
votes must be done accurately and efficiently and
results announced
promptly.
Dumisani Muleya
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 21 October 2010
20:09
THE growing chasm between President Robert Mugabe and his
arch-rival Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai lays bare the surreal world we
live in where
politicians pursue personal and party goals at the expense of
social
development and the electorate.
Last week Mugabe publicly shredded
the Global Political Agreement (GPA) he
signed with Tsvangirai and the
smaller formation of the MDC led by Arthur
Mutambara when he arrogated to
himself the power to determine the lifespan
of the inclusive government and
to declare when fresh polls should be held.
The ageing Mugabe told his
captive Zanu PF party youths at "Shake-shake"
building in the capital last
Thursday that the unity government's term of
office will end in February and
that he will not consider extending it. He
said the constitutional
referendum should be in the first quarter of next
year followed by elections
before June.
His decision was informed by Tsvangirai's protestations against
the
octogenarian leader's unilateral re-assignment of ambassadors, the
re-appointment of provincial governors, and the refusal by Mugabe to
swear-in Roy Bennett as Agriculture deputy minister, among other outstanding
issues of the GPA.
Tsvangirai wrote letters locally and abroad saying
Mugabe was in breach of
the constitution and the GPA, a move which irked the
86-year-old veteran
leader and his party which insisted that the pact "did
not affect the
president's constitutional powers". Put succinctly, Mugabe
and Zanu PF said
the GPA cannot supersede the constitution.
There lies
the problem!
It is common cause to everyone who has read the GPA and
Constitution of
Zimbabwe Amendment No19 Act that gave effect to the
inclusive government
that that piece of legislation took away Mugabe's
powers to solely make key
appointments.
Article XX of the GPA, which is
an integral part of the constitution through
Amendment No19, deals with the
framework of the inclusive government a clear
that the president, among
other things, is bound by the supreme law to
appoint service/executive
commissions; make key appointment; and dissolve
parliament after consulting
the prime minister.
A constitutional watchdog, Veritas, this week said
Amendment No19 made it
"clear beyond argument that during the life of the
GPA, Article XX prevails
over other provisions of the constitution".
"The
mistaken interpretation must come from the fact that prior to
Constitutional
Amendment No 19 the constitution did give the president the
sweeping powers
he still, incorrectly, claims," the watchdog said.
The constitutional
amendment also had a domineering effect over other
provisions of the
constitution that were in place before it was passed.
"For the avoidance of
doubt, the following provisions of the Interparty
Political Agreement (known
popularly as the GPA), being Article XX thereof,
shall, during the
subsistence of the Interparty Political Agreement, prevail
notwithstanding
anything to the contrary in the constitution," amendment
reads.
Mugabe
also incorrectly claimed that the lifespan of the inclusive
government ends
in February. Nowhere is this stated in the GPA. What is
stated in both the
GPA and the constitutional amendment is that the
agreement "and the
relationship agreed to hereunder will be reviewed at the
conclusion of the
constitution-making process".
"According to the current constitution the next
elections must be triggered
by dissolving parliament," Veritas said. "This
is done by the president by
proclamation in the Government Gazette. But as
long as the GPA lasts, the
president cannot act alone; he must first obtain
the Prime Minister's
agreement."
This follows from the constitution
Schedule 8, GPA Article 20.1.3(q), which
states that the president "may,
acting in consultation with the Prime
Minister, dissolve Parliament", and
Section 115 of the constitution, which
says that in Schedule 8 "in
consultation" means "that the person required to
consult arrives at the
decision after securing the agreement or consent of
the person so
consulted".
Constantine Chimakure
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 21 October 2010 20:07
FINANCE
Minister Tendai Biti faces a daunting task next month when he
presents his
2011 fiscal policy. Whereas there appeared to be a common
purpose when he
prepared the current fiscal policy statement, next year’s
budget is
definitely going to be different. And President Robert Mugabe and
his Zanu
PF party have ensured that he will have a torrid time.
This time around his
major headache will not be just ensuring key areas such
as health or
education get the best out of the budget, but he has to fund
elections as
well — thanks to Mugabe who is agitating for the polls.
Mugabe and his party
have led the electorate down the garden path insisting
the government of
national unity cannot exist for more than two years as
stipulated by the
Global Political Agreement (GPA). Owing to such political
chicanery, Biti
has been ordered to budget US$200 million for elections to
be held around
June next year, according to Mugabe. This is asking for too
much from an
already troubled treasury that generates a mere US$140 million
monthly and
cannot even keep its own workers happy. To drive the point home,
one has to
realise that the US$200 million represents close to 9% of this
year’s total
budget and the major question is where will this amount come
from?
It is
likely that other areas will be starved as funds have to be made
available
for the elections. Instead of making sure that the economic
stability
registered after the adoption of multi currencies last year
translates into
sustained economic growth until the political environment
becomes conducive
for polls, eyes are now on having new debilitating
elections. Mugabe would
rather see good money thrown into the bin. In spite
of all these issues,
Biti is faced with the reality that he has to come up
with a fiscal policy
and get the job done. For the Finance minister, the
uphill task is to bring
new impetus into the economy as there has been
stagnation for the greater
part of the year after a promising start in 2009
following a decade of
decline.
Capacity utilisation remains stagnant. Also multilateral
institutions have
not supported budget deficits from last year and chances
are they will not
in the coming year owing mainly to Mugabe’s failure to
fully implement the
GPA.
Biti’s homework is to ensure expenditure is
within the range of what the
state can collect and at the same time initiate
new capital projects,
especially infrastructure development. Roads need
repair, dams have to be
constructed, local authorities need to replace sewer
and water systems, and
all these may be hoping for something from the
minister.
The real sectors are also hoping for something and agriculture
which has
been identified as a potential early responder to the stable
economic
environment may be the largest beneficiary in terms of allocation
of
resources and policy changes. It is expected that the minister will come
up
with a clear policy on how this sector can be supported. This, however,
should not be to the neglect of other sectors such as mining, tourism and
manufacturing which also have potential for positive growth.
It is also
incumbent upon the minister to reassure investors on how secure
their
property is in the country, as the indigenisation regulations gazetted
earlier this year compelling foreigners to cede controlling stakes in
companies valued at US$500 000 to indigenous Zimbabweans continue to taint
Zimbabwe’s image. In terms of policy, the minister is expected to give
directions to the financial service sector which has failed to take off
since the adoption of multiple currencies in February last year. This could
be the biggest challenge as the previous budget statements have tried to
reignite the flames but they have died down on the weight of the conflicting
policy statements, the indigenisation regulations and a complete failure by
the financial sector to come up with solutions to the current
problems.
Biti is clearly in an unenviable position.
By Clifford Chitupa
Mashiri, Political Analyst, London 22/10/10
Morgan Tsvangirai, President
of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
should ratchet pressure on the
Zanu-pf dictator if he still wants to salvage
his credibility amidst
concerns that he was warming up to Mugabe until the
recent fallout over
governors and ambassadors. In July last year Tsvangirai
drew criticism from
his own party after apparently apologising to Mugabe
over a boycott of a
cabinet meeting by MDC ministers. The general perception
has been that
Tsvangirai was warming up to Mugabe until his outburst last
week declaring
that he could no longer let Mugabe and his Zanu-pf party
“act as if they
own this country.”
Before then, there was disbelief last month when
Morgan Tsvangirai described
Mugabe as “a hero, a liberator and the founding
father of Zimbabwe”(The
Guardian, UK 16/09/10). The ill-timed praise of
someone regarded as
“genocidal” attracted much indignation as it came after
the classification
of Gukurahundi massacres as genocide by US-based Genocide
Watch. The
Zimbabwean on 18 September quoted analysts as saying Tsvangirai
was “skating
on thin ice” after he apparently reached a gentlemen’s
agreement with
Mugabe that he will handover power should he lose elections
next year. A
comment in The Standard (ZW) on 18th September asked: “Has
Tsvangirai joined
Mugabe’s praise singers?”
“Shockingly” said the
Zimdiaspora website on 19 September, “Tsvangirai now
seems to be singing the
same hymn with Mugabe’s bootlickers.” It would be an
understatement to say
that the Prime Minister outraged many by hinting on an
amnesty for the
security chiefs for their alleged political crimes in an
effort to placate
them in a post-Mugabe era. A statement released by the
Union for Sustainable
Democracy labelled the Prime Minister as dangerously
delusional and demanded
an apology from the Prime Minister. ”This is an
agreement that bears the
gravest and most telling signs of political
insanity which has no place in
present day Zimbabwe,” the USD said (The
Zimbabwean, 15/09/10).
Even
the foreign media was surprised by Tsvangirai’s stance at the Economist’s
conference held in Johannesburg last month. On 23 September, the Guardian’s
David Smith commented in an article entitled ‘Tsvangirai seems to find
coalition easier than Nick Clegg does’ saying, “Zimbabwe’s prime minister
has been beaten and had an election stolen, but he speaks warmly of Mugabe
and power sharing,” adding, “I heard the Zimbabwe Prime Minister tell how
the coalition government is holding together, the economy is picking up and
he even has a good strong working relationship with President Robert
Mugabe.” There is speculation that Tsvangirai’s unguarded praise of Mugabe
could have cost him the Nobel Peace Prize twice.
Also disturbing were
claims by Zanu-pf Justice Minister, Patrick Chinamasa
last month that the
coalition government had agreed that the Zimbabwe Human
Rights Commission
would only probe cases committed after the enactment of
Constitution of
Zimbabwe Amendment Number 19 that paved the way for the
creation of the
coalition between Mugabe and Tsvangirai. This means that the
new human
rights watchdog would not be allowed to investigate cases
committed before
December 2008. As this gives the impression that MDC has
struck a deal with
Zanu-pf, it is very important for Tsvangirai to clarify
his position. There
are genuine fears of a possible cover-up by Zanu-pf of
murder, rape and
human rights abuses committed during Gukurahundi,
Murambatsvina, the
military incursion of Chiadzwa and election violence
2008. Already, the
matter has attracted international interest after a
diplomat from the
European Union commented: “It seems your leaders
repeatedly refuse to face
up to their past and we are gravely concerned with
such attempts to sweep
under the carpet gross human rights violence that
have been committed as
recently as two years ago,” (Zimonline, 15/09/10).
An online survey by
the Zimbabwe Standard on the question whether the Prime
Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai is warming up to Zanu-pf, had very interesting
findings as the
majority of the respondents felt that Tsvangirai was
perceived by many
people as warming up to Zanu-pf. Of the 6714 voters polled
between 16 May
2009 and 22 October 2010, 58.1% or 3901 voted Yes, while 41%
or 2809 voted
No. (Source: the standard.co.zw accessed 22/10/10). Although,
not
scientifically flawless e.g. through multiple voting, the survey
confirms
the strong sentiments cited above.
It was therefore with much relief last
week to see a lengthy statement read
by Tsvangirai castigating Mugabe’s
breaches of the so-called Global
Political Agreement (GPA) by among other
things making unilateral
appointments to various public posts. Accordingly,
EU’s rejection of Mugabe’s
new ambassadors (Dailynews ZW, 20/10/10) if it
goes through, is a big morale
booster for Tsvangirai despite threats of a
“tit-for-tat” by George
Charamba, Mugabe’s spokesman.
Although
Charamba played down the ambassadorial appointments saying they
were just
ceremonial, his unconvincing account contradicts recent reports
that top
Zanu-pf officials have secretly recalled Zimbabwean diplomats in
order to
replace them with relatives and friends of officials linked to
Zanu-pf as a
carefully designed plan to circumvent targeted travel
sanctions. It has also
been alleged that in some Asian countries, the
relatives are playing a key
role as agents for diamond smuggling and other
business deals including
illegal arms trading and money laundering
(Zimbabwemetro, 14/10/10). It’s
important that MDC draws a line on such
issues.
Tsvangirai’s reported
boycott of a cabinet meeting and refusal to attend the
so-called
high-powered Monday morning meetings over tea and biscuits with
Robert
Mugabe (Newsday, 19/10/10) was a positive development that could help
cool
relations which were becoming too warm between the two political rivals
at
the public’s expense.
People are pleading with Tsvangirai to get rid of
self-styled ‘war vet’
Jabulani Sibanda who is terrorising villagers in
Masvingo on behalf of
Mugabe because Sibanda is allegedly spreading fear by
making death threats
against political opponents. Whereas, Sibanda was 9
years old or too young
to have been involved in the Second Chimurenga or
Zimbabwe War of Liberation
which ended in 1979 according to Wikipedia, he
seems to have blessings of
Zanu-pf’s top hierarchy.
While it is not
being suggested that the prime minister should leave the
coalition
government, it is very concerning that farm invasions continue two
years
since signing the GPA which is supposed to also protect the white
commercial
farmers as Zimbabwean citizens or investors. The inclusive
government of
which Tsvangirai is part, agreed to ensure productivity in the
agricultural
sector through a land audit and security of tenure to all
landholders but
none of that has materialised. Instead some white farmers
and their workers
are now destitute. Sadly, the Commercial Farmers Union and
10 of its members
have been left with no option but sue the Zimbabwe
coalition Government for
racism against white farmers after the SADC
Tribunal was suspended in August
following pressure from Mugabe. Ironically,
MDC Finance Minister, Tendai
Biti is among the seven charged (Voanews,
30/09/10). In order to absolve his
party, Tsvangirai must ratchet pressure
on Mugabe to implement the GPA
without fear or favour. There is no doubt
that Tsvangirai can still salvage
his credibility. Zimbabweans have given
him the thumbs up in MPOI poll ahead
of Mugabe.
An excellent summation of Mugabe’s controversial hold on power
was given by
none other than his current senior spin doctor Jonathan Moyo in
an article
entitled: ‘Unravelling Zanu-pf’s extraordinary congress’
(Zimbabwesituation.com, 26 October 2007). “If the decision (to convene the
extraordinary congress) has any political message about Mugabe, it is to be
found in the adage that when roses are gone, nothing is left but the thorn.
Bereft of his disputed rosy appeal and with the vagaries of his old age
combining with his arrogance from having been in power for too long, Mugabe
has now become an irksome thorn that is hurting not only the soul of the
bleeding nation but also the interests of his own besieged party,” said
Jonathan Moyo.
Clifford Chitupa Mashiri, Political Analyst, London
zimanalysis2009@gmail.com