Zim Online
Tuesday 24 October
2006
HARARE - A coalition of Zimbabwean
human rights groups says it has in
its possession "materials" implicating
state security agents in widespread
and systematic human rights violations,
adding that President Robert Mugabe's
government should pay compensation for
past and present rights abuses by its
agents.
The Zimbabwe Human
Rights Forum (ZHRF), the largest alliance of rights
groups in the country,
did not specifically say whether the government
should extend compensation
to victims of a 1980s army crackdown in southern
Zimbabwe that left more
that killed more 20 000 innocent civilians from the
minority Ndebele
tribe.
Mugabe, who sent soldiers to the south ostensibly to stop an
armed
insurrection against his government, has called the army deployment
and
resultant atrocities an "act of madness" but he has never personally
accepted responsibility for the civilian murders or formally
apologised.
The 82-year old President has also not yielded to calls
by human
rights activists for his government to compensate victims of the
brutal army
operation.
The ZHRF said in a statement: "The
organisation is in possession of
materials implicating state officials in
widespread and systematic human
rights abuses such as members of the ZRP
(Zimbabwe Republic Police), ZNA
(Zimbabwe National Army and CIO (Central
Intelligence Organisation)."
The group expressed concern that
Mugabe's government repeatedly
refused to hold perpetrators of human rights
violations accountable but
added that it would continue lobbying for
international pressure on Harare
to end human rights
violations.
Harare should also consider "consider paying monetary
and non-monetary
compensation and restitution for the past and present human
rights
violations," the ZHRF said.
But acting state Information
Minister Paul Mangwana denied that the
government or its agents had violated
human rights and accused the group of
raising the issue of rights abuses in
order to justify more money from
donors.
Mangwana said: "These
organisations are seeking relevance and fresh
donor money by bringing back
stale issues. We have not committed any human
rights violations and our
security agents are highly respected worldwide."
Zimbabwe - once a
relatively prosperous and stable country - has seen
increasing political
violence and human rights abuses in recent years and
which critics say
because of Mugabe's government adopting repressive methods
to keep public
discontent in check amid a deteriorating economic meltdown,
hunger and
poverty.
The African Commission on Human and Peoples Rights has in
the past
also condemned rights abuses in Zimbabwe.
But Mugabe
and his government, in power since Zimbabwe's 1980
independence from
Britain, deny violating human rights. - ZimOnline
Zim Online
Tuesday 24 October
2006
MASVINGO - The leader of
Zimbabwe's traditional chiefs, Fortune
Charumbira, at the weekend threatened
villagers with forcible eviction from
their homes as punishment for not
backing President Robert Mugabe's ruling
ZANU PF party in next weekend's
rural council elections.
Charumbira, president of the pro-ZANU PF
Chiefs' Council and a
former junior member of Mugabe's Cabinet, made the
threat at a function
organised by the United Nations' Food and Agriculture
Organisation in rural
Masvingo province to mark World Food
Day.
He told the villagers that those evicted from his area
for
backing the opposition would have nowhere to go as other chiefs across
the
country had also adopted the same policy of banning supporters of the
opposition United People's Party and Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
parties from their areas.
Charumbira, who spoke in the
vernacular Shona language, said: "I
have some names of UPP (United People's
Party) and MDC supporters whom I
have already earmarked for eviction. The
position is that only ZANU PF
supporters will be allowed to reside in my
area. I want my (village) headmen
to take note of this
position.
"If you are an opposition supporter this is the
time to mend
your ways before we come for you and ask you to pack your bags.
I don't know
where you will go because other chiefs will take a similar
stance."
ZANU PF chairman for Masvingo Samuel Mumbengegwi
also took
advantage of the UN-organised event to urge villagers to vote for
his party
in upcoming elections.
However, provincial
governor Willard Chiwewe attempted to
reassure the villagers that despite
Charumbira's threats they were free to
back whichever political party of
their choice without reprisal from the
government.
"I
just want to make reference to the speech by the Chief ..
this is a
democratic country and we are all free to live peacefully despite
our
political differences," Chiwewe told the villagers.
It was
not possible to get an immediate comment from local
representatives of the
UN in Harare on Charumbira's threats to villagers.
Traditional leaders have largely ceremonial powers but wield
immense
influence over their subjects in rural areas.
The opposition
and pro-democracy groups blame chiefs and headmen
for abandoning their
traditionally neutral role in the community to side
with Mugabe and his ZANU
PF party. - ZimOnline
Six years after the start of Zimbabwe’s effort at land reform, it has so far been a colossal failure. The country is no longer self-sufficient in its staple foods, exports have plunged, and industry that depends heavily on agriculture has been decimated.
The effect of all this on ordinary Zimbabweans needs no repeating here. There has been a loss not only of economic performance and well-being of the country and of individuals; it has also dramatically diminished our sense of pride, confidence and nationhood.
For the ruling political establishment that staked desperately needed legitimacy on the outcome of what many considered a cynically-motivated process of change in the patterns of land tenure, that legitimacy has been further shattered by the embarrassing failure of this version of land reform.
After the initial disagreement among various sectors of the Zimbabwean public on the nature of the land reform effort, we needed the process to be repaired to simply work for the benefit of the country. The old white dominance of the farming sector and the nature of that dominance in the light of Zimbabwe’s pre-independence history and the post-independence social and political reality that resulted was simply not sustainable. That there was need for change to a more politically and socially-realistic system is not a point of contention.
As everywhere else, there has had to be a wholesale change of a system that was unpalatable but deeply entrenched and functional, the challenge was how to bring about the desired change while retaining the functionality. In the case of Zimbabwe the long-term process implied by trying to satisfy these often conflicting needs was something an increasingly unpopular and embattled ruling authority did not have the time or the resource to implement. So they blundered into a programme of “revolutionary” change in the hope that the dust of world opprobrium would finally settle and the final outcome would vindicate the whole controversial process.
Not only has that not happened, but the policy and implementation blunders seem to worsen from year to year instead of agriculture recovering. We are now accustomed to pre-rain season laments from all sectors of the economy about how ill-prepared the nation is for the impending planting season. We can pretty reliably predict that there will be cries of, “There is not enough seed, fertilizer, fuel or other inputs,” or that some other critical or predictable aspect of planning has not been attended to. It has become a predictable, costly and nation-destroying circus.
The situation has deteriorated to a level where agriculture is just one more area of national life that is hostage to the country’s diplomatic isolation, poor image and its overall economic crisis. As such it is not possible to fix agriculture’s problems outside the context of the issues that are facing the whole nation. There is therefore no pronouncement that the president, any minister or other official can make or action they can take to quickly “fix” agriculture’s problems, any more than anybody can magic-wand away any of the other of the nation’s deep ills.
Yet we also cannot just sit back hoping that if and when the country’s dog-house reputation ends, all the many problems we have caused ourselves will miraculously disappear. Both to try to reduce the effects of the problems of the present and prepare ourselves for a hopeful future in which we will have an enlightened political leadership than a destructive one, we must begin to interrogate whether our whole approach to agriculture dovetails with the situation on the ground.
Part of the reason why agricultural production, despite all efforts in recent years, continues to deteriorate is that we are still applying to it the thinking and the rules of an era when conditions were dramatically different from the current situation. For better or for worse, the agricultural conditions are completely different from those of ten years ago, but all of us seem to insist on hitting our heads against the wall by trying to do things in the same old way.
Even if we didn’t have our current punishing hard currency problems, it is no longer realistic in today’s changed agricultural environment to hope that manufacturing or importing greater amounts of fertilizer can by itself make a dramatic difference to yields. This might have worked in a system where a relatively small number of well-heeled farmers could incorporate borrowing large amounts of money from banks for fertilizer and other inputs into their annual budgets. But the reality on the ground now is of a far larger number of smaller, inexperienced, under-resourced, tenure-insecure farmers just trying to scrape a subsistence living. Even when available, by the nature of its production process fertilizer is going to be expensive and, therefore, out of reach for most small-scale farmers. Many countries have tried to get around this by subsidizing it, but in Zimbabwe we are now painfully aware of the hidden costs and un-sustainability of large-scale subsidies.
So with the situation obtaining in Zimbabwe today, even if import and trade in fertilizer were opened up and subjected completely to market forces, the cost of the black market hard currency required to manufacture or import it and then sell it at a profit would be such that very few farmers would afford to buy it in quantities meaningful enough to make any appreciable difference to yields. Apart from that, even for those who would, the price of their produce would be so high that none of us could afford to buy it!
So we have ruined things to such a level that the old, regular cry of “there is not enough fertilizer” that we now utter every October is obsolete. We need to think along a different track that takes into account the holistic reality of our present situation.
Both because of its economic crisis as well as for reasons of long-term soil health and fertility, Zimbabwe needs to pay more serious attention to sustainable farming techniques that do not enslave farmers to high inputs they cannot afford to purchase, anyway. Yet we have failed to adjust to the new situation which we have created for ourselves and keep on using a frame of agricultural reference that is no longer available to us.
It is a bit like running very hard and fast, but in the wrong direction.
No matter how much faster you run, you will never reach your destination. You would be better off turning to the right direction, even if by then you are too exhausted from your previous error to maintain your previous wrong-headed speed.
While the large-scale commercial farming model that obtained and dominated until about 2000 may be difficult to practise with sustainable, chemical input-free methods, the model of small-scale, less intensive farms that has resulted by default is ideally suited to them. A central part of agricultural policy should be to wean these farmers off the idea that without fertilizer they cannot farm meaningfully or profitably. The fertilizer mindset that made at least temporary sense (“temporary” partly because it did not address the long-term, unsustainable rape of the soil as a result of heavy use of synthetic fertilizer) for the successful model of the heyday of the large-scale white farmer is doing tremendous harm to our chances of devising another successful model to replace it.
Another example of how our thinking is stuck in the past despite new imperatives that require fresh insights is the issue of farm workers. The previously dominant model of large-scale farming estates required large numbers of lowly-paid workers. When the farms have all been divided up into smaller units and the former farm workers have been both encouraged to be farmers in their own right (disregarding for the moment how impractical this is in the prevailing environment) the approach needed has changed faster than our thinking.
For new farmers who aspire to be big in the mould of the white farmers, labour is a bigger problem than it was in the olden days of the white farmers’ dominance. The farm-workers have been scattered. They are anxious and unmotivated in light of the country’s many tensions. They are resentful of a new farmer who they know did nothing to be the “owner” of the farm. Having the latitude to pay low wages is definitely a benefit to a farmer trying to get established. Payment of low wages is, however, now more politically-incorrect than it was during the era of the large-scale white commercial farmer. So while the new farmers may pay even less now than the low wages paid by the white farmer and provide fewer or no other non-cash “benefits,” the cost for that in reduced loyalty, low productivity, high absenteeism and so forth is far higher.
Apart from a farming scenario suddenly and dramatically changed by political vicissitudes, there are many other urgent imperatives that should have us seriously re-examine everything we have previously taken for granted about farming. Climate change is making rain-fed cropping seasons far less predictable, yet Zimbabwe is too broke and dysfunctional to seriously increase irrigation and water-storage capacity. We should be paying more attention to traditional grains better adapted to dry conditions than the hybrid maize varieties that require large quantities of water and chemical inputs to realize their high-yielding potential.
Many of our agricultural and other problems may have political, self-inflicted causes, but for any hope of finding solutions to the mess we have created, we need fresh thinking far beyond the political.
E-mail Me!(Chido Makunike is a Zimbabwean sustainable agriculture consultant based in Dakar, Senegal.)
The Zimbabwe Times
By Gore
Machingura
SYDNEY Nyanungo, the former director for internal affairs in
the Central
Intelligence Organisation (CIO), has been forced out of the
organization
following disclosures that he allegedly accepted a generous
gift from
controversial businessman, Jayesh Shah, while interviewing
him.
Shah, the chief executive of Gift Investments, a leading supplier of
buses,
has strong links to President Robert Mugabe's ruling Zanu-PF party.
The
controversial businessman has confirmed he gave money to Nyanungo but
denies
the $200 million was a bribe.
Shah, an Indian businessman who
spends time in Kenya, Dubai and India, has
emerged as a dedicated supporter
of Mugabe's government. A major sponsor of
the ruling party, Shah is
believed to have direct access to the President
and known to have become
close to central bank governor Gideon Gono.
Apart from financing Zanu-PF,
Shah has also provided foreign currency loans
to government through the
central bank, as evidenced by his dispute with
Kingdom Bank, which is now
before the High Court. Kingdom is demanding
US$900 000 from Shah, claiming
they overpaid him on a loan the bank took out
on behalf of the Reserve Bank
of Zimbabwe in April 2002, as hard currency
shortages began to
bite.
Shah was also involved in raising the amount of US$135 million
which the
government of Zimbabwe paid to the International Monetary Fund
(IMF) last
year to avoid possible expulsion. The controversial businessman
first hit
the headlines in the Zimbabwe United Passenger Company (ZUPCO)
corruption
case when he alleged that the bus company's board chairman
Charles Nherera
solicited for a bribe to facilitate an order for new
buses.
Nherera was convicted on a corruption charge in August but faces
more
charges. Meanwhile Local Government Minister Ignatius Chombo, whose
ministry
superintends ZUPCO, and deputy information minister Bright Matonga,
the bus
company's former chief executive, have also been
implicated.
Nyanungo (52), who joined the CIO at independence, is alleged
to have
solicited his own bribe while interviewing Shah further in
connection with
the same high profile corruption case, involving no less
than two government
ministers. He is reported to have asked for $200 million
to help him finance
a private project, the construction of chalets in
Mutoko.
While the official word from the CIO is that Nyanungo retired
voluntarily,
intelligence sources have informed Zimbabwe Times he was forced
to resign
after details of the alleged Shah bribe emerged.
"There was no
question of me bribing Sidney," Shah said. "What for? I was
not a suspect.
He only told me about the difficulties he was having building
his lodges in
Mutoko, so I offered to help."
While Nyanungo remains tight-lipped over
the circumstances leading to his
exit, State Security Minister Didymus
Mutasa sought to pour cold water on
reports that one of his senior officials
had been possibly corrupted.
"He said he was tired and I allowed him to
go," Mutasa said.
Intelligence sources say Nyanungo was assigned to glean for
fresh
information on the ZUPCO case.
Nyanungo was specifically tasked
with establishing Chombo's involvement in
the corrupt tender procedures at
ZUPCO, following the submission by Shah of
fresh evidence, in the form of
tapes, to the police. The fresh evidence
apparently further implicates
Nherera, Matonga and Chombo.
Meanwhile, lawyers representing Matonga and
Nherera have raised a stink over
the alleged side-stepping of laid-down
procedures by the office of the
Attorney General, Sobuza Gula-Ndebele, to
'surreptitiously' grant Shah
immunity from prosecution.
While the
police are reported to be building a case against Chombo, police
spokesperson Wayne Bvudzijena says the minister is being treated as a
witness for now.
"The police are viewing Local Government Minister
Chombo as a witness and
not as an accused," he said. "We will record his
statement but we cannot
give details since it is an on-going
investigation."
It is after his meeting with Shah that Nyanungo received
the $200 million
gift.
Nyanungo has been replaced by Andrew Muzonzini,
brother to Elisha Muzonzini,
a retired brigadier who headed the spy agency
until he was appointed
Zimbabwe's ambassador to Kenya in 2002.
The Citizen
HARARE - At least 40 more white farmers face
eviction in
Zimbabwe after they received orders from the government to cease
operations
and vacate their land, the farmers' union said on
Monday.
"So far 40 eviction notices have been given out by the
government," Emily Crookes, a spokeswoman for the Commercial Farmers Union
(CFU), told AFP.
Crookes said that the number could rise as
not all affected
farmers may have notified the union.
"Some
farmers have received threats from unidentified people
while others are
doing their best to contain the situation," said the
spokeswoman. "Others
are just waiting, assessing the situation from their
houses."
She said several timber and coffee plantation owners were among
those who
have been ordered to leave, while other sugar-cane farmers in the
south-eastern Chiredzi district face a similar predicament.
Crookes said the eviction notices effectively barred the
affected farmers
from working on their land.
At least 500 white farmers remain in
Zimbabwe following
controversial land reforms which saw President Robert
Mugabe's government
seizing at least 4 000 farms for redistribution to
landless blacks.
The land reforms have been blamed for food
shortages in what was
once southern Africa's breadbasket, with critics
saying the majority of
those who have benefitted from the land reforms
lacked the means and skills
to farm.
Lands Minister Didymus
Mutasa confirmed that a new batch of
eviction notices had been distributed
without giving an exact number.
The minister told AFP that the
government would forge ahead with
the programme which the government
characterises as a correction of
historical imbalances which favoured white
colonial settlers.
"The fact that we are issuing out eviction
notices shows that
there are some people who are in need of land," Mutasa
said.
"When we are finished with the land reform, we will speak
for
ourselves and we will let the whole world know." -
Sapa-AFP.
Last updated
23/10/2006 16:12:45
News24
23/10/2006 14:27 -
(SA)
Harare - Zimbabwe's central bank admitted on Monday it was
losing the battle
against spiralling inflation due to political and other
factors outside its
control.
President Robert Mugabe's government has
branded inflation - which slowed to
1 023% in September but remains the
world's highest - its number one enemy.
Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe governor
Gideon Gono said there were several
factors that were outside the central
bank's control, which made it
difficult to rein in inflation.
"Some
of those factors are within the governor's control and influence while
others such as politics, sanctions, droughts, under-utilisation of farms,
disruptions at those farms, rampant corruption, indiscipline, law and order
are factors outside the governor's control," he said in an interview with
the official Herald newspaper.
Zimbabwe's inflation is seen as a
major stumbling block to pulling the
country out of a recession marked by a
jobless rate above % and persistent
shortages of foreign currency, fuel and
food.
'We will continue in this inflation spiral
The government is
battling to put a lid on prices and is this week expected
to agree with
producers the price of the staple maize-meal, flour and bread,
which have
been in short supply over pricing.
"As monetary authorities, we are
concerned as every other Zimbabwean, at the
limited pace of disinflation,"
Gono said.
Analysts have warned of renewed price pressures as
manufacturers hike
prices, arguing that they are sourcing scarce foreign
currency for raw
materials on a thriving black market.
The local unit
is trading at Z$250 to the dollar on the official market but
up to six-times
that rate on the black market.
"We are seeing cross sector increases in
the price of commodities and
services, even by municipalities, which will
feed into inflation and the
result is that we will continue in this
inflation spiral," James Jowa, an
economist with a Harare financial services
firm told Reuters.
'Things could have gone terribly worse'
Shunned
by Western financial donors, Mugabe's government has increasingly
relied on
the local bank sector for money to plug holes in the national
budget, and to
import food and farming inputs.
Analysts say this has resulted in
excessive government spending, with the
central bank admitting to printing
money, while domestic debt has nearly
doubled to Z$121.4bn between June and
September this year.
Gono said he had secured $900m in foreign lines of
credit since taking his
job in 2003, saving the country from
collapse.
"This innovative intervention has gone to augment export
receipts directly,
thereby mitigating against sharp loss of value of the
local currency," he
said. "Things could have gone terribly worse. Let us not
forget this."
Gono said Zimbabwe had to boost industrial and agricultural
production,
partly knocked by the seizure of white-owned commercial farms
for landless
blacks, to generate much needed foreign currency and stabilise
prices.
By
Tererai Karimakwenda
23 October 2006
The Zimbabwe
Electricity Supply Authority (ZESA) which has long been
referred to as the
Zimbabwe Electricity Sometimes Authority, appears to be
making more moves to
live up to its nickname. The troubled parastatal has
announced that
beginning 2007, it will charge for electricity based on usage
instead of
charging the old standard fee based on estimates. All households
are
therefore required to purchase meters and pay ZESA to install them.
The cost for each household is expected to average Z$100,000. And
failure to
comply will result in power being turned off. Many families in
Zimbabwe,
already struggling to meet their basic daily needs, are going to
be left in
the dark. It will be even worse for the thousands of child headed
households
in the country with no income at all.
Pastor Ndhlovu in Bulawayo
described a very sad situation that will
get worse if ZESA cuts off the
power. Xolani is only 19 years old but she is
taking care of her 6 year old
sister and 3 year old brother. Their parents
and grandparents all passed
away and they survive on money they make from
renting two of the four rooms
they have in their house. The pastor said the
children never have more than
one meal per day, and many days there is
nothing to eat. There is no way
they can pay Z$100,000 to ZESA for a meter.
Add to this the fact that
Xolani also suffers from epilepsy and has
fits that leave her mentally
unstable. Pastor Ndhlovu said sometimes they
can provide the drugs needed to
control her seizures, but these are
expensive and have to be imported. Most
of the time she has no access to
these drugs and the fits leave her confused
and struggling to deal with
everyday responsibilities.
Without
electricity many families will have to rely on firewood which
is very
difficult to come by if you live right in town. In Zimbabwe gas is
often
unavailable and very expensive. Pastor Ndlovu said there are thousands
of
families faced with this sad situation in Bulawayo alone if ZESA goes
ahead
with this scheme.
SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe
news
The Herald
(Harare)
October 23, 2006
Posted to the web October 23,
2006
Harare
THE Government has given a preliminary notice to
compulsorily acquire a farm
in Greystone Park for urban
expansion.
The Minister of State for National Security, Lands, Land
Reform and
Resettlement in the President's Office Cde Didymus Mutasa gave
notice for
the compulsory acquisition of the farm in the Government Gazette
last
Friday.
"Notice is hereby given, in terms of Section 5 (1) of
the Land Acquisition
Act, that the President intends to acquire compulsorily
the land described
in the schedule for urban expansion," said Cde
Mutasa.
The land to be acquired is stand 791 in Greystone Park measuring
21 404
hectares. It is registered in the name of Nederduitse Gereformeerde
kerk-Sinode van Midde-Afrika.
Two other farms were also acquired for
different purposes. One of the farms
is registered in the name of Maygrayvan
Farms (Private) Limited in Bubi
District measuring 101 584
hectares.
The other property is registered in the name of David Charles
Walker in
Mutare measuring 56 626 hectares.
The Government also
gazetted a new court fee structure that will see people
paying for various
legal services offered by the judiciary.
According to the gazetted
Customary Law and Local Courts (Amendment) Rules,
2006, a fee of $700 would
be paid on commencement of a case where summons
would be issued while $500
would be paid where no summons would be issued.
According to the
regulations also published in the Government gazette last
Friday, $300 would
be paid to the court for execution of judgment, $200 as
messenger's fee for
service of witness summons and $600 for noting an appeal
from judgment of
local court.
Tariff for messenger of local court fees and charges would
be $700 for
execution where a warrant is issued, $300 for attempted
execution, removal
and storage of goods and $300 for attachment of movable
property.
The fee paid by a plaintiff on the commencement of a case shall
be $2 000 to
the person presiding over the local court, $1 000 to each
assessor, $500 to
the messenger of court where he serves a summons or where
he has executed a
judgment and $1 000 to the clerk of court.
The East African
(Nairobi)
INTERVIEW
October 23, 2006
Posted to the web October 23,
2006
Fred Oluoch
Nairobi
KELEBERT NKOMANI, the Zimbabwean High
Commissioner to Kenya, who is also his
country's permanent representative to
UNEP and UN-Habitat, recently sought
to give the government's perspective on
the economic and political crisis
facing the country. He spoke to Special
Correspondent FRED OLUOCH
Critics of the Zimbabwean government are
convinced the crisis has been
exacerbated by the failure of SADC members to
take President Mugabe to task
over his governance style instead of handling
him with kid gloves...
Zimbabwe is a founder member of the Southern
African Development Community
and enjoys the full support of its fellow
members. Since the establishment
of SADC, we have had very good relations
and we work together in all
programmes.
Whenever governance or
economic issues arise, they are discussed fully in
the appropriate SADC
forum. In some cases, if there are bilateral issues
like migrant labour, we
discuss them bilaterally.
You have to understand that Zimbabwe is a
landlocked country and a country
that emerged from colonialism backed by a
number of African countries,
particularly our immediate neighbours who
become independent before us:
Mozambique, Zambia, Botswana and
Tanzania.
These countries played an extremely important role in the
liberation of
Zimbabwe, and the struggle took a very heavy toll of their
economies and
infrastructure. So we consider ourselves a product of that
process and
therefore we value the solidarity and relationship that we have
with those
countries, since we take it as the basis of our
independence.
If that is the case, why then is SADC not coming out
strongly to intercede
on behalf of Zimbabwe in its current
trouble?
If you say a country is in trouble, it is better to define the
nature of the
problem. If you don't, you are likely to come up with wrong
solutions. I
want to say this: Zimbabwe, as a country, is very stable. But
we have very
serious economic challenges at this point in time. I can say
that it is the
main issue that we are facing.
SADC can neither be
blamed, nor expected to solve the economic challenges
facing Zimbabwe. Yes,
on a number of occasions, SADC has strongly argued our
case in international
forums. For instance, when the Zimbabwe Democracy Bill
was being mooted in
the US, the SADC ambassador in the US brought a lot of
pressure to bear to
point out what the implications of such a legislation
would be.
In
your view, what are the major causes of Zimbabwe's current economic
challenges, if not the issue of governance?
It all boils down to the
issue of land redistribution, which almost derailed
the independence talks
at Lancaster in 1979. Andrew Young, the then US
secretary of state, helped
broker an agreement that the land would be bought
from the white farmers
systematically over time with assistance and funding
from the British
government, besides multilateral and bilateral assistance
from
donors.
It was important that more resources be made available to
complete the
process of moving land from the white community to the black
majority on a
willing-seller-willing- buyer basis.
The process went
on well during the Conservative rule of Margaret Thatcher
and John Major,
but when the Labour government came into power, they said
they did not feel
they had an obligation to fulfil this pact. That it was
not their job to
adopt the policy of the conservatives.
This was a major departure,
because it meant that the British government was
disowning what we thought
was the agreement at Lancaster House. As a result,
Zimbabwe, through a
legislative process, adopted a new policy on how to
acquire land
The
owners of the land would be paid for whatever development they had made
on
the land: If they had fenced the land, built a road, homestead etc, they
would be compensated. But the Zimbabwe government felt that it would not be
proper for us as a country to compensate the landlords for the land itself
because that land was in the first instance not bought from the African
original owners but taken away from them.
After we adopted this
policy, the UK and US took a strong position against
Zimbabwe. The UK
organised the European Union against Zimbabwe, while the US
passed what they
call the Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery Act,
which essentially
made it obligatory for all their representatives in
international
institutions to ensure that no financial resources would flow
to Zimbabwe,
particularly from the likes of the IMF and World Bank.
If the policy was
popular, why did it result in a mass exodus of White
farmers?
The
idea was never that farmers should all go away. Indeed, no farmer need
have
left the country. What we said was that we are going to have a one-man,
one-farm policy. And if you had more than one farm, then you give up some of
the farms for redistribution. Of course, some of the farms were grotesquely
large.
The size of the farm that remained depended on the location
within the five
national regions. In those with fertile soil and good
rainfall, the size had
to be smaller; if you were in a drier region, the
size of the holding had to
be bigger to be economically viable.
The
policy was that as long as you nominated what farmland you wanted to
keep
within the given size, you could continue with your activities. But
some of
the sitting farmers acted in anger and insisted they were leaving
Zimbabwe
and relocating to places like Australia. We couldn't stop them.
How far
has the redistribution process gone and has it achieved its
objective of
settling all the landless blacks?
I would say that a large number of
people have been accommodated within the
land redistribution process to date
under the two schemes - A1, targeted at
the lower income group, and A2, on
the commercial side.
Quite a number of people have been settled, but
there are still some people
who are in need of land. An audit has been
carried out to establish exactly
who has taken up the pieces of land
allocated to them. Some people in the
euphoria [of the initial
redistribution] did apply but didn't have an
interest in working the land,
and the audit report is revealing that there
are some pieces of land that
have not been taken up.
We know that there are some people who need land
but have not been
allocated. So a lot of rationalisation will have to be
done to ensure that
those who need land are settled.
I cannot say
that every person in Zimbabwe who wants land will get it, but I
think it
will go a long way towards meeting the requirements of our
population.
What would you say to the fact that some of the farms lie
idle and that some
of subsidised items meant to help the new farmers, such
as fuel, were sold
off at a huge profit?
I totally agree with that,
that there were some lapses in terms of actual
implementation of the subsidy
programme.
There were some new farmers who received fuel at a cheaper
rate than the
market price. Some sold them, but that was an aberration and
those who were
caught were taken to court.
I am not saying that that
it was absolutely smooth.
Still, agriculture is down and tobacco farming
especially has virtually
collapsed since the advent of land redistribution.
Your comment?
In terms of volumes, we no longer realise what we used to
produce.
But we understand why: The land is exchanging hands and new
farmers are
taking over. It takes them time to settle down, to acquire the
skills and
the capital necessary for those operations,
It is
important to note that, unfortunately, at the height of our land
distribution programme, between 2001 and 2004, we had a very severe drought
in the Southern African region.
So, part of the fall in the
level of production is attributable not so much
to the reorganisation
process as to the drought.
But we still produce tobacco and output
started picking up last year.
Records show that, in 2005, Zimbabwe exported
tobacco worth over $200
million.
It is not much compared with what we
used to produce, but we are confident
that production will increase over
time, with the support of the government.
October 23, 2006
By Savious
Kwinika (CAJ)
THE Centre for African Journalists (CAJ News Agency)
has it from the
right government authorities that the Zimbabwe Republic
Police (ZRP) Deputy
Commissioner, Senior Assistant Commissioner Godwin
Matanga is the one, who
sanctioned the police brutality that was inflicted
upon the Zimbabwe
Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) in a few weeks
ago.
Deputy Commissioner Matanga, who was the acting police
commissioner
seized the opportunity to unleash violence and the onslaught on
some
peaceful protesters during the foiled ZCTU called mass
action.
Several ZCTU leaders, including secretary-general
Wellington
Chibhebhe, ZCTU vice president Lucia Matibenga and several others
were
brutally attacked and are battling for recovery at their
homes.
The police commissioner, Augustine Chihuri, was in hospital
in South
Africa, where he had gone for treatment, leaving behind deputy
commissioner
Matanga as the acting police commissioner.
Matanga
was certified as being 90% disabled and that alone should have
required him
to have resigned from the post that he was holding.
Matanga, who is
widely viewed as the worst reckless senior police
officer, is said to have
done a big diservice to the law enforcement agency
due to some of the
uncalled for actions, in which some members of the forced
said some of the
actions "were questionable."
ZRP Spokesperson, Chief Superitendent
Oliver Mandipaka, refused to
give comment on the issue insisting that CAJ
News would put his hands on
fire before choosing to remain quiet over the
claims levelled against his
boss Matanga.
"My friend you want
to burn my fingers, you would rather get comment
from heaven. The
information you want is extremely sensitive. Thank you,"
before switching of
his cellphone.
Deputy commissioner Matanga, who destroyed several
police vehicles
through some reckless driving came worse when he once again
he instructed
some police force officers to severely assault the peacefully
demonstrating
ZCTU leadership in Harare.
According to one
assistant police commissioner,who was sore for being
transferred to a a
faraway rural outpost and who asked to remain anonymous
claimed that Deputy
Commissioner Matanga was a reckless man who had managed
to wreck beyond
repair more than ten police vehicles with nothing done to
him.
"Deputy Commissioner Matanga's history of deliquency dates back to the
years
he was at Support Unit. The man is an alcoholic. He had survived more
than
ten serious accidents mysteriously, including the recent one when he
overturned the newly acquired state-of-the-art 4X4 Toyota.
"The
man had done the same to a Benz, Defender, Cressida, Mazda
626-406 Sedan,
504 Sedan, Colt and another Mercedes Benz. The Commissioner
is powerless to
act over his deputy who is likely to take over from him.The
man is also an
ex-combatant who joined the war in 1977 at Mount Selinda in
Chipinge. He had
nothing to offer as he is considered to have lived his life
for fourteen
years as a Deputy Commissioner," said one senior police
officer.
Contacted for comment on the allegations levelled
against Deputy
Commissioner matanga,Police Spokesperson Chief Superitendent
Oliver
Mandipaka said such issues were not for him to comment,and only
Commissioner
Chihuri was empowered to comment on that issue-CAJ
News.
Raw Story
dpa German Press Agency
Published: Monday October 23,
2006
Harare- Air Zimbabwe has upped its fares by around five times in a
shock
hike the national carrier said was caused by skyrocketing operational
costs,
the state-controlled Herald newspaper reported Monday in Harare. The
troubled carrier is now charging 2.5 million Zimbabwe dollars (10,000 US)
for a return ticket to China, up from 545,000 Zimbabwe dollars (2,180 US),
said the newspaper.
A return trip to London in the mid-range economy
class popular with those
visiting relatives working in the former colonial
power will now cost 1.8
million Zimbabwe dollars (7,200 US), up from 358,310
dollars (1,433 US).
Competing carriers offer return fares on similar
seats to England in the
region of 1,100 US.
Converted at the official
exchange rate, the new Air Zimbabwe fares appear
astronomically expensive.
But Zimbabwe's currency has taken a nosedive in
recent weeks on the parallel
market, where the greenback is selling at 1,500
Zimbabwe dollars, or six
times the official rate of 240 Zimbabwe dollars to
one US dollar.
The
Air Zimbabwe spokesman quoted in Monday's report did not mention the
Zimbabwe dollar's collapse. Instead, David Mwenga pointed to the ever-rising
costs of products and services in the country where the annual inflation
rate is well over 1,000 per cent.
"We had no choice but to review our
fares," Mwenga said.
Air Zimbabwe has been struggling to remain aloft
over the past four to five
years. The carrier acquired three MA60 planes
from China to help on domestic
and regional routes but the craft have been
plagued with problems,
reportedly displeasing President Robert
Mugabe.
Meanwhile, one of the company's two ageing Boeings was out of
service for
months earlier this year pending repairs in Germany.
©
2006 dpa German Press Agency
International Herald Tribune
The Associated Press
Published: October 23, 2006
JOHANNESBURG, South Africa
Ten southern African nations have signed a
finance and investment agreement
meant to help boost economic integration
and foreign investment in the
region, officials said Monday.
Botswana, Zimbabwe and Swaziland
signed the Protocol on Finance and
Investment at a special summit of heads
of government of the 16-nation
Southern African Development Community,
following the signature of the pact
by seven other governments at a meeting
in August.
The agreement aims to promote the region as a single
investment area
rather than a collection of individual countries by setting
up standard
investment policies.
It also complements the move
towards a Free Trade Area which would be
the first step toward monetary
union, similar to the European Union, in
Southern Africa.
"It
would appear that the region is on course for the establishment of
a Free
Trade Area by 2008," said Lesotho Prime Minister Pakalitha Mosisili,
who
currently chairs the community.
The free trade area would be
followed by the establishment a Customs
Union by 2010, a Common Market by
2015 and Economic and Monetary Union by
2018.
"Summit noted
that SADC trade patterns consist mainly of commodities
and that there is
need to diversify the economies and increase
intra-regional trade and
growth," the summit's final communique noted.
"The talks today were
focused on ensuring that we are all winners and
that there would be no
losers in integration, that the small economies will
be also catered for and
will benefit fully," said Mosisili.
Government officials gave no
explanation of how Zimbabwe - which has
the world's highest inflation rate
at more than 1,200 percent and is in a
state of economic collapse - will
manage to comply with the agreement.
Letter from America:
By Professor Stanford Mukasa
October 23,
2006
In today's letter from America Dr. Stan Mukasa argues that the
revelation by the military that the people of Zimbabwe could topple Mugabe
if the opposition movement was unified is the best advice the opposition
leadership will ever get.
It is now widely known that Robert
Mugabe relies on his intelligence
and security chiefs not only for both
advice and protection but in the
running of the country. Just like in
apartheid South Africa where P.W. Botha
set up the Bureau of State Security
or BOSS a militocracy that effectively
ran the country, Mugabe now has a
similar military style inner cabinet where
major decisions are taken. It is
reported that even the so-called Politburo
no longer wields effective power
in the day- to- day running of Mugabe's
regime.
It is also a
well-known fact that Zimbabwe is, to all intents and
purposes, under the
military rule. Key civilian positions in government have
been given to the
army personnel. Mugabe has openly admitted on a number of
occasions that his
continued position is 100 percent dependent on the
goodwill and support of
the army and his network of secret police.
If Mugabe was not fully
aware about what Zimbabweans think of him,
Mugabe has now heard it from his
top confidantes, the military, who have now
openly told him that Mugabe is
the most hated person in Zimbabwe and that,
with a well organized leadership
in the opposition politics Zimbabweans are
now ready, able and willing to
topple him by force.
Mugabe's top military advisers were blunt when
they added that, in the
event of such mass protest, Mugabe could not rely on
the army to protect him
because a large chunk of the army hates him as well.
The obvious outcome of
this would be a situation where the disgruntled
soldiers would join the
masses in protesting against Mugabe.
Had
this been said by Morgan Tsvangirai at an MDC rally Mugabe would
have
laughed it off. Now that this ominous warning is coming from his most
trusted advisers Mugabe is most likely losing sleep and forever watching
over his shoulder.
If he had not known it before, or if he had
developed the habit of
ignoring of laughing off such advice Mugabe must now
be fully aware that he
has met the moment of truth in as far as what
Zimbabweans feel about him.
Mugabe will probably lose sleep over this
matter because each time he
closes his eyes he is forced to imagine and have
very vivid memories of what
Zimbabweans would be doing on the news of his
long -awaited death. There
would be all-night festivities and uncontrolled
jubilation throughout the
country. The nation would heave a sigh of relief
that would resonate
throughout the country. That is a scary thought enough
to make Mugarbage, as
he is now sometimes called, cringe!
It
does not require a great deal of imagination how Mugabe and ZANU PF
have won
most elections from voters who hate him intensely!
What the
military chiefs told Mugabe means that Zimbabweans are
circling like
vultures above him waiting frantically for him to fall before
they tear him
to pieces.
But what must have worried Mugabe more than the hatred
from the people
of Zimbabwe was the fact that he was told that if a real
mass revolt emerged
Mugabe could not count on the complete loyalty of the
army.
Mugabe has divided the army, police and the CIO by rewarding only
the
top officers while the rank and file suffer as much as other ordinary
citizens. And the poor and malnourished soldiers are caught in a web of lies
and contradictions when they consider that, on one hand, they are part of
the brutal machinery protecting Mugabe whose ruthless policies have, on the
other hand, created and nurtured conditions of misery for soldiers and their
families.
The soldiers must wonder why, after spending the
whole day terrorizing
people to defend Mugabe, their lives are one chapter
after the other of
endless suffering and misery. For when they go home the
same soldiers have
to struggle to support their families. A soldier failed
to pay for a bus
ticket recently and ended up being assaulted by people.
Soldiers of the
elite presidential guard were reportedly scavenging for food
by killing
squirrels in the botanical gardens.
Soldiers must be
wondering why they are defending Mugabe who has
brought Zimbabwe to the edge
of the cliff. The economy is in shambles and is
the worst in the entire
region. People are now eking a living out of a
country that has become a
huge Mugarbage dumpsite.
Mugabe must have had a rude awakening to
the fact that he is now a
social dinosaur, a political relic of the 1960s
and a complete anachronism
to today's Zimbabwe. This explains why Mugabe has
regressed Zimbabwe back to
the 60s era of his nationalistic agitation - an
era he is so familiar with.
Mugabe may understand the sixties but he has a
foggy notion of the political
culture and demands of the contemporary
Zimbabwe. His rabid obsession with
violence and gangster politics and
constantly waging a war on everyone who
opposes him is symptomatic of a
clueless Mugabe whose only dream and
ambition is to cling to power at all
costs.
There are three interlinked strategies Mugabe and ZANU PF
have drawn
up to ensure their survival. One is to win political power at
general
elections. The other is to rig the elections if it appears ZANU PF
is headed
for a loss. The third is simply to use the military to seize and
maintain
power.
Like a boy who cried wolf Mugabe is engaging in the
self-delusion that
the country's problems have been brought about by
sanctions from Britain and
the United States. Yet he does not and cannot
explain why trade between
Zimbabwe and the industrialized west continues; or
why the US and Britain
are the largest humanitarian donors-having poured
into the country millions
of dollars in food aid and to combat
HIV/AIDS.
Mugabe has also repeatedly failed to explain why Ian Smith's
Rhodesia
fared a lot better under sanctions than Zimbabwe under Mugabe's
rule.
The white opposition parties in Rhodesia enjoyed
unprecedented
freedoms -something the opposition parties in Zimbabwe can
only dream of as
they moan and groan under Mugabe's dictatorship.
It is no wonder that Zimbabweans feel the independence they supposedly
gained in 1980 was a glass of poisoned milk and honey. And they are
suffering heavily for it as they sit by the rivers of Babylon and try to
remember the real independence and real freedom which have eluded them for
the past 26 years.
According to theories of revolutions a new
coalition in opposition
politics, and which could potentially turn out to be
more deadly for Mugabe
than ever before, may well be in its formative
stages.
First, the impoverishment of the masses has progressively led
to the
destruction of the middle class who have now joined the ranks of the
dirt
poor.
There are also disgruntled ZANUPF members who are
clandestinely
supporting the opposition movement because they cannot come
out in the open
for fear of victimizations by Mugabe's thugs. Then there is
a growing
resentment in the military. If the opposition leadership can
harness and
mobilize this emerging coalition a new and effective struggle to
topple
Mugabe can be launched.
Mugabe himself has become a paper
tiger. With the military support
especially among the lower ranks showing
some signs of eroding Mugabe could
face a formidable challenge from mass
protests.
Mugabe's economic infrastructure, in form of state and
national
resources, is on shaky ground as the economy continues to slide. He
cannot
maintain the expensive habit of rewarding his supporters, especially
the
military, on whom he relies for survival.
Strange as it may
seem, the revelation by Mugabe's top military
officers that if the
opposition is sufficiently united and well coordinated
mass protests in
Zimbabwe are very real and could topple Mugabe especially
now that the
people stand ready to do so is the best advice the opposition
leadership in
Zimbabwe can ever get.
SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news
The Herald
(Harare)
October 23, 2006
Posted to the web October 23,
2006
Harare
ZIMBABWE needs to import about 10 000 tonnes of maize
seed to meet demand
for the current farming season, according to Seed Co
Limited.
In a statement accompanying its financials for the half year
ended August
31, 2006, Seed Co attributed the shortfall to a sharp rise in
demand.
"While the Zimbabwean production has tremendously improved with
volumes
going up by 30 percent, we estimate that Zimbabwe as a country still
needs
approximately 10 000 tonnes in imports and Seed Co is well placed to
meet
this demand with strategic stocks produced elsewhere in the region,"
the
company said.
Seed Co recorded a $946 million loss as a result of
the macroeconomic
challenges that include hyperinflation, unstable exchange
rates and price
controls.
Turnover surged 2 009 percent to $1,5
billion reflecting a strong demand for
seed during the period under
review.
Gross profit margins of 31 percent were 8 percent lower than
prior year
margins of 39 percent due to increased production-related
activities and
disposal of old stock at commodity prices
"While the
group has always recorded an operating loss in the first half of
the year,
it is pleasing that included in this figure is a profit of $148
million
recorded by Quton in the period under review," said the
group.
Acquisition of Quton, the only cotton seed company in Zimbabwe is
expected
to help change this situation as cotton seed sales generally start
this
year.
The group is looking forward to helping restore seed self
sufficiency in
this country, especially following an allocation of two farms
formerly run
by Arda.
Seed production in Malawi and Zambia is now
fully in place and poised to
take advantage of any increase in demand across
Africa.
Meanwhile, maize seed growers have been challenged to produce
quality seed
and bolster the land reform programme as well as considering
the fact that
seed production is highly technical thus the need to treat it
carefully to
produce seed of national value.
VOA
By
Patience Rusere
Washington
23 October 2006
Home
Affairs Minister Kembo Mohadi denied having told a news organization
that
the government is blocking rallies by the opposition Movement for
Democratic
Change in the runup to rural district council elections later
this month to
keep it from mobilizing Zimbabweans for mass protests against
President
Robert Mugabe's rule.
The South African-based Web news agency ZimOnline
quoted Mohadi as saying he
is "in touch" with Police Commissioner Augustine
Chihuri to keep the MDC
faction led by Morgan Tsvangirai from holding
meetings if it urges people to
go into the streets.
Mohadi told
reporter Patience Rusere of VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe that the
government
has never blocked or interfered with opposition rallies.
But secretary
general Tendai Biti of the MDC faction led by Morgan
Tsvangirai said two out
of every 10 applications for rallies his grouping
files are turned down.
Globe and Mail, Canada
INNOCENT
MADAWO
Special to Globe and Mail Update
Last week, The Globe and
Mail carried a story about Zimbabwean human-rights
lawyer Gabriel Shumba,
who was tortured and forced to drink his own blood
and urine by President
Robert Mugabe's notoriously brutal security agents.
Mr. Shumba, executive
director of the Pretoria-based Zimbabwe Exiles Forum,
is in Canada, for the
second time, lobbying Ottawa to indict the Zimbabwean
dictator under federal
crimes-against-humanity legislation. His first
attempt, in 2004, received
what I can only describe as a snub of the highest
order. Mr. Shumba was told
by a then-Liberal government spokesperson that
there must be a Canadian
victim or a Canadian connection for a case to
proceed under the existing
legislation.
This is disheartening to me and to the thousands of other
Zimbabweans exiled
in Canada who look to the leaders of this country to
spearhead a worldwide
campaign to force Mr. Mugabe and his ZANU-PF party to
allow democratic
reform and respect for human rights in Zimbabwe.
And
yet, despite all the killing, the jailing, the torturing and the exiling
of
millions of Zimbabweans since 2000, there has been no action by
Canada.
Granted, Foreign Affairs Minister Peter MacKay issued a statement
last month
when 15 labour unionists were beaten and tortured by the police
and secret
agents for demonstrating against shortages of food and medicine
and a lack
of employment. But it was a brief and, in my view, very lame
statement: "I
am deeply troubled that the Government of Zimbabwe has once
again denied its
people their rights to freedom of expression and
association as well as the
right to peaceful assembly. Canada condemns the
arrest of these peaceful
demonstrators and calls for their immediate
release."
Mr. MacKay added that Canada "urges" Zimbabwe to refrain from using
intimidation, violence and repression, and to respect the human rights and
fundamental freedoms of its citizens.
Frankly, Canada does not need
to urge anything. It needs to demand that
Robert Mugabe and his government
stop victimizing people.
Of course, given that the Mugabe government has
banned most foreign media
organizations from operating in Zimbabwe, one
could argue that Mr. MacKay
might not have received a full picture of the
extent to which the labour
unionists were tortured. Well, there is now
indisputable evidence in the
form of a 15-minute video that has been
circulating on the Internet in the
past week. It features a gang of
uniformed Zimbabwe Republic Police officers
beating up the union leaders,
including an elderly woman, on a Harare
street.
Under normal
circumstances, the video would be seen as the work of an
amateur cameraman:
unfocused, unevenly cut and a not-so-flowing script. But
one needs to
understand the circumstances under which this video was shot:
Using a hidden
camera, gutsy journalists risked being discovered and thrown
in jail (if
they were lucky).
In the video, the union leaders are also shown in their
hospital beds and at
home recovering from injuries they said were not only
inflicted in public on
the street but in the police cells, where they were
kicked, punched and
stomped on.
This video is but the tip of the
iceberg when you consider the violence to
which Zimbabweans are subjected on
a daily basis by a dictatorship that will
stop at nothing to stay in
power.
Since 2000, when bands of self-styled war veterans led a
government-sponsored invasion of white-owned land, killing some farmers and
looting their property, the once- robust agri-based economy of Zimbabwe has
deteriorated to a level below subsistence farming. When people who lost
their jobs protested, by voting for the opposition, 700,000 of them had
their homes and small industries destroyed in an operation sarcastically
called Operation Murambatsvina (Operation Clear Filth).
It would be a
shame if the Conservative government turns away Mr. Shumba,
and all of us
supporting his mission, with an excuse similar to that given
by the
Liberals.
The entire Zimbabwean population might be decimated before a
Canadian victim
or connection materializes. Can this country live with
that?
Innocent Madawo is a Zimbabwean journalist living in Toronto.
OhMyNews.com
Political activist John Nyamande sees
parallels between
Mugabe's regime and white rule
Ambrose Musiyiwa (amusiyiwa)
Published 2006-10-23 14:35
(KST)
John Nyamande is a veteran in Zimbabwe's
struggle for
independence.
He has been a political
activist since the 1960s when he joined
ZAPU as a youth
member.
Nyamande has worked as a teacher in inner London
schools in the
U.K.; in rural and urban Zimbabwean schools during and after
the war of
liberation; and as a deputy head teacher in Zimbabwe of a school
that had an
enrollment of over 1200 pupils and 42 members of
staff.
Currently, Nyamande chairs the Movement for Democratic
Change
(MDC) Gray's Branch, in Essex in the United
Kingdom.
In an email interview with Ambrose Musiyiwa, which
took place
between Sept. 5 and Oct. 18, John Nyamande spoke about the things
that
compelled him to become a political activist.
How
would you describe the current situation in Zimbabwe?
It is
really pathetic and sad that Zimbabwe, which was once a
breadbasket of
Southern Africa, is now a basket case of Southern Africa. Any
reasonable
person cannot deny that. I remember very well that after
independence in
1980, a Zimbabwe dollar was equivalent to a British pound
and was stronger
than the South African Rand. Was Rhodesia Front managing
the economy better
than ZANU (PF)? What was happening? Good management is
not about color. Look
at developing countries like South Africa. They
co-exist.
Why do you think things are as they stand in the country?
Obviously it's management of the economy by ZANU (PF). It's
scandal after
scandal swept under the carpet. We had the Willowvale scandal,
War Victims
Compensation Fund, Government Tender Board, the housing scheme,
foreign
exchange, multiple farm owners and many other scandals.
In my
view, [President] Robert Mugabe has encouraged this to
happen. He should
have nipped this in the bud, shamed and fired a lot from
the government for
non-performance. Zimbabwe has an abundance of qualified
and capable managers
who are now in the Diaspora serving other governments.
Surely how can
someone serve effectively for 25 years as a minister?
I
strongly believe that it's Mugabe who doesn't let some of
these guys leave
the government for reasons best known to himself.
Will things
improve?
All Zimbabweans should learn to forgive and come
together and
discuss the roadmap to normalcy. The issue is political as well
as
economical. You cannot separate the two. Things have run down. Look at
public transport, health, education, and parastatals. Most parastatals are
being run by retired army personnel. Why is Zimbabwe militarizing? There is
something wrong that needs correcting.
The recent AIT
ruling on A.A. allows the British government to
resume forced deportations
to Zimbabwe. What are your views on this?
Deportations to
Zimbabwe at the moment should not be encouraged.
There is more than 75
percent unemployment in Zimbabwe at the moment. People
need to survive. Two
reasons why Zimbabweans are here at present: economical
and
political.
Those who can work and are law-abiding migrants
should be
allowed to work. Zimbabweans are hard workers and are known even
here for
that. They have a significant contribution to make to the economy
of this
country.
Those who are here on political reasons
should definitely not be
forced back to Zimbabwe. MDC (U.K.) branches have
got databases of their
membership and there is no reason why they should be
forced back. The (U.K.)
representative can always provide proof of this if
required by Home office.
What made you to join ZAPU in the
1960s?
I was compelled to join ZAPU in the 1960s because of
racial
segregation. There were different laws for blacks and whites in
education,
health, labor, housing etc. Can you believe that my father used
to put his
bottle of brandy under the bed because only white people were
allowed to
enjoy this drink? Black people were not allowed to have
businesses in the
central business district. My uncle who was working in
South Africa then,
married a Xhosa woman who looked white. When he came home
to Rusape with
her, he was arrested because the laws did not allow blacks to
marry whites.
My family in Makoni District had been moved from the rich red
soils near
Nyazura to the sandy soils further down to make way for white
farmers. All
this social injustice puzzled me and forced me join Zapu, which
was being
led by people like Joshua Nkomo, James Chikerema, Josiah
Chinamano, Robert
Mugabe and others.
What was the
environment like then?
The environment was bad. The [system
was designed in such a way
that] black people were to serve the whites who
were the masters. The
majority of people were meant to learn the 3Rs. That
is, Reading Writing and
Arithmetic. Urban schools were run by the government
and rural schools were
set up by the missionaries who did a commendable job
indeed. The urban
schools were meant to produce teachers, nurses and clerks.
Those who chose
law like the late Herbert Chitepo and Dr. Tichafa
Parirenyatwa had to
struggle and do it outside Zimbabwe. This class of
people was to support the
masters who had set up their industries in the
towns. The rural folk, where
the majority of the blacks lived, were supposed
to work on the white farms.
They were not supposed to have gone above lower
primary, which was standard
three. The majority of poor people were
marginalized. However, most people
working in towns were able to buy basic
foodstuffs.
Are there any similarities between conditions in
the 1960s, when
you first became politically active, and
now?
Oh, yes, there are. The majority of people in Zimbabwe
are still
marginalized. There is no respect for basic human rights. There is
no
freedom of speech, association, and movement etc. [The Public Order and
Security Act] POSA, [the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy
Amendment Act] AIPPA and other restrictive laws in place now. In the 60s it
was all about "Freedom Kwacha" and "the soil."
But today
land has been distributed to members of the ruling
party
only.
In the 60s there were black informers, drawn from the
Police
Reserve. Chiefs were politicized and used to denounce the political
leadership. Jeremiah Sikireta Chirau and Kayisa Ndiweni are examples of some
the Chiefs who were used by the Government to denounce and crush the voice
of the people. They were also members of the Rhodesia
Senate.
Today we have the Green Bombers who are known because
of their
notoriety. The ZANU P.F. government has plenty of informers in the
villages
who report to the [Central Intelligence Organisation]
CIO.
Lastly, Nationalist leaders like Robert Mugabe, Joshua
Nkomo,
Maurice Nyagumbo, Enos Nkala, James Chikerema Eddison Sithole and
many
others were detained at Wha Wha by the Smith Regime. The ZANU
government is
doing the same and has done the same to people like Muzorewa,
Ndabaningi
Sithole, Dumiso Dabengwa, Lookout Masuku and many
others.
Why these similarities?
People in
government have overstayed and have gone past their
expiry date. They have
forgotten the founding principles and values of the
political parties and
liberation movements of the country, ZANU and ZAPU.
People have died for
this beautiful country and they need to be honored.
What are
some of the differences?
Although we were oppressed, families
could afford a meal. Public
transport was by far better. Trains ran between
Harare and Mutare and
between Harare and Bulawayo beautifully. At one time
Rhodesia Railways ran a
railcar between Harare and Mutare in less than four
hours. It was a
fantastic mode of transport. Municipalities had enviable
social service
amenities in the townships. At the Stodart Hall in Mbare, who
doesn't know
Mr. Roberts? He was inspirational in setting up the George
Hartley Swimming
Pools, and the C.S. Davies swimming pool in Highfields.
After school clubs
were plenty. All that is no more with our own black
government. It's sad.
Everyone is now selling for survival. To make it even
worse, these vendors
have been driven out in the name of "cleaning" up the
mess.
In the 1970s, you left ZAPU and joined the UANC. What
did you
find appealing about the UANC?
I joined UANC in
1973, when I was training as a teacher. The war
was at its height and the
two main political parties had been banned and
were operating externally.
UANC was formed to mobilize, educate and support
the war that was being
fought. UANC had its base in the churches especially
the United Methodist
Church, where Bishop Muzorewa belonged. The party was
able to unite
Zimbabweans across the political divide. People had one
vision, of
liberating Zimbabwe. UANC helped so many young boys and girls to
cross into
Mozambique, Botswana or Zambia for guerilla training. The party
supported
the guerillas with food and clothing and so many of their members
were
arrested for collaborating with the "boys." UANC played a big and
supportive
role during the struggle. What happened during Zimbabwe-Rhodesia
was
something different.
How was it different from
ZAPU?
ZAPU and ZANU did not see eye to eye and used the
tribal card
although some people deny this. UANC was less tribalistic than
the other
two. It was a church driven organization. Members feared
God.
In 1994, you joined ZANU PF. What led to
this?
I had just completed my studies in England, and I said:
"Why
can't I go back to Zimbabwe and be part of the agents of change in
developing the country?" At that time the focus was development and there
was no need for opposition.
And why did you leave ZANU
P.F. to join the MDC in 1999?
The economy of the country was
fast shrinking and the party did
not want to listen to constructive
criticism at all. I became unpopular
within ZANU P.F. for asking the reason
why certain things were being done. I
finally quit when MDC was born in
September 1999.
When you were teaching in the rural and urban
schools during the
war of liberation in Zimbabwe, did you experience any
form of harassment or
persecution by any group that was involved in the
conflict?
I left Bindura, where I was teaching, in a huff
because the
security forces were after my life, for supporting the guerillas
with food
and clothing. Teachers were conduits of information between the
rural and
urban structures of UANC and the People's Movement led by Dr.
Tsvarayi. This
was an internal structure of ZANU, which was beginning to
distance itself
from UANC because there were signs that the war was coming
to a conclusion.
ZANU P.F. was positioning itself for
government.
How were teachers viewed in the communities they
worked in?
Before independence, Teachers were viewed as
leaders, advisers
and earned a lot of respect and dignity from the
communities they served.
The salaries they received were decent and most
could afford to buy a car
and send children to boarding
school.
Today it's totally the opposite. Teachers have been
turned to
paupers and are a miserable sight. Most teachers have resorted to
engaging
in second activities to supplement their meager salaries. They
travel to
neighboring countries to buy goods for resale. Others sell sweets,
bananas,
and cool drinks at school during break time.
At
present, teachers in Zimbabwe are being routinely subjected
to what can only
be described as persecution and harassment. Some have
endured beatings and
others have lost their lives at the hands of agents of
the state and/or ZANU
P.F. Why is this so?
Teachers advise the communities they
serve especially in the
rural areas. They are being intimidated to stop them
from advising the
communities they serve. They are seen as knowledgeable in
the daily affairs
of the country.
Zimbabwejournalists.com
By a Correspondent
LONDON - Trade unions in
the United Kingdom will on the 4th of
November team up with Action for
Southern Africa (ACTSA) and Amicus to host
a major conference in central
London on solidarity with Zimbabwe's trade
unions that continue to be a
target for the government, especially following
their September protest that
was thwarted by the police.
ACTSA director, Euan Wilmhurst, who has
been instrumental in leading
campaigns to tell the world about the crisis in
Zimbabwe and in particular,
his organisation has been instrumental in the
Dignity Period campaign for
sanitary pads for women in the country, said the
conference would be held at
Congress House in Great Russell
Street.
The conference is meant to discuss ways through which
labour unions
around the world can help their colleagues in
Zimbabwe.
Wilmhurst said the conference, at which Zimbabwe Congress of
Trade
Unions (ZCTU) president, Lovemore Matombo, will speak, is meant to
support
labour unions whose leaders were badly beaten up by the police on
September
13 while protesting against low wages, lack of access to HIV/Aids
drugs and
related issues.
He said the conference is free and
open for anyone who wants to
attend.
The TUC last month organised a
demonstration outside the Zimbabwe
embassy in London to protest against the
brutality of the police against
ZCTU and other pro-democracy leaders during
the protest. The unionists were
arrested and severely beaten up during the
arrests and while in detention.
The trade unionists revealed after
they were freed their horrific
experiences at the hands of the merciless
officers. Some told of how they
were assaulted two at a time on the soles of
their feet and on their
buttocks.
Speaking in the House of
Lords Thursday, Lord Blacker, while debating
the crisis in Zimbabwe,
applauded the TUC, Amicus and ACTSA for organising
the conference that will
give Matombo the platform to talk about the
problems facing the trade unions
in Zimbabwe and how best labour unions
across the world can assist them in
organising and mobilising support for
their activities.
Urging
Britain to take a lead in dealing with the crisis in Zimbabwe,
Lord Blaker
said: "We are Zimbabwe's biggest provider of aid. There are more
Zimbabwean
exiles in this country than in any other country, and we have
more knowledge
of Zimbabwe than any other country does. The president of the
Zimbabwe
Congress of Trade Unions will be at the TUC meeting on 4 November,
and he
has already said that the United Kingdom should take the lead in
these
matters. His advice is worth listening to, so if Mugabe accuses us of
neo-colonial ideas, as he has for the past six years, we should not now be
concerned."
Thabitha Khumalo, the ZCTU's second vice president
who was named one
of the winners for this year's Women of the Year Award,
recently addressed
the TUC on the plight of Zimbabwean workers under the
Zanu PF government.
Speakers to the conference will also include
Vauxhall and chair of the
All Party Parliamentary Group on Zimbabwe, Kate
Hoey MP and Wilmshurst.
Zimbabwejournalists.com
By a Correspondent
MUTARE - Joseph Mwale, the
dreaded Central Intelligence Organisation
(CIO) officer accused of murdering
two opposition Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) activists, is still out
of custody two weeks after the Attorney
General's (AG) office ordered his
immediate arrest.
Mwale, accused of orchestrating the murders of
MDC activists Talent
Mabika and Tichaona Chiminya near Murambinda Growth
Point during the run-up
to the 2000 parliamentary poll has eluded the law
since.
But the AG's office has of late appeared determined to have
him
arrested so he could answer to the murder charges with Levison Chikafu,
a
senior officer in the AG's office in Manicaland, ordering the police to
bring Mwale's docket on or before 6 October 2006 to the courts.
But it seems, according the sources, the dreaded CIO is blocking Mwale's
arrest saying he is innocent and was not involved in the murders.
Zimbabwejournalists.com broke the story of the AG's office ordering the
arrest 10 days ago but nothing has happened to Mwale who remains at his
Chipinge office of the CIO going about his usual routines.
In a
letter addressed to the officer commanding police in Manicaland,
Ronald
Muderedzwa, Chikafu, the Manicaland Area Prosecutor said: "The
accused is
facing a charge of murder which was committed in the year 2000.
The docket
was referred to your office with instructions that you arrest
Joseph Mwale
and bring him for initial remand."
"To date we have not received
any information pertaining to the
progress made by your office. I need to go
through the docket with a view of
taking up the matter with my
superiors."
Added Chikafu: "Submit the docket on or before 6
October 2006."
The MDC is sceptical of the order to arrest
Mwale.
Nelson Chamisa, spokesman for the MDC faction led by
founding
president Morgan Tsvangirai said: "We have always said that the
political
violence that we have had in Zimbabwe since the 1980s was not
inter-party or
intra-party, it is state sponsored. Some of the people who
have committed
some of the most diabolical acts of brutality have found
sanctuary in, and
are being protected by, Zanu PF. While we may appreciate
that some sections
of society are doing the best they can to ensure that
justice is done, we
believe justice will not be done."
He
continued: "To expect justice to be delivered in this case is
missing the
mark. This is a charade designed to hoodwink the international
community
into believing that the rule of law is back in Zimbabwe, which is
totally
untrue."
Commenting on this development from her Reading home in
the United
Kingdom, Adella Chiminya, who for years has been trying to have
Mwale
brought before the courts of law, said justice was all she wanted so
Tichaona could rest in peace. She is convinced his killers will pay one day
for their actions despite all the protection they could be getting from the
government.
VOA
By Jonga Kandemiiri
Washington
23 October
2006
Human rights activists in Zimbabwe who were unable to secure
a meeting with
African Union Chairman Omar Konare during his visit to Harare
10 days ago
plan to push their agenda with him at an AU summit coming up in
December of
January in Ghana.
Konare met with President Robert Mugabe
on October 13 and responded to
requests for a meeting that his visit
concerned African conflicts in Sudan
and elsewhere.
Rights advocates
said they wanted to speak with Konare, a former president
of Mali, about
what they described as Harare's failure to implement rulings
by the AU's
African Commission on Human and People's Rights concerning the
rule of law,
evictions and living conditions for those displaced by Harare's
2005 home
demolition campaign.
National Association of Non-Governmental
Organisations Advocacy Manager
Fambai Ngirande said Zimbabwean civic
activists were disappointed by
Konare's unwillingness to engage civil
society during his visit. He argued
that the situation in Zimbabwe is just
as critical and urgent as those in
Sudan and other areas of
armed-conflict.
The AU human rights commission presented Konare last year
with findings of
human rights violations in Zimbabwe, but he has yet to
respond, NGO sources
said.
Attorney Otto Saki of the Zimbabwe Lawyers
for Human Rights told reporter
Jonga Kandemiiri of VOA's Studio 7 for
Zimbabwe that he still hopes to see
AU action.
VOA
By
Blessing Zulu
Washington
23 October
2006
Heads of state of the Southern African Development Community
met Monday in
South Africa for a one-day summit focused on integration of
their economies,
amid pressure from the European Union, SADC's main sponsor,
for collective
action on Zimbabwe.
European diplomats have urged the
SADC majority to bar Zimbabwe from a free
trade zone planned for 2008 and a
customs union envisioned for 2010 that
would allow free movement in the
region just as South Africa hosts the World
Cup of soccer.
The
leaders of all the states directly bordering Zimbabwe were present, but
the
heads of state of Angola, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Namibia and
Tanzania did not show at the Gallagher Estate convention venue in Midrand,
near Johannesburg.
The agenda included discussion of the free trade
zone and customs union, but
did not mention Europe's behind-the-scenes
lobbying for a firmer stand on
Zimbabwe.
Diplomatic sources said the
EU does not want to see Zimbabwe benefit
financially or in public relations
terms from World Cup activity in South
Africa in 2010. The EU has already
communicated this to Pretoria and to
FIFA, soccer's world governing
body.
But there has been little indication regional leaders are taking EU
concerns
to heart.
Lesotho Prime Minister Pakalitha Mosisili told his
peers in opening remarks
that he is confident the region can meet its
integration deadlines, and
Zimbabwe along with Botswana and Swaziland signed
a financial protocol,
bringing to 10 the number of SADC countries
subscribing to the document,
paving the way for ratification.
For
perspective on the regional impact of Harare's policies, reporter
Blessing
Zulu turned to independent economist John Robertson, who said
Zimbabwe's
imploding economy has become a major detriment to regional
economic
advancement.
The Herald
Herald
Reporter
A SENIOR army official has hailed the ever-growing co-operation
between
Zimbabwe Defence Forces and the Chinese People's Liberation
Army
Speaking last Friday at a farewell reception for the PLA instructors
team
(PLAIT) that was in the country, army chief of staff (administration
and
quartermaster) Major General Engelbert Rugeje commended the Chinese
delegation for concerted efforts and hard work in their duties at the
Zimbabwe Staff College.
The instructors had been in the country for
12 months.
"The secondment of the PLAIT officers to the Zimbabwe Staff
College is yet
another milestone of recent close co-operation between the
Zimbabwe Defence
Forces and the PLAIT. Their secondment has given the
college international
status which is, indeed, very much appreciated," said
Maj Gen Rugeje. The
Ministry of Defence expressed gratitude for the
equipment that was donated
to the Zimbabwe Staff College as it had bolstered
its computer laboratory
and was also being earmarked for the battle
simulation centre at the
college.
"Our cordial relationship with the
people in China and the People's
Liberation Army in particular dates back to
the time of Zimbabwe's
liberation struggle. China supported our liberation
struggle morally,
politically and materially. Such was the commitment by
China to our
liberation struggle that our quest for freedom and sovereignty
could not
have been realised," said Maj Gen Rugeje.
On behalf of the
Chinese delegation, Senior Colonel Tian Jinjuan thanked the
Government's
hospitality during their stay and also acknowledged that they
did not only
come to teach but to learn too.
"We thank the Zimbabwean Government for
taking care of us. We learnt more
from Zimbabwean soldiers and the Sadc area
and we are going to impart that
knowledge to our fellow Chinese. We take
pride in our stay here. We are
going to take Zimbabwe as our second home,"
said Col Tian.
The Herald
Herald Reporter
CHILD
mortality has shot up considerably due to, among other factors,
prohibitive
service fees charged by some hospitals, Health and Child Welfare
Minister Dr
David Parirenyatwa has said.
In an interview on the
sidelines of the Zimbabwe Association of
Church-Related Hospitals' HIV and
Aids conference last week, Dr Parirenyatwa
said his ministry was concerned
about the conduct of some health centres
that insisted on payment from
pregnant women who could not afford fees for
maternal health and for
treatment of children below the ages of five.
He said because some health
institutions were going against Government
policy, an increasing number of
pregnant women were opting to give birth at
home while some from urban areas
were flocking to rural health centres where
officials did not insist on
fees.
"Mission hospitals too should adhere to this Government policy not
to charge
pregnant women and, in particular, those who are HIV positive. The
children
too should not be made to pay, not even card fees or whichever fees
some
public hospitals are insisting on," Dr Parirenyatwa said.
He
said mission hospitals also needed to revise their budgets and
accommodate
groups of people and could claim a percentage of the money from
the
Government.
Dr Parirenyatwa said according to the Zimbabwe Demographic
Health Survey,
maternal mortality between 1984 and 1994 was 283 per 100 000
live births.
It rose to 695 per 100 000 live births in 1995 to
1999.
"Child mortality in the 1990s shot from 40 to 65 per 1 000 live
births and
under five mortality increased from 59 to around 102 per 1 000
live births
between 1985 to 1999," Dr Parirenyatwa said.
According to
the ZDH survey, this implies that one in every 15 children will
die before
their first birthday and that one in 10 will die before attaining
the age of
five years.
The survey also showed that in 1999 infant mortality rate for
the 10-year
period preceding the survey was 47 deaths per 1 000 live births
in urban
areas compared to 65 deaths in rural areas.
"The target is
to significantly reduce under-five mortality from around 102
to at least 34
per 1 000 by 2015 and make quality health services readily
available," Dr
Parirenyatwa said.
He added that the extent of maternal deaths could also
be reduced if mothers
have access to good ante-natal, delivery and
post-natal care.