http://www.zimonline.co.za/
by Cuthbert Nzou
Friday 24 October 2008
HARARE - Zimbabwe's prime
minister-designate Morgan Tsvangirai has told
foreign diplomats that he will
push for international arbitrators to step in
to break a deadlock over
formation of a unity government if African
mediators failed to resolve the
matter.
Tsvangirai met diplomats from the Organisation for Economic
Cooperation
(OECD) and Development countries on Wednesday. Yesterday he met
African
ambassadors accredited to Harare to brief them on a power-sharing
deal with
President Robert Mugabe that has stalled over who should control
key
ministerial posts in the unity government.
Diplomatic sources
said during the meeting with diplomats from the OECD, the
opposition MDC
party leader said the main outstanding issue on the
allocation of ministries
was home affairs and accused Mugabe of not being
sincere.
He told the
diplomats that he did not travel to Swaziland to attend a summit
of the
regional SADC grouping's security Troika on Monday because Mugabe's
government was refusing to issue him a new passport.
"He said the
refusal to grant him a passport was symbolic sign of
insincerity on the part
of government," a Western diplomat said. "Tsvangirai
insisted that home
affairs was the bottom line."
The diplomats said Tsvangirai told them
that if the 15-nation SADC and the
African Union (AU) - the guarantors of
the September 15 unity government
deal - fail to unlock the impasse, he
would push for the establishment of an
arbitration group to deal with the
deadlock.
"Tsvangirai said the arbitration group would have to be made up
of African
and international statesmen to deal with the deadlock," another
diplomat
said. "He said the group would have to be formed through a mutual
agreement
between ZANU PF (Mugabe's ruling party) and the MDC."
Those
present at the meeting held at the Spanish ambassador's residence were
diplomats from the United States, Britain, France, Germany, Japan, South
Korea, Australia, Canada, Austria, Italy, Greece, Czech Republic,
Netherlands, Norway, Sweden and Portugal.
Yesterday, Tsvangirai spoke
to African diplomats about what he described as
Mugabe's lack of sincerity
in the talks; disrespect for African leaders and
institutions; deception;
acting in bad faith and giving MDC responsibilities
without
authority.
Tsvangirai is said to have expressed frustration with the way
Mugabe has
been behaving since the signing of the main agreement last
month.
It is understood he also dealt with the issue of former South
African
President Thabo Mbeki who he said was not impartial.
This
followed Mbeki's report to the SADC troika, in which he endorsed Mugabe's
unilateral decision to allocate all key ministries including defence,
justice, foreign and home affairs to ZANU PF.
The report also backs
the decision to give finance to MDC while home affairs
would be rotated
between Tsvangirai's party and ZANU PF.
Tsvangirai said the fallout over
his passport, which he said symbolised the
limit on freedom of movement and
other liberties, was evidence that Mugabe
was not sincere. He also wondered
why Mugabe flew to Swaziland in a state
airliner, using public resources and
left him behind.
Talks broke down last week largely over home
affairs.
However, the MDC says there is still a problem over ministries
of local
government, foreign affairs, lands and agriculture, information,
women,
youths, justice and defence. Although defence has gone to Mugabe as
the head
of state and government, the MDC is using it to bargain for home
affairs.
The failure by Mugabe and MDC leaders to agree on ministries has
taken back
the Zimbabwe crisis into the international
spotlight.
MDC-Tsvangirai spokesperson Nelson Chamisa confirmed his
leader's meeting
with diplomats, but declined to give
details.
Chamisa said: "It was a routine briefing President Tsvangirai
gave them on
the party's position on the talks. It was more of an update to
our
distinguished members of the diplomatic community from our continent as
well
as the whole world." - ZimOnline.
nasdaq
HARARE, Zimbabwe (AFP)--Zimbabwe's opposition
leader Morgan Tsvangirai will
attend a summit next week aimed at saving a
troubled power-sharing accord,
his party's spokesman said on
Friday.
"We are not boycotting Monday's meeting," Movement for Democratic
Change
(MDC) spokesman Nelson Chamisa told AFP.
"It is our hope that
this meeting will bring closure and finality to this
issue of power sharing
and enable Zimbabwe to respond to the dire situation
which the people are
facing," he added.
Tsvangirai had refused to go to Swaziland for a
meeting with Zimbabwe's
President Robert Mugabe and four other regional
leaders on Oct. 20, in
protest that he was only given emergency travel
documents at the last
minute.
(END) Dow Jones Newswires
10-24-080404ET
Reuters
Fri Oct
24, 2008 8:27am BST
JOHANNESBURG (Reuters) - South African President
Kgalema Motlanthe on Friday
urged Zimbabwe opposition leader Morgan
Tsvangirai not to boycott talks on
forming a cabinet and said only more
dialogue would break an impasse.
"When you seek a solution to a problem,
you talk to those that you disagree
with," Motlanthe said on SABC radio.
"You can't make peace with your
friends. You make peace with your enemies,
your adversaries."
"...The niggling problems can only be addressed by
following this process of
dialogue."
Zimbabwe's opposition MDC has
said Tsvangirai could boycott next week's
regional summit in Harare aimed at
rescuing a power-sharing deal, saying an
election may be needed to break the
deadlock over control of cabinet seats
in a new
government.
Tsvangirai, set to become prime minister, has accused
President Robert
Mugabe's ZANU-PF of trying to seize the lion's share of
important ministries
under a power-sharing deal which was signed on
September 15 but has since
stalled.
Fed up with weeks of fruitless
talks, the MDC leader snubbed an emergency
Southern African Development
Community (SADC) summit in Swaziland this week
that was to address the
issue, citing Harare's refusal to give him a new
passport.
The summit
was rescheduled for October 27 in Harare. Former South African
president
Thabo Mbeki has been mediating talks but critics say he has been
too soft on
Mugabe and lacks leverage after he was ousted as president last
month.
The power-sharing deal is seen as Zimbabwe's best hope for
halting a
devastating economic meltdown marked by the world's highest
inflation and
acute shortages of food and fuel.
(Reporting by Rebecca
Harrison and Marius Bosch; Editing by Jon Boyle)
http://www.mg.co.za
JASON MOYO - Oct 24 2008 08:01
Ahead of next week's
regional summit to save the Zimbabwe power-sharing
deal, what began as a row
over a passport has escalated into the possibility
of yet another round of
elections for weary Zimbabweans.
Opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai was
due to meet the executive members of
the MDC this week, in a meeting which a
spokesperson said could see his
withdrawal from the power-sharing agreement
and a call for new elections.
If this happens, Zimbabwe could be holding
its eighth poll in as many years.
MDC spokesperson Nelson Chamisa said:
"Our national executive committee will
meet before Friday to decide on the
way forward, although I must hasten to
say there is growing consensus for us
to withdraw from the September 15
deal. Our structures are now calling for a
fresh presidential election. They
are of the opinion that a fresh election
is the way forward."
This week the government of Botswana also called for
new elections.
Tsvangirai will not meet any resistance from the hardline
ranks of Zanu-PF
if he decides to pull out of the agreement. Jabulani
Sibanda, leader of the
radical war veterans' movement, has called for
RobertMugabe to stop talking
to the MDC and form a government.
"The
nation will take action to defend itself from Tsvangirai," he
said.
Sibanda is a fervent Mugabe ally and headed a violent campaign last
year to
purge internal Zanu-PF opposition to Mugabe's re-election as party
leader.
As editorials in state media became more strident in their calls
for Mugabe
to ditch the deal and form a government, senior Tsvangirai
supporters were
also ratcheting up pressure on their leader to boycott next
Monday's summit,
withdraw from the deal and seek a new election.
The
power-sharing agreement is unravelling over which party gets control
over
the home affairs ministry -- under which the police fall -- despite
Mugabe
making an important concession by yielding the finance
ministry.
Tsvangirai refused to attend this week's summit in Mbabane,
Swaziland, angry
at the Zimbabwean government's refusal to issue him with a
passport. But
others have reported anger within the MDC over a report, said
to have been
prepared by South African mediator Thabo Mbeki, which backs
Mugabe's
allocation of ministries. "To the extent possible, all the parties
have been
allocated portfolios, which allow them to have a presence in each
of the
priority sectors," said a report, which was circulating among MDC
officials
ahead of the Mbabane summit.
The "priority sectors" are
listed as the restoration of economic stability,
delivery of social
services, the rule of law, adoption of a new
Constitution, the land
question, restructuring state organs and institutions
and national healing,
cohesion and unity.
There has been no comment from Mbeki on the
document.
While the pressure mounts on both Mugabe and Tsvangirai to
withdraw from the
deal, political analysts are split over which of the two
men would suffer
the most damage from such a decision. Many believe Mugabe
has little left to
lose, while Tsvangirai is still seeking to build
relations with African
leaders who are still wary of him. "It would be a
dangerous mistake for
[Tsvangirai] to be labelled a spoiler by both the SADC
[Southern African
Development Community] and the AU [African Union]," said
Eldred Masunungure,
a political analyst.
There is also debate over
whether either of the two main parties is prepared
for a new round of
elections, or if Zimbabweans themselves want to be put
through another round
of what could well be even more violent campaigning.
The Zimbabwe
Electoral Commission, discredited for a month-long delay in
releasing
results in March, stoked the fires this week by announcing it was
preparing
to hold by-elections in five constituencies, against a clause in
the
September 15 power-sharing agreement that stays such elections for a
year.
Herald: Tsvangirai's passport woes justified
Zimbabwe's
state-owned Herald newspaper, which normally reflects official
thinking, has
said opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai should be the last
person to get a
passport.
In an editorial, titled", Morgan should be the last to get a
passport", the
paper accused Tsvangirai of campaigning for Western sanctions
against
Zimbabwe, which, it said, had crippled every sector of society,
including
the passport office.
The newspaper said Tsvangirai -- who
refused to travel to a regional summit
on Monday to discuss Zimbabwe's
deadlocked power-sharing deal unless he was
issued with a passport -- did
not deserve any special treatment from the
registrar general's department,
which issues passports.
"Why does he want special treatment when he
campaigned for the sanctions
that have affected every sector of society
including the passport office?",
the editorial read.
The Herald said
Tsvangirai should have travelled to Swaziland using an
emergency travel
document (ETD) as he has often done in the past.
"Would he be the only
Zimbabwean travelling on an ETD?" it asked. "We hope
African leaders have
seen for themselves the kind of opposition we are
trying to rehabilitate
into national leadership in Zimbabwe.
"Shortage of passports aside,
Tsvangirai should be the last person to get a
passport, and only after he
condemns the sanctions that have constrained the
registrar-general's
capacity to meet the national demand for passports."
Because of
Tsvangirai's failure to travel to Mbabane, regional leaders will
try to meet
in Harare on Monday next week to find a solution to the troubled
Southern
African nation's deepening crisis.-- Zimonline
http://www.businessday.co.za
24
October 2008
Hopewell
Radebe
Diplomatic
Editor
A WESTERN diplomat has expressed concerns about former president
Thabo Mbeki's
failure to pressure Zimbabwean President Robert Muga-be over
violating his
public commitment to that country's power-sharing
pact.
The concerns support the Movement for Democratic Change's (MDC)
growing lack
of confidence in Mbeki's ability to take the process further.
The MDC also
accus es him of endorsing Mugabe's choice of cabinet positions
in his report
to the Southern African Development Community (SADC) troika
meeting in
Swaziland this week.
The diplomat who cannot be named,
said Mbeki's report to the troika proved
he was not leaning on Mugabe to
make concessions. Mugabe has assigned all
key positions, including justice,
defence, intelligence, police, home
affairs, finance, tourism and mines, to
Zanu (PF) members.
Tsvangirai has refused to compromise on
finance and home affairs, which
includes the police. He says that for the
country to recover the MDC needs
to drive the reform process, and ensure
that the police restore the rule of
la w.
Meanwhile, the MDC has
asked the African National Congress if its president,
Jacob Zuma, will take
over mediation. The MDC has also pinned its hopes on
President Kgalema
Motlanthe. He is also SADC chairman and a central figure
of the ANC and its
tripartite alliance partners which has been hostile to
Mugabe's regime in
the past.
Mbeki has been accused of siding with Zimbabwe's liberation
movement to the
detriment of the country's greater good.
The
diplomat expressed doubt that foreign aid for Zimbabwe's economic
recovery
was likely if certain key ministries were not given to the MDC.
Most
international funding institutions no longer trust Mugabe's technocrats
and
cronies.
The Global Fund to fight AIDS, Tuberculos-is and Malaria,
last year rejected
proposals from Zimbabwe for further grants to combat TB
and malaria.
Zimbabwe was seeking a total of $48,5m for malaria and $25,5m
for
tuberculosis over five years.
Of $32,7m approved previously,
about $25m has been withheld after
allegations of misappropriation of
resources and theft by the ruling party
surfaced.
He said Mugabe was
refusing to relinquish power or negotiate a political
solution or exit
because there was still "enough meat on the carcass for him
and his closest
allies to survive a while longer".
http://www.zimonline.co.za/
by
Tendai Maronga Friday 24 October 2008
HARARE - Zimbabwe's
Parliament has suspended sitting because it would be
futile for the House to
sit when there is no government, in yet another
example of deepening
paralysis in the country following a power-sharing
deadlock.
Social
Amenities Minister and acting leader of the House of Assembly
Emmerson
Mnangagwa said the lower chamber would adjourn until November 11
but said it
could be recalled much earlier, "in the event certain measures
are put in
place".
He was referring to the formation of a unity government under a
September 15
power-sharing agreement that has however stalled because
President Robert
Mugabe and opposition MDC party leader Morgan Tsvangirai
cannot agree on how
to share key Cabinet posts.
"Because of the
constraints relating to the non-existence of the inclusive
government, the
House will not be sitting for a while," Mnangagwa told the
House on
Wednesday. "In the event measures are out in place, we may be able
to call
for the sitting of the House at a much earlier date."
The Parliament was
elected on March 29 but did not convene until August as
the country had to
hold a presidential run-off election on June 27 and also
because of the need
to give chance to power-sharing talks that were only
concluded with last
month's deal.
The key House of Assembly, which is for the first time
dominated by the
opposition after Mugabe's ruling ZANU PF party lost the
March poll, had sat
for only seven days before adjourning on Wednesday,
clearly unable to
function in the absence of government.
The Southern
African Development Community's security Troika holds a summit
in Harare
next Monday to try to end the deadlock between Mugabe and
Tsvangirai over
control of the most powerful Cabinet posts in the unity
government.
On Monday, Tsvangirai refused to travel to a regional
summit in Swaziland to
discuss the Cabinet deadlock, insisting the
government should issue him with
a passport. The meeting had to be postponed
to October 27 in Harare but
Tsvangirai has indicated he will still not
attend should Mugabe's government
insist on not giving him a
passport.
Meanwhile legislators from all parties called on Wednesday for
urgent action
to mobilise food aid as many families across the country are
said to have
run out of food and are surviving on wild fruits or just a
single meal a
day.
"This motion is neither MDC nor ZANU PF, but it is
supported by both
parties. We agree on this issue that the people who are
hungry are
Zimbabweans," said ZANU PF chief whip Joram Gumbo, supporting the
motion
moved by MDC legislator for Makoni West constituency, Webber
Chinyadza.
Analysts see a power-sharing government as the first step to
ending
decade-long food shortages and economic crisis in Zimbabwe. -
ZimOnline
VOA
By Peter Clottey
Washington,
D.C.
24 October 2008
The president of South
Africa's ruling African National Congress Party (ANC)
is calling on
Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe and the main opposition to
consider the
plight of the poor ahead of Monday's meeting to resolve the
ongoing
political impasse. Jacob Zuma says ordinary Zimbabweans are
suffering due to
the country's economic meltdown, adding that it behooves
the leadership to
compromise on finding a lasting solution to a
power-sharing
government.
Zuma reportedly discussed the Zimbabwe crisis with US
President George
Bush's national security adviser Stephen Hadley in meetings
at the White
House this week. The Zimbabwe power-sharing agreement signed
last month
between the ruling ZANU-PF and the opposition Movement for
Democratic Change
(MDC) aims to form a unity government to resolve the
country's problems.
In Washington, Zuma told reporter Peter Clottey that
there is still hope for
a resolution of the Zimbabwe crisis.
"I think
there is a process in Zimbabwe that is taking place. As you know,
that
having gone through a trying kind of situation with regards to the
election,
finally there were negotiations that were mediated by the former
President
Thabo Mbeki, finally agreed to have an arrangement that stipulates
the
power-sharing kind of arrangement," Zuma pointed out.
He said there have
been challenges in implementing the power-sharing
agreement.
"Of
course there are problems that while the power-sharing agreement is on
the
table, they've got difficulties in implementing it, probably because
they
are not agreeing on some final points. Now, the process is on to try to
do
that in solving the problem, and I have been informed that on Monday,
there
would be a meeting in Zimbabwe that was organized by the troika of
SADC
(Southern African Development Community) to try to bring this matter to
a
close. The indication is that they are very close to clinching a deal. We
are hoping that would happen," he said.
Zuma said there is need to
encourage both the ruling and opposition parties
to find a common
ground.
"The point that we have been making to the Zimbabweans is that it
is
important that the leadership in Zimbabwe must take into account the
plight
of the poor people who have suffered so much," Zuma noted.
He
said as an outsider, it would not be appropriate to dictate to the
stakeholders on what to do in the negotiations.
"I cannot spell out
the details of what people should do because I'm not the
party involved. I'm
not even mediating to say, look, from my point of view
this is what I think
you should do. The appeal I'm making is that they
should be determined, not
only the leaders, but also their parties, that
compromises should be made
for the sake of Zimbabweans. How that is done as
a detail is, I think, a
matter that is for the Zimbabweans. I can't dictate
to them and say do this
and don't do that. It is not easy to do so," he
said.
Zuma said
Zimbabwe's leadership should take the plight of the suffering
masses into
consideration in the negotiations.
"I think what we can do is just to
remind our brothers and sisters that,
look, Zimbabweans in the meantime are
suffering. Their suffering could only
be relieved by them, and it is their
responsibility as the leaders to ensure
that they instill confidence to the
Zimbabweans, even to their own
leadership," Zuma pointed out.
He said
the demand by the opposition MDC calling for a fresh election
supervised by
the international community if the power sharing agreement
fails is not the
best solution to the Zimbabwe crisis.
"I don't think when the Zimbabwe
tension is so high, you could go back to
elections. It would end up with
same results of violence. I think what we
need at the moment is power
sharing. Power sharing is important because it
begins to deal with that
tension. It begins to dissolve, and it begins to
make the Zimbabweans learn
how to work together so that by the next
election, we don't have the
tension. That option of going to election right
now, I think, would worsen
the problem of violence, and I don't think that
is an option," he
said.
Meanwhile, the United States Monday threatened to impose new
sanctions
against Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe and his supporters if
he reneges
on the September 15 power-sharing deal with MDC opposition leader
Morgan
Tsvangirai.
Zuma reportedly said South Africa strongly
supports SADC's efforts and the
ANC is engaging both Mugabe's ZANU-PF party
and the MDC.
http://www.newzimbabwe.com
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Zimbabwe's
political leaders, chiefly Robert Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangirai,
share
responsibility for the drawn-out power sharing talks and every life
lost,
pain experienced and suffering taking place since September 15, 2008,
writes
prominent women's rights advocate JANAH
NCUBE.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Posted
to the web: 23/10/2008 21:29:19
ON THURSDAY, October 16, 2008, I spent the
day meeting with women from
across the country discussing their suffering,
hopes and aspirations in the
face of the Global Political Agreement
(GPA).
Questions were concentrated on the current impasse on cabinet
appointments
and how it exacerbates the plight of ordinary folks in the
country. It
appears the signing of the power sharing agreement did not take
the country
forward as expected. It brought more talks and has exposed the
lack of
commitment and sincerity harboured by the political parties'
principals.
From this, we learnt that some leaders from the opposition
are quick to play
the blame game even when they are self-serving. At least,
they can afford to
do just that, by riding on Zanu PF's wrongs; past and
present. The people of
Zimbabwe bear the heaviest brunt of all this
self-serving and public
posturing by these political leaders.
The GPA
was meant to be a demonstration of a common vision to get Zimbabwe
out of
its socio-economic and political mire. Certainly, the document is
peppered
with all the 'right' words, the 'right' tones, and possibly
positive
projections that pledged to deliver us to the 'Promised Land'.
Indeed, it
is not perfect, however, all the needed ingredients have been
provided
for.
When Professor Arthur Mutambara, Robert Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangirai
signed
the document, we believed it to be the necessary demonstration of
their
willingness to start afresh, to work as one and to be determined to
walk in
trust. At least to walk the nation from the shadows of an unenviable
past,
into a future where the citizens will find worth and value in
themselves as
a people.
Time, however, is exposing them as lacking in
integrity. They talk left and
walk right. Some have even on the brink of
crossing from the radical left to
the far right.
Given all the
obtaining obduracy, women asked: "What is a key ministry, and
who determines
this?"
Another asked: "Who cares who gets the ministry of home affairs
when people
are dying around the country from starvation and lack of
adequate medical
care?
"Would these talks still be on-going if they
were meeting in the locations,
the high density areas of Harare where burst
sewage pipes cause streams of
sewage to flow into homes and drinking water
sources?
"Are these leaders prepared to spend more than a day in the
high-density
suburbs where all the vagaries of poverty gape are at their
starkest?"
Absurdly, they are meeting in a five star hotel; in the midst
of
unparalleled opulence. On behalf of the poor and victimised women and
children, they eat good food and drink the finest wines which most
Zimbabweans cannot access. In all this sumptuousness, we hear they are
talking about the problems of the impoverished!
These are the issues
that women grappled with all day long. Questions
continued to be as far
ranging and reaching as one can imagine given the
level of
suffering.
Is this deal really going to work? Are the political parties
and their
leaders focused on Zimbabwe and Zimbabweans?
It is
certainly easy to hurl insults and condemnation at Robert Mugabe and
Zanu
PF, that is what we are used to and that is the easy thing to do.
Certainly
he and his party deserve the strongest condemnation and bear the
greatest
responsibility for the state of the country: Economically,
Politically and
Socially.
However, in our deliberations as we went through the contents
of the GPA, as
we also engaged with the three chief negotiators who came to
attend segments
of our meeting; it became clear to us that what is being
said in the media
is not the real situation.
It clearly emerged that
another new form of patriotism based on some
people's unquestioning support
of one opposition leader seems to have
sprouted; one that says, 'hear no
evil, see no evil and even dream no evil'.
It is a kind of naïve realism
that surrogates our mental faculties to the
canonisation of opposition
leaders even when they are self serving.
We also noticed that the concept
of negotiating behind closed doors in
secret has been abused as it has left
the country without correct
information on what is going on in the
negotiations, except what the
politicians tell us. And so, they all come out
from the same meeting saying
conflicting statements. While the other says
they have a problem with ten
the ministries, the others say they have agreed
to nearly all of them except
one or two. One is left wondering whether these
people were in the same room
in the first place.
Amid all this, once
in a while we are treated to some media hype and
generated stories of a deal
that is so imminent, but like a mirage it
remains elusive and the poor are
left nursing their pains and licking their
wounds; in their minds and hearts
with hopes and aspirations dashed.
The politicians are now experts at
politicking the progress, based on their
partisan interests while the
ordinary people are unfortunately left to make
head or tail of those
polarised views. The polarisation that has dogged the
country has been
totally entrenched.
Sadly, we all are viewing these developments with
clearly elaborate frames
and biases and this has become the way media is
also reporting the
Zimbabwean story. The government mouthpiece has been
fabricating lies about
the developments; sadly the so called 'independent'
media continue to lie to
the teeth in support of opposing views.
The
three principals, Mugabe, Tsvangirai and Mutambara, share responsibility
for
the drawn-out talks, the delays and consequently share responsibility
for
every life lost, pain experienced and suffering taking place since
September
15, 2008.
The ripple effects of not having a government in place as of
September 15,
2008, in my view, lie squarely on the shoulders of Tsvangirai
and Mugabe.
They have become the greatest enemies of our people and our
country. They
have lost sight of the issues, the people and the country.
They are dancing
to the tunes of their egos, the few people around them and
for some of them,
it is clear they have strings attached to other forces
that are tugging at
them when they get close to finalising the
talks.
They are not committed to solving Zimbabwe's problems and
alleviating the
plight of our suffering people. The show of that commitment
would have been
in realising that they have to compromise and give up some
of their
positions for the sake of bringing Zimbabweans together and allow
for
healing, feeding and building the country.
Women are tired of all
these processes that give rise to promissory notes
that never deliver the
results. It would appear this is about the transfer
of power from one group
of men to another. It is about a few people at the
helm of political
processes protecting their own interests.
They are making decisions,
supposedly representing 'the masses'. They do not
consult the same masses.
Instead, they have been blatantly misrepresenting
the facts and the truth to
whip up hate, intolerance and enrage people to
take hard line
positions.
While the leaders are chauffeured into air conditioned suites
at the Rainbow
Towers, ordinary people are relegated to queuing all day long
for rations of
their own money amid frustrations and the blazing hot sun.
The consequences
of delaying the implementation of the GPA are the hard
lived realities of
starvation, cholera, darkness with no electricity and
humiliation as a
people who are now appearing helpless and destituteness for
those internally
displaced citizens.
These politicians are certainly
out of touch with reality. It seems the
issues that are at the top of the
agenda for the people of Zimbabwe -- food,
clean water, electricity,
accessing their hard earned cash from the banks --
are not the same
priorities for those sitting around the negotiating table
enjoying all the
opulence. They are after power, getting a ministry that
they will use to
pull each other down, control, for glamour and self
importance.
Unless we have a government in place where all the
parties are committed to
work together, the country's ills will not be
fixed. Unless the three
principals stop politicking, clean water will not
run through the tapes and
the burst sewers will remain flowing into the
residential areas.
Everyone has to work together. The commitment was to
establish a government
of Zimbabwe for Zimbabweans. Morgan Tsvangirai is
going to be a prime
minister responsible for all the ministries including
the fifteen that will
be designated to Zanu PF and the three designated to
the MDC led by
Professor Mutambara. Mugabe is going to be President of all
Zimbabweans not
Zanu PF card holders alone. We all witnessed that
event.
As one of the women observed in our meeting: "Who do they want to
rule when
we are dead and finished?'" It is time to rise up and be true
leaders. The
country cannot be held at ransom and be kept in distress
because these few
men are failing to sit through a process until they find a
workable
solution.
This call is for Mugabe to stop the deception and
show that he is a
responsible man and committed to the Zimbabwe he fought
for and was jailed
for by colonialists.
It is also a call for
Tsvangirai, to stop the boycotts and stay-aways, and
go into the meeting
room and insist that no-one leaves until everything is
agreed so that the
change he has been fighting for can be realised for the
people of
Zimbabwe.
VOA
By Jonga Kandemiiri
Washington
23
October 2008
Officials of Zimbabwe's opposition Movement for
Democratic Change in
Manicaland province said two activists were detained
Thursday by police in
Nyazura, Makoni South, for more than two hours after
they used a mobile
loudspeaker to publicize some political
rallies.
The rallies in Rusape and Mutare, provincial capital, are
scheduled to be
addressed by MDC founder and prime minister-designate Morgan
Tsvangirai.
Officers seized car keys from the two MDC activists,
threatening to charge
them with making a public nuisance by announcing the
rallies with a bullhorn
or loud-hailer, in local parlance.
MDC
activist Blessing Dhimba told reporter Jonga Kandemiiri of VOA's Studio
7
for Zimbabwe that he and his fellow activist were released after receiving
a
stern warning if they continued to make public announcements in this
manner
police would open fire on their car.
http://www.newzimbabwe.com
Dr Alex T Magaisa
Last updated: 10/24/2008
23:22:01
THEY called to say that the first rains had finally arrived. They
said the
weatherman had promised yet more rains, as if he were the
Rainmaker. They
said the minister predicted, yet again, that there would be
a bumper
harvest. But there is no seed, no fertiliser. The villagers are
hungry.
There is nothing new here, I thought. What about the politics, I
asked.
Well, they are still talking, they replied.
By the time I put
the phone down, I wondered, whether this was yet another
false promise; that
despite the rains, this could be, to use the title of
Charles Mungoshi's
haunting collection of short stories, the coming of
another dry
season.
Optimism and Pessimism
I have seen enough in my years to
understand that you are either of two
kinds of people.
There is a
breed that is highly optimistic -- a type that tries very hard to
find
goodness in other humans. This type sometimes ends up believing its own
wishes and dreams far though they might be, removed from
reality.
They believe that every human has a 'core of goodness' -
something that if
you search harder and more patiently, can be rescued and
nurtured for the
greater good. Often this type meets with great
disappointment when, and it's
usually the case, their dreams are
dashed.
Then there is another breed that is cautious to the point of
pessimism.
These ones are more sceptical. They know the human is inherently
incapable
of being trusted so they take everything with a pinch of
salt.
This type does not allow its dreams to stand for reality. It is the
pessimistic type; pessimism itself being useful insurance cover against the
likely spectre of disappointment.
Yet, this too is a privileged lot,
because when they are proven wrong; when
things do actually work contrary to
the pessimistic view, they are
nevertheless pleased. They win both ways.
They say, 'we told you so' when
things fail but smile with contrived
surprise when things do work.
Sadly, I do not belong to the second group.
Unfortunately, try though I do,
to be cautious and pessimistic, the eternal
optimist in me always triumphs.
It is a great weakness, I admit, because
often I, like others of my ilk, are
disappointed. It is a weakness because
we should learn to be more sceptical.
On this single occasion though,
whilst it was hard to suppress the feeling
of optimism, it was, quite
rightly qualified with caution. I was therefore
'cautiously optimistic' when
the political protagonists in Zimbabwe signed
the September 15
Agreement.
There had been too many bitter fights between the protagonists
and the text
of the Agreement itself was fairly messy. But even then, I
thought that
despite the technical shortcomings, the signatories could do
well to abide
by and uphold the 'spirit and principles' of the
accord.
Here I was, hoping for that 'core of goodness' in humans to
triumph. I
genuinely hoped they would but I was wrong to think they could
actually do
it.
As events since September 15 have shown, there is an
apparent paucity of
respect, trust and confidence between the parties. It is
difficult to
envisage a proper working relationship under the proposed
structures.
There is a wrong assumption that once the cabinet allocations
have been
'agreed', everything else will fall into place. The reality is
that whatever
happens on October 27 when they meet with the SADC Troika, the
gap in trust
and confidence is likely to remain.
Creativity for a
Special Problem
But it's not all doom and gloom. Time has come for more
creativity in
dealing with the preliminary problem of government structure.
The structure
of government or indeed its composition is not an end in
itself. The
politicians must ask themselves: What are we trying to achieve
in
government? Clearly, there are problems that need resolution - that must
be
the priority.
This question calls for robust policy
considerations, as opposed to the
identity of persons at the helm of
ministries. After all, the idea of
collective responsibility essentially
means that all ministers are
responsible for the decisions taken by cabinet,
whether or not they agree
with them.
As noted before in this column,
the September Agreement has a rather odd
requirement that cabinet decisions
must be taken by 'consensus'. This means
everyone in cabinet must agree.
This will be hard to achieve given the
painful birth of the new government.
It almost makes nonsense of the current
fight for specific
portfolios.
It seems to me that the matter of governmental structure
calls for some
innovation on the part of negotiators. A basic problem of the
current
approach is that they are trying to fit within the traditional
ministerial
model of government something that is not easily amenable to
that model.
Having gone to such great lengths to devise a pact that is an
extraordinary
solution to an unusual problem, you would think that it's
logical to extend
the innovation further to the manner in which government
is structured.
The Policy Perspective
It can't be too late to try
out other mechanisms of resolving the conflict
by framing the question from
a policy perspective. This would entail
identifying the key policy areas,
perhaps focussing on problematic areas in
today's environment: economic
policy; health and social welfare; Legal and
Constitutional Reform; Internal
(Home) Affairs; External (Foreign) Affairs;
National Security Affairs;
Education; Food and Agricultural Affairs; etc.
A modest idea might be,
instead of resorting to the traditional ministerial
model, to constitute
special joint executive committees comprising
representatives of each party
- with the responsibility to drive the agreed
policies appertaining to each
special area.
The issue ceases to be about a party 'controlling' a
particular ministry but
a joint body specially constituted according to each
policy area. What our
politicians should be spending their time on right now
is not the identity
of the ministers as such but the priority policy areas
and how they hope to
approach them in government.
This model of joint
authority and responsibility of the special executive
committees could also
augur well for the principles and rules under the
Agreement. Consensus must
be built through a system that allows for a high
level of collegiality
between the responsible ministers.
A model where the representatives of
each party work together in specially
appointed committees is more likely to
be conducive for the growth of good
team ethics, cross-party relations and
also minimise the points of conflict.
Are relations really that
bad?
Much is made of the bad relations between the MDCs and Zanu PF at an
organisational level or perhaps the leadership level when you consider the
relationship between Mugabe and Tsvangirai.
I do believe, however,
that outside the political rhetoric, ordinary people
might be surprised that
politicians on either side actually do have personal
relationships which can
facilitate a working relationship. They borrow money
from each other; they
are related in one way or another - through marriage,
sharing totems, where
they come from, they went to school together, etc.
You just have to
consider the reported relationship between Theresa Makone
of the MDC,
reportedly close to the Tsvangirais, and Jocelyn Chiwenga, wife
of the Army
Commander who has had her own fair share of battles with
Tsvangirai. Or that
the new Speaker, Lovemore Moyo, is related by marriage
to Zanu PF's
Sithembiso Nyoni.
Impecunious MDC MPS have been said to borrow money from
their more wealthy
Zanu PF counterparts. There could in fact be many more
such finer
relationships. The clashes do indeed exist, but like in every
other sphere
of life, it is not impossible to find extra threads that can
bind people
together, beyond the politics of the day.
In my opinion,
having haggled over the cabinet posts to fit within the
traditional
ministerial model, it might be worth the effort to be more
creative. I only
offered a modest proposal here. It is flawed and needs
better consideration.
But the basic idea is not about my proposal; it is
that it might do us some
good to think 'outside the box', forgive the use of
another tired cliché.
It's a bleak situation and I fear it could be another
'dry season' in the
offing.
Alex Magaisa is based at Kent Law School, The University of Kent.
He can be
contacted at wamagaisa@yahoo.co.uk
VOA
By Tendai Maphosa
Harare
23 October
2008
Some Zimbabwe government supporters say President Robert
Mugabe should form
a government without the opposition, following an
opposition boycott of
talks Monday in Swaziland. Tendai Maphosa asked
ordinary Zimbabweans in
Harare what they think about this latest threat to
the power-sharing deal
signed last month and reports for VOA.
After
failing to agree on the allocation of Cabinet posts last week,
Zimbabwe's
ruling ZANU-PF party and the opposition Movement for Democratic
Change
decided to refer the matter to the Southern African Development
Community.
They agreed to meet with SADC representatives earlier this
week, but that
meeting never took place. MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai said
he could not
travel through South Africa to Swaziland for the meeting
because he does not
have a passport.
Mr. Tsvangirai surrendered his
passport when it ran out of pages earlier
this year and it has not been
returned.
But President Robert Mugabe's government says Mr. Tsvangirai
was issued an
emergency travel document that was sufficient to attend
Monday's meeting.
VOA sought the opinions of some Zimbabweans on the
matter.
For one man, it is simply a matter of respect - if the government
can issue
Olympic gold medalist Kirsty Coventry a diplomatic passport then
the man he
described as "our president" should not be denied an ordinary
passport.
"It is wrong, Tsvangirai is our president and they give him an
emergency
passport," he said. "Kirsty Coventry has a diplomatic passport and
Tsvangirai is given a document that expires in six months, it does not make
sense."
Another man says if he was issued with an emergency travel
document Mr.
Tsvangirai should have traveled to Swaziland. But he said the
prime-minister
designate should get a passport.
"He definitely
deserves to have that passport," he said. "The talks should
have been held
with him present, and I think him not having a passport was
neither here nor
there."
The government claims they could not issue Mr. Tsvangirai with a
passport
because they have run out of imported paper for passports. Mr.
Mugabe's
spokesman George Charamba says this is due to sanctions imposed on
Zimbabwe
by the West.
But this Zimbabwean man scoffed at Charamba's
claim, saying the passport
office is issuing passports to ordinary
Zimbabweans daily, and he says for a
high fee they can get their passport in
24 hours.
"They have one-day passport services, they should just give him
a passport.
They are negotiating in bad faith," he said.
But the
government's supporters disagree. Zimbabwe war veterans'
organization leader
Jabulani Sibanda has urged Mr. Mugabe to appoint a
Cabinet without the
MDC.
The Herald daily newspaper, a government mouthpiece, quotes Sibanda
as
saying Mr. Tsvangirai lost the elections and efforts to accommodate him
in
the inclusive government should not make it appear as if he is important.
Sibanda also warned Mr. Tsvangirai of unspecified action should he continue
to "behave the way he is behaving".
A flawed leader of a flawed party, yes, but Morgan
Tsvangirai deserves
support for opposing Robert Mugabe's
bullying
Blessing-Miles Tendi
guardian.co.uk,
Thursday October
23 2008 20.30 BST
Morgan Tsvangirai and the MDC have often been
criticised for their failings
in confronting Robert Mugabe and Zanu-PF's
authoritarian rule. Certainly,
the MDC has reproduced some of Zanu-PF's
undemocratic practices. "He who
fights with monsters should look to it that
he himself does not become a
monster. And when you gaze long into an abyss
the abyss also gazes into
you," as Nietzsche wrote.
For a long time,
the MDC did not understand what sort of political animal
Zanu-PF is and the
lengths it would go to in order to maintain power,
particularly its
manipulation of Zimbabwe's history to shore up its waning
legitimacy and the
party's resort to political violence. As Tsvangirai once
admitted to me, the
MDC was "naïve" for thinking "Mugabe would give up power
through the ballot
box" and was unaware that Mugabe would use the "land
question to
delegitimise a legitimate opposition movement".
At its inception in 1999,
the MDC was a broad political party in terms of
composition. Consequently,
defining itself was made all the more difficult.
It had to cater to its
various constituencies and some of them, white
farmers especially, left it
exposed to Mugabe's charge that the MDC was a
"puppet" of white interests.
The MDC's associations with the west also
harmed the party's image. It did
not criticise double standards over human
rights in the west and the fact
that Britain failed to honour its land
reform commitments in Zimbabwe
adequately.
Furthermore, the MDC had exaggerated faith in the power of
the international
community. The international community is not a silver
bullet that can open
up internal space needed for democratic reform and
human rights promotion.
Indeed, the international community's involvement in
Zimbabwe became part of
the problem and not the solution. "We were a young
and emerging party.
Mistakes happen," Tsvangirai conceded to me in
2006.
I could go on expounding a litany of the MDC's weaknesses: the
party's
disunity; the use of tribal politics by some of its members;
internal
violence; the party's lack of depth in leadership qualities. But
doing so
would be overlooking a point that many commentators continue to
overlook
when assessing the fortunes of Tsvangirai and the MDC, which is how
difficult it is to conduct opposition politics in Zimbabwe.
Being an
opposition party in Zimbabwe is one of the toughest political
challenges in
Africa and the evidence for this is long. In the early 1980s,
under the
guise of crushing dissident activity, committed by a "poorly armed
group of
less than 400 at their peak who survived mainly by avoiding
confrontation",
Mugabe deployed the army to Zimbabwe's Matabeleland province
where it
carried out systematic violence and intimidation to crush Zapu -
the main
political opposition at the time. An estimated 20,000 Zimbabweans
lost their
lives. The sheer force and calculated methodology of the violence
the MDC
suffered at the hands of Zanu-PF in Zimbabwe's presidential election
runoff
earlier this year was reminiscent of this early 1980s violence.
To be
part of the opposition in Zimbabwe is to be a "sell-out",
"un-African",
"pro-colonial" and "illegitimate". It is to lose one's human
rights, as
exemplified by Tsvangirai's failure to attend a meeting of
regional leaders,
aimed at breaking Zimbabwe's ongoing power sharing
deadlock, in Swaziland on
Monday because the state would not grant him a
passport, curtailing his
right to freedom of movement. Tsvangirai, MDC
members and supporters have,
of course, witnessed worse. Torture, beatings,
detention, murder and
harassment are the staple diet of those associated
with the
opposition.
The MDC's continued existence - given the state's attempts to
destroy it
since 1999 - speaks volumes of the immense courage and willpower
the
opposition has shown under Tsvangirai. He is a flawed leader, and so is
his
party, but courage and the ability to endure are two qualities
Tsvangirai
and the MDC can never be faulted for. Global bodies, African
organisations
and reform-minded African leaders owe them greater assistance
in the face of
Mugabe and Zanu-PF's refusal to share power.
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Friday,
24 October 2008 06:43
On 23rd October 2002 the
Zimbabwean nation woke up to the shocking
news of the passing away of the
charismatic legislator, Learnmore Jongwe.
According to the
government officials, Jongwe was said to have
committed suicide overnight by
a drug overdose of malaria tablets. However,
according to many observers,
the official version of his death could never
be taken at its face
value.
Calls were immediately made for an independent inquiry to
verify the
actual cause of his death. Sadly though, it is now six years
later and the
Zanu-PF led government has never enabled any kind of inquiry
to be
undertaken to lay to rest any lingering doubts and suspicion
pertaining to
the actual cause of his untimely death.
As such
as the nation marks the 6th anniversary of his passing away,
it is perhaps
trite and necessary to reiterate the call once again for an
independent
commission of inquiry to be set up to address adequately all the
persisting
theories surrounding his death.
It is also necessary to once again
re-assert the fact that the
allegation of violent murder of his own
beautiful wife, Rutendo; that the
late legislator was facing at that time
represented a very tragic end of his
illustrious public service to his
nation.
The tragic events of the last months of his life must not
be allowed
to overshadow the greater part of his life. It must be never
forgotten that
he rose from the obscurity of a disadvantaged peasant
childhood to
international reputation by the sheer strength of his
determination and raw
ambition.
At the time of his death,
Jongwe had become such a huge source of
inspiration to millions of
Zimbabweans especially the nation's majority
youth population. A lot of
young people admired his successful political
career and aspired to be like
him. He was such an exemplary role model.
Jongwe first emerged into
national limelight when he was elected as
the President of the University of
Zimbabwe Students Union in October 1996.
Then a few months later his
credentials as an outstanding leader of his
generation were further
consolidated when he was elected as the President of
the revived Zimbabwe
National Students Union (ZINASU) in March 1997.
In May 1999, Jongwe
duly completed his Bachelor of Laws degree and
proceeded into private legal
practice with a leading law firm in Harare.
But it was in his role
as one of the founding leaders of the Movement
for Democratic Change (MDC)
that he ensured his place among the best young
leaders Zimbabwe has ever
produced.
Jongwe was initially elected as the national Youth
Chairperson of the
MDC before being elevated to the post of national
Secretary for Information
and Publicity at the inaugural congress of the
MDC.
Immediately afterwards his key role in the national discourse
was once
again cemented, when he was elected as the Member of Parliament for
the
Kuwadzana constituency in Harare.
Jongwe served his nation
with so much dedication and distinction.
There is no doubt that had it not
been for the family tragedy that stopped
him on his tracks, he could ended
up as one of the greatest leaders that
Zimbabwe has ever
produced.
Now with the prospects of a new government in terms of
the 15th
September 2008 agreement, Jongwe could have been in line for his
first
appointment into the national Cabinet as a Minister from the
MDC.
Sadly this was not to be.
Today Jongwe will
continue to rest, assured that his contribution to
the development of his
country will not be forgotten.
Last week some former student
leaders met in Harare and agreed to
continue his legacy for the benefit of
the national posterity especially
from the student and youth
perspective.
A new trust will be registered soon in Zimbabwe that
will seek to
promote his lasting legacy to be known as the Learnmore Jongwe
oundation. - By Daniel Molokele
Mr. Daniel Molokele
Geneva
Switzerland
Cell. +41 78 906 3896
Tel. +41 22
879 0502
Skype: daniel.molokele
Facebook: daniel
molokele
Website. http://danielmolokele.blogspot.com
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 23 October 2008
19:21
ZIMBABWE'S military chiefs are reported to fear prosecution under
the
power-sharing agreement. These fears are said to have prompted Mugabe's
announcement that Zanu PF would assume control of all key ministries in the
new government, in turn prompting Morgan Tsvangirai's announcement that the
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) will play no part in such an
arrangement.
It seems Mugabe is inclined to placate his chiefs and
lose the deal.
But he and the generals have got it wrong. Noncompliance with
the agreement
through the continued retention of power, entailing continued
illegitimacy
in the eyes of the world, is no way to rule out prosecutions.
By retaining
power in the same old way, military chiefs may avoid
prosecution at home but
the threat only becomes that much more magnified
outside Zimbabwe.
A refusal to relinquish power and honour the
agreement will foreclose
on the stabilisation that power-sharing can bring,
sending the economy into
further free-fall and making travel an even greater
necessity -- to obtain
basic commodities and healthcare, among other things.
And like Gen Augusto
Pinochet, the former Chilean dictator, arrested in a
London hospital by
British police for crimes committed in Chile, Gen
Constantine Chiwenga, the
head of Zimbabwe's defence force, may find that a
routine scan at a
Johannesburg clinic leads to a more extended and
unpleasant stay than he
could ever have imagined. Under universal
jurisdiction, those responsible
for the most egregious crimes -- such as
crimes against humanity -- can be
prosecuted and punished wherever they are
found, even if those crimes
happened far outside the arresting state's
territory.
Although universal jurisdiction is still treated with some
circumspection in a number of countries, that caution is likely to be put
aside when the international community is forced to witness the defeat of
the power-sharing agreement by the very actors who are most responsible for
the atrocities in Zimbabwe. Nor can prosecutions before the International
Criminal Court (ICC) be discounted. Although Zimbabwe is not party to the
ICC, and Zimbabwe's generals face no immediate indictment, the ICC may yet
have a role to play -- as recent developments in Sudan make clear. Like
Zimbabwe, Sudan is not party to the ICC, but ICC prosecutor Luis
Moreno-Ocampo now seeks an arrest warrant for Sudanese President Omar
al-Bashir. He can do this because the United Nations (UN) Security Council,
through a resolution, referred the situation in Darfur to the ICC.
Recently, a security council resolution sought to have Zimbabwe
declared a
"threat to international peace". Although it did not seek to
refer the
situation in Zimbabwe to the ICC, had the resolution passed, it
would have
meant the first step in that direction. But the resolution was
ultimately
defeated, primarily because negotiations for a power-sharing
agreement in
Zimbabwe were continuing.
A clear indication that those negotiations
have failed, such as the
negation of the agreement, as signalled by Zanu
PF's unilateral actions, can
only prompt renewed efforts at having the
security council take up this
matter. The irony in the military chiefs'
concern that the power-sharing
agreement exposes them to prosecution is that
the agreement may be their
very best guarantee against exactly that
fate.
Tsvangirai has time and again emphasised that Zanu PF officials
need
not be fearful of prosecutions under a new government. For making these
statements, Tsvangirai has incurred much opposition, and is likely to incur
more. Human rights advocates will argue that international law demands
prosecutions for crimes such as those committed in Zimbabwe -- crimes
against humanity.
Far more distressing will be the arguments of
those victims who insist
they're entitled to see justice done. And a new
Zimbabwean government would
be well advised to ensure that some form of
justice is offered -- at the
very least in the form of acknowledgement of
the crimes committed and
compensation for those who were victimised. But if
Tsvangirai, MDC office
bearers and organisers -- many of whom have been
among those most brutally
targeted -- can collectively agree that
prosecutions are to be passed up to
secure a power-sharing arrangement, it
is difficult to imagine that the rest
of the world would not pay heed and
defer. And if they won't defer... the
power-sharing agreement still
represents the best hope of an improved
economy, which will mean the
military chiefs probably won't need to travel.-
Business Day.
Fritz
is a visiting associate professor at Fordham Law School's
Leitner
Centre.
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com
Thursday, 23 October 2008
19:17
THE scene is in a luxury hotel, somewhere in Harare, not far from
the
two major hospitals where people are dying of the most curable diseases;
where nurses and doctors are helpless.
All they can do
is stare at their professions being rubbished. What is
a doctor or nurse
without medicine to give to save a life? He or she is like
a cow without an
udder.
As far as I can see, it seems the elder gentleman is no longer
able to
make decisions which will be respected by his lieutenants. They
don't trust
him. Age has taken its toll on him. And wealth has taken its
toll on them.
They have no time to recognise that they, indeed, lost the
election and are
now a minority in a Parliament they had always taken as
their preserve.
With power in their hands for 28 years, the imagination
tends to
shrink also. Most of them are career ministers, not because of
effective
performance, but simply because they are endowed with the power to
worship
President Mugabe. They no longer know anything about their original
professions. There are medical doctors in there who no longer know how to
prescribe simple medicines. There are engineers who have no idea how a
bridge looks like structurally. There are lawyers whom you cannot even trust
to defend you after you steal a chicken. There are many without the
imagination to think that the country is not a democracy where the will of
the people prevails.
The ruling party has a history of swallowing.
They swallow the economy
while everyone starves. They swallow public posts
while the qualified of the
nation escape to other countries where their
talents are respected. They
swallow power and think that since they are the
only ones with throats, no
one else should be allowed to swallow.
Their last political swallowing was when Jongwe swallowed the Bull,
Joshua
Nkomo, humiliating him to the whole nation and making him look like
he was
never Robert Mugabe's political mentor. Ndabaningi Sithole, another
Mugabe
mentor, was treated like a destitute, and died like one.
Their only
reason for swallowing everybody -- we liberated you and we
have the right to
rule you and do what we want with you until donkeys grow
horns. Mugabe once
said, "I will rule until I am 100 years old."
People sitting near me
laughed. I did not. It was not a joke. He meant
it. That is where the
negotiations are now. He loses an election, and then
demands to take the
whole loaf while the winners get a mere slice.
The old men and women
who have been his hangers-on do not know if
their ill-acquired wealth will
be safe in other hands. For they have looted
and plundered our country for
28 years and Mugabe never asked them to
account for that wealth.
Mugabe and his clique are not interested in this power-sharing deal.
All
they plan to do is to ensure that they drag these talks out for as long
as
possible so as to frustrate the MDC parties. If the MDC walks out of the
talks, there will be huge parties of celebration in Zanu PF centres. Panofa
mujoni, matsotsi anoita mabiko.(When the chief policeman dies, thieves and
crooks throw a big party). This is the tool which Zanu PF is trying to
use.
So, the MDC, being young generally, might get into the excitement
of
leaving the talks. This would be butter on Mugabe and his cronies' bread.
The Zimbabwean economy has collapsed, but African economies do not collapse
until there is no food in State House. Everyone else can die, but as long as
His Excellency the President and First Secretary of the Party,
Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, the Cockerel of the Nation, is
alive, the nation is healthy, according tothe Zanu PF doctrine.
Zanu PF has vowed not to give away the Home Affairs ministry at all
cost.
They have turned the police into a party instrument for winning
elections
through torture, intimidation, imprisonment and murder.
On one occasion
my technical equipment for writing books was stolen.
The police did not have
any transport to come over, so I sent a driver to
collect the three
policemen. As they started their work, one policeman
looked at me in the
light of dawn and asked: "Are you the writer?" And when
I said, "Yes", you
should have seen how they all dropped their pens and
paper.
"It is
political," said the chief of the group. Case closed.
A once effective
and respectable police force was reduced by Zanu PF
to a sloganeering force
which addresses rallies and tells the citizens who
they should vote for.
Soldiers too have stopped being defenders of the
nation. They are defenders
of Mugabe's party. As for the secret police, they
are reportedly paid
according to how many victims they have decimated in
defence of Mugabe's
party.
The militia are another tragic story. Youngsters are paid to
perform
the most brutal and vulgar acts which I suspect will end a lot of
them in
psychiatric hospitals.
The security ministries are not for
the security of the state. They
are for the security of Mugabe's party. The
party leaders must continue to
get fat as the people get thinner and thinner
before death. They enjoy it,
looking at once-proud citizens reduced to
beggars and paupers. Despite being
professed socialists, their philosophy is
simple: "What is the meaning of
wealth if everyone has it? Some have to be
poor so we can enjoy the plenty
when others have nothing."
I don't
know how to describe it, but I think Zanu PF rule should be
called
arrogantocracy -- rule through arrogance. This has turned their eyes
from
the suffering around them: children dying, the sick without medicines
in
hospitals, schools without any education taking place there, workers
walking
long distances to work on empty bellies. And most of Zanu PF have
higher
university degrees!
The power-sharing deal was signed in haste. The MDC
ran, and forgot
that the important thing is to arrive at the finishing
point. Meanwhile, the
old foxes of power had taken away the finishing point
markers.Thabo Mbeki,
being an experienced politician, I am not sure about
his negotiating skills,
should have make it mandatory that the three parties
sit down one afternoon
and divide the ministries into categories:
*
category 1 security ministries
* category 2 legal/law
ministries
* category 3 administrative ministries
* category 4
social services ministries
* category 5 technical ministries.
And then as wise men and women are supposed to do, he would have said:
okay,
50/50 in each category, step by step. The logjam we are in would not
have
occurred. And Mbeki, poor man after being ousted by his own, would have
come
out clean on these issues without giving Mugabe a blank cheque in that
poorly crafted so-called agreement.
In the end, we have to
understand Mugabe's psychology. He is simply
the old-fashioned
school-teacher who whipped students for asking questions
and punished them
by making them memorise the whole Alfred Best's Student
Companion. Those
teachers were more qualified in flogging students than in
teaching them
anything. The Mugabe generation of teachers of the 1950s never
imagined
there were some students more brilliant than them in their class.
I
remember in the mid-1960s, my old teacher asking me a hygiene
question:
'When should you take a bath,' he said.
'Whenever I am dirty,' I said. Then I was subjected to a thorough
public
flogging in front of the whole class. The old English hygiene book
said,
'take a bath every day,' and the teacher felt insulted that I had not
read
and respected the book.
The teacher was a master, and the master's
knowledge was never to be
disputed. That is Mugabe, a man who thinks that he
is the most brilliant
person Zimbabwe has ever produced.
I do not
put much faith in this political experiment of power-sharing.
Most
experiments fail, but if this one succeeds, I will have cause to
celebrate
and restore my hope in my country's political system with all its
strengths
and weaknesses.
But for now, I think there are more weaknesses than
strengths, more
greed for power and wealth than compassion for the patient
people who are
willing to die and afraid to throw even a little pebble at
those who cause
them to die unnecessary deaths.
*Chenjerai Hove
is an award-winning Zimbabwean writer living in exile.
24 October 2008
Transcribed by Brilliant Pongo
Lance Guma: Hello Zimbabwe and welcome to Behind the Headlines my name is Lance Guma. The body of a senior Zimbabwe Election Commission official who disappeared in June this year, turned up at a hospital mortuary in Norton on Thursday last week. According to the Zimbabwe Times website the body of Ignatius Mushangwe, the ZEC director of training and development, was found murdered and his partially burnt body dumped in the bush.
Now Mushangwe courted the ire of Mugabe’s regime by leaking information on how the government had printed 9 million ballot papers when there was less than 6 million registered voters. He also exposed how ZEC ordered 600 000 postal ballots to be used by just a few thousand police and soldiers. This week on Behind the Headlines we have decided to investigate, who killed Mushangwe and why?
To help us answer some of these questions we have former civil servant Liberty Mupakati. Thank you for joining us Mr Mupakati.
Mupakati: Thank…you are welcome.
Guma: Now clearly something happened here which is not right Liberty and first of all who was Mushangwe and apparently you knew him?
Mupakati: I knew him because I actually worked with him for a while in Marondera. I know from the mid-nineties he was the District Registra for Marondera District. The Registra Generals’ Department is a department in the Ministry of Home Affairs and he was like responsible for Marondera District there.
Guma: OK and clearly this new position (in ZEC) Director of Training and Development, that was a promotion I take it.
Mupakati: Ya it was a promotion. After he left Marondera he was actually promoted to go to be the provincial head in Masvingo. And then from Masvingo that’s when he was head-hunted to go to ZEC as a Director of Logistics…..Polling and Logistics.
Guma: Where are these guys gotten from in terms of recruitment? Are they picked up from the army, the prison service or just in general anywhere? Where do these guys get picked up from?
Mupakati: ZEC I think there are only like 2 people who came from the Registra General’s department, I think its 3. Sekuramayi who is the Deputy Chief Elections Officer. He was formerly a deputy to Tobaiwa Mudede. And then you also have the other 2. You have Mushangwe and Murenje. There were actually with the Registra General’s Department.
But the others (Utolile) Silaigwana was in the army, he was a former teacher in the army before his promotion. Then you have Dominic Chidakuza who is the secretary for ZEC. He was a law officer in the Attorney General’s office. And then he was transferred over to ZEC when ZEC was incepted.
And then you also have the others who are soldiers like your (George) Chiweshe formerly a soldier and then later a judge. There should be about 2 more soldiers in there. Nyikayaramba has since moved on but he is still like part of ZEC anyway. Most of them are from the army, intelligence services, from the police force and the rank and file civil service.
Guma: Now the Mushangwe scandal if I may call it in terms of the fact that they did kill him, was he the only person targeted. I remember from the pre-interview discussion you mentioned another official.
Mupakati: Obviously, at the height of the problems in ZEC, at the height of the election dispute, soon after the March election when Tsvangirai won and they had to do things, so that he could not get an outright majority.
Obviously there were people within ZEC who were giving out information to other people and my understanding then talking from people within ZEC and other people who worked outside ZEC who had an interest in the outcome of the elections, they thought either Mushangwe or Murenje who is the Director of Training, where out for the taking, which meant one of them could actually be killed for divulging too much information to people who were not necessarily supposed to be knowing what was going on.
Guma: MDC official Morgan Komichi told the Zimbabwe Times that during a Political Parties Liaison Committee meeting, Mushangwe ‘stood his ground in saying that ballot papers should only be issued to police details on duty and not to all and sundry. Is that the reason why you think they lynched him?
Mupakati: Ya obviously it was a culmination of numerous events. As you will recall, soon after the elections, the results were known by, I think it was a Sunday. Just after the results…actually the people who were leaking that information, unfortunately one of them is assumed to be the late Mushangwe.
As you might be aware after the first elections at the end of March, a decision was then taken to get all the soldiers and all the police force and all the prison services staff to actually vote in front of their superiors. The fact that Mushangwe tried to put a spanner in that, tried to actually stand his ground, that obviously what they were planning was illegal, might actually, probably, brought his fate probably much faster than it was planned.
Guma: I see here police spokesman Oliver Mandipaka at the time is said to have complained about Mushangwe. The police then claimed they were looking for him on allegations of ‘failing to distribute postal ballots to the collections centre’ and ‘destroying spoilt ballot papers without authority. Immediately after these threats Mushangwe disappeared. Who can we blame for his death, I mean who would normally carry out such an act, killing a ZEC official?
Mupakati: Ah…I would say there are a number of probabilities. You are looking at maybe people….then Zimbabwe was lawless, all it required was for Mandipaka, probably acting with the blessing of his boss Wayne Bvudzijena to just leak word probably to the Police Internal Security Services (PISI), or probably to Musara Mushana Mabhunda at Law and Order.
If he thought that could be easily traced back to him, he could have leaked word to the war veterans who were by then unto a force unto themselves. Probably he could have gone through the Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) or maybe the army itself. Like I said ZEC is like a collection of who is who from the different agencies who are all capable of killing. I would like to think Mandipaka obviously knows, what, who might actually have killed. I’m thinking he actually ordered the hit after consulting with other powers that be.
Guma: And during this time a lot of things were put on the doorstep of the Joint Operations Command. Do you think they might have run this operation past that particular group.
Mupakati: Like I said, ZEC obviously, ZEC even up to now is just a mere appendage of the all powerful JOC. Obviously for Mandipaka by himself he wouldn’t have authorized such. I think by Zimbabwean standards Mushangwe is quite a fairly senior officer of the state and for him to be killed just like that, required maybe the acquiescence of more senior people. So obviously for Mandipaka or people to decide that maybe they wanted to expend of Mushangwe from the scene, then it would have required the powers that be to sanctify the operation.
Guma: Preliminary post mortem results show that he was strangled before his body was set on fire. Now why would they set his body on fire, what’s the strategy there.
Mupakati: I think probably it could be two-fold. Obviously the body was partially burnt, they didn’t want to burn it completely, because they wanted him to be like, identified. So part of it could be burning as in maybe doing away with evidence, maybe if they wanted DNA traces they wouldn’t do that. So maybe it could have been to wipe off the evidence. And also the burning aspect could be used to instill fear to his other colleagues who are still remain in ZEC, that obviously if you cross our line, this is what we are capable of doing, and we can do it with impunity.
Guma: The discovery of the charred body in a public place is the talk of the whole town in Norton. But like I asked you last time when we did this story for news, where was his body? He disappeared quite some time in June and the body was only discovered now, what could have happened here?
Mupakati: There are a lot of, I wouldn’t say hiding places, but there are a lot places where bodies can actually be kept, so that they are not discovered. If they wanted to like permanently dispose of it, they could have done so without people knowing where he was anyway. I would answer that, maybe the military hospital is one good hiding place, the one close to the airport.
They could have just like have taken him, put him there and kept him forever and people then wont say anything, if they are asked to talk. It could be that maybe the body was at the hospital depending on who ordered the hit. And it might actually..it wont be suprising that maybe in any one of the mortuaries in Harare or maybe in hospitals outside Harare.
All they need, all the people in the mortuaries need, is just the word to say, you arent supposed to say anything about this. If you talk we know who obviously works in this hospital, who actually has records of the bodies. So it could have been anywhere. That they decided to dispose of it and dump it at Norton town centre, obviously it was just their way of saying, they wanted his body to be found.
Because when he disappeared obviously part of the state machinery actually leaked that he had fled the country becuase of what he had done. He was involved in ‘election fraud’. So obviously if they wanted to pursue that line, if they wanted people to believe that line, they could still have maintained that, but someone somewhere thought maybe lets bring closure to the family and get them to know that their loved one is dead. Thats why they dumped their body in Norton.
Guma: It is kind of tragic that with a case like this. After all is said and done, it is kind of obvious who killed him, isn’t it?
Mupakati: Ya it is, obviously. I think everyone knows he was killed at the behest of the state anyway, Zanu PF to be honest, I think we can narrow that down and hold Mandipaka responsible. And I think if there was any sort of justice. If the justice system was anything to go by in Zimbabwe then Mandipaka would be the prime suspect because of obviously the heated argument they had in the past and also his statements after they knew they had killed the guy. He was seen then trying to give out these statements that there was a warrant of arrest, when they knew that the guy was dead.
Guma: Now obviously the guys in the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission know a lot. They know too much in fact. How does the state deal with them. How do they know they will not get another Mushangwe who will leak information.
Mupakati: I would think maybe probably the way they have handled this case maybe in terms of how they disposed his body is actually meant to instill fear in the officers who are still there, that maybe if they decide to go against what they are told, then maybe they might suffer the Mushangwe fate and at the same time there is the twin side where these people are actually pampered as it were.
They are given, all them have got like 3 or 4 cars and I know from what I hear from the people who are working there that they drive, like, the latest 4x4’s. And even people who are cleaners in ZEC have access to these cars. So its a way of buying their loyalty, but if that doesnt work, then they can go to the other extreme which is like kill. They can kill you and maybe bury your body like what they did with Ignatius’ body and just dump it without nothing happening to them.
Guma: that was Liberty Mupakati former civil servant in Zimbabwe. He is now exiled in the United Kingdom. Mr Mupakati thank you for joining us and helping to answer some of the questions on this case.
Mupakati: You are welcome Lance. Thank you so much.
You have been listening to Behind the Headlines a programme that looks into the issues and individuals dominating the news, where others have scratched the surface, we dig deeper to bring you the full story. If you would like to participate in the programme or have comments or suggestions please e-mail lance@swradioafrica.com or call 0912-643-871 in Zimbabwe or 0044-777-855-7615 in the United Kingdom, so from me Lance Guma, until next Thursday, dont be making any headlines of your own.
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com
Thursday, 23 October 2008
20:56
WE would like to express our support for the MDC and their
negotiating
team during this crucial time.
We also
applaud the party for getting back to us the people with
updates on what is
taking place.
In this crisis, as in any, information dissemination is
vital. We
should constantly remind the world of what is happening behind the
enemy
lines and the sinister moves Robert Mugabe and Zanu PF are
taking.
The refusal by Mugabe to issue Tsvangirai with a passport may
be
Mugabe's Waterloo. Dictators have a tendency of overrating themselves and
pushing their luck too far.
Whilst Mugabe had an opportunity to
meet with the regional leaders in
the absence of the MDC it evidently was
not of benefit to him.
MDC must continue to demand Tsvangirai's
passport as a necessary step
towards creating an atmosphere of
goodwill.
They have now every reason to demand things in writing.
Mugabe has
demonstrated that he is not willing to play fair. They should no
longer
leave anything to chance. All the demands must be tabled and
agreement
sought on issues such as the constitutional amendments.
The agreement should be rid of all vague clauses. The powers of the
president, even to declare war and a state of emergency, must be done with
the agreement of the prime minister.
At the moment the illegal
regime in Harare has no accountability and
is plundering and looting
national resources.
Parliament must create a select committee to take
stock of what is
taking place during these negotiations. The committee must
document how
government resources are being used.
Agrippa
Zvomuya,
Harare.
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com
Thursday, 23
October 2008 20:46
Sister Petina,
THANK you very much for your
comments (BOTTOM OF PAGE).
I have received dozens this
week, some quite insulting. But I have
ignored most. You are not so lucky
because you are not just one of those as
far as I am
concerned.
First, let me apologise for letting you
down.
I however want to state that I am very disappointed by
what I feel is
a deliberate misreading of my article, especially where the
criticism has to
be laced with insinuation of either love or hatred for the
person of Morgan
Tsvangirai and not his errors of judgement. To me that is
tragic coming from
you.
It is also fodder for tribalists in
the MDC who can never see anything
wrong in their leader, the same things we
criticise Zanu PF followers for,
the very reason Margaret Dongo is so famous
for calling them Mugabe's wives.
We are following close behind.
Then there is the stereotypical Zimbabwean argument. When you
criticise the
MDC, you are Zanu PF and vice-versa. There are no
Zimbabweans -- you are
either Zanu PF or MDC or you don't exist. So people
are always looking for
where you fit in and you are done. And you too Petina
of all the
people?
The "social ministries" were used merely as a reference point.
It
derives from the MDC policy document and manifesto in which their
priorities
have been simplified to "food", "health" and "education". Go to
their
rallies.
That to me should be the core aim of any political
party which wants
my vote. That is also why I have always voted for the MDC,
and whatever
reasons you have for it, I have been let down.
There
are reasons ascribed to violence etc, but there are also errors
of judgement
by its leadership. What party quarrels with its women's wing on
the eve of a
national election?
Let's minimise the culture of pointing fingers. We
have had enough of
that with President Mugabe and colonialism and
imperialists. We are now
being psyched up for another 30 years of blaming
Mugabe. Then when
Tsvangirai leaves, somebody jumps in to blame him. How
convenient!
Finally, the import of my article. Your reasoning is no
different from
the dozens I have received since Monday, which is what
worries and angers me
most.
The import of that article was simply
that ALL government ministries
are the same. It is unfortunate that we are
having to deal with a
monstrosity called unity government where two
political parties must share
portfolios. I stated clearly in my article that
we have a stalemate because
of "mutual mistrust and suspicion" between Zanu
PF and the MDC and that this
is not something Thabo Mbeki could cure. That
is why our people must
continue to suffer.
It is the mistrust which
is refocusing the parties on the CIO, police,
army and away from the core
business of government -- service delivery, a
social role which doesn't need
an army. That is my point.
I didn't say Zanu PF should get security
ministries. I said the
parties are behaving as if Tsvangirai will only
supervise ministers from his
own party in the Council of Ministers. My
understanding is that in any
government ministers execute cabinet decisions,
not party ones. But like you
say, if the aim is to exact revenge and win the
next election, then I am
genuinely sorry. In short, it simply means
replacing Zanu PF with the MDC.
There is no respite. Is that what the people
understand by "change"? I
thought democratic change meant something nobler
than that.
So if MDC supporters were beaten and arrested, we don't need
a truth
and reconciliation commission to seek justice but outright
retribution! If
that's your point, I give up Petina.
I admit I am
in the middle of the storm and am daily buffeted by it,
but I can't lower
myself to a level where revenge is elevated to national
policy through the
allocation of ministries.
What message are we sending to the less
sophisticated who have no
qualms about killing just as they have been
deployed by Zanu PF at every
election? That it is the right thing to do if
your party is in charge of the
police and the army to beat up and kill your
opponents!
For I know it is leaders ultimately who decide what needs to
be done,
not necessarily the people. If Mugabe had opted for retribution and
revenge
in 1980, I can tell you there would have been millions of people
supporting
him. He opted for reconciliation; the same people plus erstwhile
enemies
supported him. "People" is a very delicate and fickle substance and
a ready
resource for political mischief.
Let me restate my point:
revenge and mistrust between political
parties should not form the basis for
the allocation of ministries. All
ministries are the same, but unless you
are at war, social ministries are
closer to the needs of the people. Service
delivery is not a factor of the
army or police. Is this another maguta
project?
I will conclude with some observations by my one time lecturer
in a
philosophy course at the University of Zimbabwe, David Kaulemu on the
two
main political parties. He says in both, the party has replaced the
state.
In the current contest, the MDC sees itself as the only "authentic"
voice of
the people. Each party, says Kaulemu, is trying to convince the
people that
the other party is not a legitimate part of the nation-state
"and people are
morally required to reject the other party". This view, he
says, is inimical
to multiparty democracy in the two parties' worldview you
don't share
anything.
"We have not seen in word or in deed the
acceptance by one party of
the legitimacy of the other. Each defines the
nation so narrowly that it
excludes the other," he says.
His
further comments have an ominously true ring in the current
dispute between
the two parties. He sees no attempt by Zanu PF and the MDC
to build
"party-political neutral" national institutions. "It is difficult
to imagine
Zanu PF and the MDC collaborating in creating such structures
even as they
battle to occupy them. And yet this is what should happen."
These comments
were made way back in 2004.
Nyathi's analysis leaves a lot
to be desired
WHILSt I respect your freedom of expression, I
don't agree with your
reasoning that allocation of social ministries should
be seen as a measure
of who is a genuine leader to lead the masses of
Zimbabwe out the current
economic crisis.
You don't seem to
acknowledge that there is both a political and
economic crisis in Zimbabwe.
There is need to address both issues at the
same time, so as not leave a
vacuum which may be detrimental to stability.
Zimbabweans have
been tortured and brutalised by Zanu PF for nearly
three decades. The
police have stood by and let down the people they are
supposed to protect.
.Zanu PF and Mugabe have been using the security agents
(including the
police) to hold onto power for so long.
I am a Zimbabwean born
British, who is looking forward to investing in
Zimbabwe on a small scale,
and like me, there are many potential investors
who would not feel
comfortable to invest in a country where there is fear of
security apparatus
even though there might be clean streets and schools as
you
suggest.
I want to invest in a country with law and order,
where I know the
police will protect me if I am mugged, where the police
will assist me if
someone beats me because of my political belief, NOT where
the police will
stand aside and watch me being raped.
I am sorry,
but your reasoning is a bit shallow. State security is a
vital ingredient
for investment. If Zimbabwe is ever to hold a free and fair
election then
there is need to diffuse political tension and boost voter
confidence by
sharing the security organs between all political parties.
MDC
Mutambara should lead the Intelligence and Youth (to supervise the
Militia),
Morgan Tsvangirai Home Affairs, Mugabe the army that he so loves.
Sarudzayi Barnes,
United Kingdom.
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com
Thursday, 23 October 2008
20:44
ALTHOUGH prospects of a unity government seem to be diminishing
by the
day, it remains a major objective of both main parties if for no
better
reason than that neither has a Plan B.
President
Mugabe cannot secure funds for recovery without the MDC. And
the MDC has
nowhere to go except into government.
When it does eventually
coalesce, one of the first functions of a
coalition government will be to
reconstruct foreign policy so the country is
no longer the leper it has
become of late.
Zanu PF will of course fight this every step of
the way in the
delusional belief that it is carrying some sort of
revolutionary mantle, but
we cannot have international reengagement without
a change of attitude. The
era of idiotic fist-waving must end and be
replaced by something more
productive.
In 18th century
France foreign policy was described as the "domain of
the king". In other
words attempts by ministers to wrest control from
monarchs met with little
success.
We face the same problem. Foreign policy is crafted in
the Office of
the President. Foreign ministers have for the most part been
nothing more
than ciphers. But with a change in the architecture of power
it's time to
get real. Zimbabwe needs the world and that means an end to the
pretense
that it can manage on its own.
What we need most
of course is balance-of-payments support to solve
our forex shortages. The
IMF will not open that door until it is satisfied
that macro-economic
distortions are being addressed. That means investors
will sit on their
hands.
As it stands, no serious effort is being made to tame
inflation or
limit spending. Printing money is doing the opposite of what is
needed.
The United States and European Union agree with the
opposition that
President Mugabe only wants a coalition to aid his own
political recovery
after the monumental defeat in March. Once back in the
driving seat he will
then pursue populist policies such as nationalisation
in the mining and
manufacturing sectors that are guaranteed to sink the
economy further.
Those in his immediate circle care not whether
he is doing the right
thing. They are enjoying the crumbs of patronage that
fall from his table.
Farms continue to be arbitrarily seized,
critics prosecuted, and the
public media abused. This remains a regime
profoundly hostile to change.
Countries such as Cuba and China
that regularly lock up critics are
happy to endorse Mugabe's misrule. But
Sadc significantly is no longer so
keen to look the other way. Our state
media has been openly complaining
about the lack of support member states
are giving Zimbabwe, in particular
their silence on sanctions. And South
Africa is no longer quite the firm
ally it was under its previous
ruler.
This points to a growing consensus that the next government
needs to
address. If the post of foreign minister is given to somebody of
the calibre
of more recent incumbents, who excel only in denouncing those
who are
feeding us, there will be no recovery to speak of.
That
reality is evident to everybody except the current crew. If
donors and
investors are to return, there must be a new policy of
accommodation. That
in turn must be built on domestic reform. There is
absolutely no point
having a unity-government if the president and Zanu PF
are intent upon
clinging to the empty mantras of the past. Zimbabwe has no
significant cards
left to play. Appalling exhibitions such as that in
Sharm-el-Sheik will only
compound our isolation.
The MDC has said nothing in this regard since
September 15. This is
understandable as they await a political settlement.
But that shouldn't stop
them telling the nation and the world that Zimbabwe
will not forever remain
the outcast it is today.
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com
Thursday, 23
October 2008 19:10
NEWSFLASH: The nation will be relieved to learn that
President Mugabe
can use a cellphone.
This important development
was reported with a front-page picture in
the Herald on Monday which showed
the president chatting on a cellphone at
the airport prior to his departure
for a Sadc meeting in Swaziland.
The Herald didn't tell us what the
conversation was about -- perhaps a
last-minute reminder to pick up a copy
of Home & Garden at Mbabane airport
or perhaps some Mars bars -- but the
purpose of the picture was undoubtedly
to convey the impression of a
thoroughly modern head of state utilising all
the technical tools at his
disposal.
What we need to know now is, can he use a computer and
perhaps even
Bluetooth? But he needs to exercise maximum caution when
advertising his
communication skills. President Nicholas Sarkozi of France
was the victim of
Internet hackers last month who, it was reported on
Sunday, broke into his
bank account and stole 200 euros.
Not a
king's ransom, you may think, but certainly a disconcerting
experience.
The ebullient Sarkozi didn't look too put out, however.
He was shown
arriving at Camp David after a meeting of La Francophonie --
the French
Commonwealth -- in Quebec. The only cloud hanging over that
get-together was
the news that Rwanda has abolished the use of French in
favour of English
and applied to join the formerly British
Commonwealth.
This is the outfit, let's remind ourselves, that Zanu PF
publicists
like to call the Queen's tea party. That's because, having made
every
conceivable effort to remain inside, Zimbabwe left in a huff when it
became
clear its suspension would not be lifted.
The publicists
would have us believe this was a decision of the
"white" Commonwealth but
in fact the move to maintain Zimbabwe's suspension
had support from all
regions including West Africa, the Caribbean, South
East Asia and the
Pacific.
It would have been impossible to have maintained the
suspension on the
basis of a handful of countries agreeing. There had to be
substantial
consensus, a point understood by all observers except those at
the Herald
and Sunday Mail who are intent on keeping the public
ignorant!
Now the Commonwealth is looking forward to Zimbabwe rejoining
once
there is a genuine and viable domestic accord.
Judith
Makwanya was suggesting last Thursday evening that the
presentation of
credentials by the new French and German ambassadors showed
recognition of
President Mugabe.
It may well have done so. But it certainly didn't
imply endorsement of
how he got there. Indeed, the French ambassador was
quite explicit. Laurent
Contini took the opportunity to reiterate France's
"deep concern" regarding
the parties' delayed implementation of the
political agreement of September
15.
"As indicated by the European
Union, I reaffirm the need to respect
the will of the people of Zimbabwe as
expressed in the elections of March 29
2008," he said. "Only a government of
unity that translates such popular
aspirations could be given a positive
reception," he said.
"I also wish to emphasise that the European Union,
as the major donor
to Zimbabwe, has upheld its constant commitment in favour
of the people of
Zimbabwe. As recently underlined by the ministers of
Foreign Affairs of the
European Union, the EU stands ready to adopt a
package of measures to assist
in the consolidation of democracy and in the
country's economic and social
recovery as soon as a government of unity will
permit to set in motion the
restoration of the rule of law."
Couldn't be clearer than that, could it? There are some in the upper
echelons who believe they can carry on behaving badly such as refusing to
issue Morgan Tsvangirai a passport. This is an abuse of power. Zanu PF
should understand that there will not be a penny coming from donors until
they stop using agencies such as the Reserve Bank and the National Incomes
and Pricing Commission to misgovern.
Evidence of this was
forthcoming this week with a statement by NIPC
head Goodwills Masimirembwa
who appears to be both blind and deaf.
President Mugabe's electoral
promise to empower the people was being
thwarted by the need to negotiate
with the MDC, he told wartime
collaborators.
"President Mugabe
promised to empower the people by taking over the
manufacturing industry
after the successful implementation of the land
reform programme,"
Masimirembwa claimed. "Now he is engaged in a
never-ending dialogue with the
MDC when he is supposed to be working on
ensuring that people are
economically empowered."
So what makes Masimirembwa think people have
been "empowered" by
Mugabe's policies when they are destitute and
starving?
What sort of empowerment is it when the country has to depend
upon the
US and EU for basic sustenance?
Masimirembwa, whose
thinking, if we can call it that, was decisively
rejected by voters in
March, now wants Mugabe to inflict further damage on
the country by doing to
manufacturing what he did to land.
How bad does it have to get before
zealots like Masimirembwa get a
grasp on the extent of the country's
decline? Or do they content themselves
with the thought that it is all
somebody else's fault?
By the way, does anybody recall claims that
Zimbabweans in the
diaspora were mobilising funds for recovery? Did anybody
hear any further
mention of those funds? And what about the Mother of all
Seasons? How much
was spent on that advertising fiasco?
A few
weeks ago we drew attention to the river cascading down East
Road in
Avondale. This was following a lecture from Zinwa on how we should
save
water.
Muckraker drove past it this week. It is now a lake. Why has the
Botswana embassy not complained? Or is this part of their
punishment!
What a disappointment David Mwanak0a has been to Zanu
PF. They were
hoping to use a small incident at his farm in Leicestershire
to bring a huge
indictment of racism against the whole British population.
In fact he
declined to be a pliant tool and told BBC's African Perspectives
that he
would not return to Zimbabwe to practise farming because it would be
like
throwing money down a hole.
Zanu PF's publicists were outraged
by this frank admission. They had
hoped he would say he benefited from
Mugabe's education system. And their
disappointment was compounded when he
declined to accuse his neighbours, who
had lodged a complaint of theft, of
racism but instead called it ignorance,
which is obviously what it
was.
Dissatisfied with this explanation, the publicists proceeded to
bring
all the charges Mwanaka would have brought if they had been in charge
of his
interview. They accused him of "Mugabe-bashing".
Very
funny, and enjoyable watching these commentators squirm. Nothing
seems to be
going right for them!
We recall at the height of the farm occupations
one of the most common
charges made in the state media was that
"Zimbabweans would never be
allowed to own property in the UK or have a farm
there."
Echoing this frustration, a letter writer to the Herald, Kuda J
Muronzi, said it was "ridiculous for for the opposition to act as if Cde
Mugabe and the nation owe them any favours".
"They are the ones
that called for the sanctions that are killing us
today and they have still
not found the stomach to be honest and tell their
British and American
financiers to leave this country alone," Muronzi
alleged.
He has a
point. The British and Americans should be told to leave this
country alone
-- once Zanu PF agrees to reject violence against its
opponents; once the
rule of law is restored; once the government stops
abusing the public
broadcaster for partisan purposes; once the RBZ stops
printing money; once
we have a professional Registrar-General's office; once
Tsvangirai has a
passport; once Ignatious Chombo stops interfering with
councils; once the
government stops begging for food from countries it
insults weekly; --- then
-- and only then -- should we tell them to leave us
alone !
Muckraker welcomes Caesar Zvayi back to the columns of the Herald
after his
brief sojourn in Botswana. We congratulate him on his appointment
as senior
assistant editor.
On Tuesday he complained that President Mugabe's
powers were being
sub-contracted to the Sadc troika.
"What message
are we sending over the June 27 run-off if the president's
landslide does
not give him powers to form a government?" Zvayi wanted to
know, in much the
same tenor as Masimirembwa.
The answer is obvious. The so-called
landslide was a fraud. Is that
not the conclusion reached by many Sadc
states and indeed by most credible
observers at home and abroad; that the
June result was procured by violence
and manipulation?
We are still
to get an explanation from the Zimbabwe Electoral
Commission why they
released constituency results in dribs and drabs when
all the results were
already in. We also want to know why the presidential
vote took nearly three
months to count. The ZEC has failed to provide
satisfactory answers on those
key issues. But at least we know why its
chairman received a medal
!
Next in line for a gong: Tobaiwa Mudede. He thought he was
performing
a signal service to Zanu PF by refusing Tsvangirai a passport.
But while
this sort of political clumsiness may satisfy the government's
inner needs,
it was an own goal.
Anybody with eyes can see that an
emergency travel ocument and a
passport are two different things. An ETD can
be manipulated to limit travel
to specific destinations and indeed to hold
up travel altogether.
The Herald devoted many column inches to
explaining why Tsvangirai was
wrong to complain about his ETD, but nowhere
did it explain why he hasn't
been issued with a passport.
Zanu PF
clearly wants to inconvenience him. But in so doing it has
exposed the
regime as insincere. That is not the message it wants to convey.
Hence the
heading "Mudede refutes Tsvangirai's passport claims".
But the damage
had been done. Mugabe looked bad.
As for the claim that Tsvangirai
"went playing golf" on Monday, it is
a blatant lie of the sort inserted by
official sources in journalists' copy.
Let's at least record it as
emblematic of the way the state media is
manipulated for partisan purposes.
What we want to know is who fed the same
lie to Zvayi who used it in his
column without asking a single question as
to its veracity?
We
were interested to note that Zanu PF chief whip Joram Gumbo will be
leading
a delegation of MPs to attend the forthcoming session of the
Pan-African
Parliament. Zimbabwe will be in the same boat as Somalia and
Sudan, we
gather. But Gumbo assures us he will give the "true Zimbabwean
situation".
There was no crisis in the country, he said. "Some countries
were facing
worse problems".
It was critical the local media took a robust stance
in telling the
Zimbabwean story, he said.
He can be assured we will
play our part.
Zvayi, by the way, referred to Ian Khama as "the
slouching novice in
Gaborone".
Don't we recall Mugabe in his long
rambling address on September 15
denying making any hostile remarks about
Botswana's leadership? That
evidently didn't include the newspapers which
his government owns and which
slavishly reflect his views on a daily
basis!
On Tuesday the Herald carried a pernicious editorial saying
"Morgan
should be the last to get a passport".
We thought he was
the last! It said we should all swallow the line
that there wasn't enough
paper because of MDC-sponsored sanctions.
We bet young Robert had one
for his recent visit to New York among the
president's gang of 54. In fact
we suspect it was a diplomatic one.
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com
Thursday, 23 October 2008
19:06
THE only thing in Zimbabwe that is declining at a greater pace
than
the economy is the level of business confidence.
Almost without exception, the business community is naught but doom
and
gloom, depression and despondency, pronounced pessimism and filled with
a
near-absolute conviction that economy is beyond recovery.
The
overwhelming majority of Zimbabwe's "captains" of commerce and
industry have
totally convinced themselves that the entirety of the economy
will very
imminently cease to exist, that their businesses will be wholly
destroyed,
that they will be joining the vast ranks of impoverished, and
that the
economy, their businesses, and their anticipated loss of any and
all wealth,
is wholly beyond redemption.
Admittedly, there are a few (but only a
very few!) of a different
frame of mind. They are not oblivious to the
appalling circumstances
prevailing in Zimbabwe. They are wholly aware of the
dismal lack of genuine
democracy, of the endless, contemptuous disregard for
the fundamentals of
the rule of just law, of the abysmal disregard for human
and property
rights, of the extensive abuses of power and the gargantuan
prevalence of
corruption, of the worst ever sustained hyperinflation ever
experienced, and
of the ongoing contraction of the economy.
And
they are aware that these are but some of the immensely great
negatives that
characterise Zimbabwe today. But they do not allow it to
blind themselves
that, in time, there will be transformation. They do not
myopically fail to
recognise that a metamorphosis will occur, although
inevitably it will be
long and slow. They recognise that there are very
intense problems, but
perceive problems to be challenges which must be
addressed, and potentially
transformed into opportunities.
It is not that they are hallucinatory
optimists, but are determined
to be realists who neither succumb to
unfounded wishful thinking, or to
misplaced or exaggerated pessimism formed
from narrowed vision which
conceals the evidence of history that ultimate
change, and therefore
recovery, is undoubted. (They do, however, recognise
that further grievous
deterioration may well precede the assured ultimate
upturn and that it is
vitally necessary to strategise for survival through
the period of further
decline).
However, so extensively widespread
is the pessimism that the
distressed perspectives of the despondent majority
can well turn their
prophecies into realties, thereby greatly exacerbating
the diabolically bad
prevailing circumstances.
That pessimism is
blinding all too many of the business community from
seeing opportunities of
overcoming, or at least of minimising, the
innumerable afflictions bearing
down upon the operations of their
enterprises. In very many instances, that
pessimism is also stimulating
business decisions which are only knee-jerk,
reflex reactions, without
considered evaluation of the consequences of those
decisions. There are very
numerous examples of such ill-considered, grossly
counterproductive
decisions.
One such example is that a large
number of businesses in general, and
industry operations in particular,
recurrently decide to discontinue sales,
notwithstanding their holdings of
stock, on grounds that anticipated
replacement costs exceed attainable
sale prices for those existing
stockholdings.
In striving to avoid
losses upon stock replacement, the enterprises
disregard the magnitude of
continuing cost, inclusive of salaries and wages,
rents, finance charges,
costs of utilities, and very diverse administrative
costs. In the absence of
sales, there are no revenues to cover those costs,
and therefore seeking to
avoid an envisaged future loss, immediate losses
are incurred.
Instead, those businessmen should recognise the adage of decades
past, that
"no one makes a loss by taking a profit" and, therefore, as long
as the
existing stocks are sold at prices above cost, a profit is realised
which
can service the fixed costs. Thereafter, upon more costly replacement
of
stock, the replacement stocks must be priced above their cost, thereby
enabling profit to cover ongoing fixed costs.
In like manner, all
too many businesses seek to pre-empt future
inflation by pricing their
products on a foundation of estimated replacement
costs, instead of the
actual costs sustained.
As the cost inflation is futuristic, such
inflation does not at all at
that time prevail within the economy, resulting
in the prices of the
products being considered by customers to be
excessively high, with many
such customers therefore not purchasing the
goods, leaving the enterprise
possessed of unsold stocks, without the
revenue flows required to fund
operations, let alone to yield
profits.
Moreover, to such extent that sales are attained, albeit of
lesser
quantities than intended, the seller is fuelling inflation, and that
inflation adversely impacts on the seller's operating costs.
Yet a
further example is that of the fortunate few (many miners and
other
exporters) who directly or indirectly trade foreign exchange, other
than
within the interbank market. Normally, rates of exchange are driven by
the
relationship of availability to demand, as is the case with any
commodities
in a normal economic environment, and for an extended period of
time that
was certainly so in Zimbabwe's foreign currency alternative
markets (usually
known as the parallel market).
But most of those trading their foreign
exchange now determine their
selling rates by aligning them to their
projections of forthcoming
inflation, or using indices such as the Old
Mutual Implied Rate (OMIR),
which is a notional rate determined by
correlating the price of Old Mutual
shares on the London Stock Exchange
with that on the Zimbabwe Stock
Exchange. But those share prices are driven
primarily by perceptions of
political developments, both positive and
negative, and by the performance
of Old Mutual's operations in diverse
countries, resulting in immense
fluctuations unrelated to
inflation.
The results of the sellers of foreign exchange resorting to
inflation
or OMIR rates to determine selling prices of their foreign
exchange have, in
recent weeks, been a sharp decline in demand for that
foreign exchange. This
is due to intending purchasers not having the
working capital resources to
fund purchases, or to their recognition that
the magnitude of the foreign
exchange costs would, when incorporated into
the selling prices of their
goods, be such as would make much of those goods
unsaleable.
Concurrently, in the few instances that trades are
effected, they are
yet further fuellants of the horrendous hyperinflation
which is destroying
the Zimbabwean economy. The foreign exchange sellers are
victims, together
with all others in Zimbabwe, of that hyperinflation, so
effectively they are
allowing avarice to shoot themselves in the
foot.
These are but a few of many examples of how many businessmen are
destroying themselves and the economy, and thereby unintentionally according
substance to their excessive pessimism, which has reduced business
confidence to near zero levels, also therefore negatively impacting upon
much-needed investment, which is a fundamental for a substantive economic
turnaround.
The imbalance between the many, many pessimists, and
the few
optimists, and the even lesser number of realists, is reminiscent of
the
writings, more 150 years ago, by Charles Dickens, in A Tale of Two
Cities,
when he wrote: "It was the best of times, it was the worst of
times,.....it
was the season of light, it was the season of darkness, it
was the spring
of hope, it was the winter of despair, we had everything
before us, we had
nothing before us.....". Most of Zimbabwe's business
community align their
perspectives with the second part of each stanza, and
thereby preclude the
first part from materialising.