http://af.reuters.com/
Mon Oct 25, 2010 11:49am
GMT
By Cris Chinaka
HARARE (Reuters) - Zimbabwe hopes to have
clear plans by the end of the year
on turning around 10 struggling state
firms under a revived privatisation
drive, which a cabinet minister said was
attracting foreign investors.
A unity government formed by rivals
President Robert Mugabe and Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai last year
following a disputed 2008 election is
battling to fix an economy hit by
hyperinflation, which reached 500 billion
percent two years ago.
In
an interview with Reuters, State Enterprises minister Gorden Moyo said
Zimbabwe was determined to change the fortunes of government firms, many of
them notorious for shoddy services, perennial financial losses, gross
mismanagement and corruption.
Moyo said the government had recently
approved a new programme to
restructure, commercialise and privatise at
least 10 companies and had
received interest from foreign
investors.
"We have a number of investors -- locally, regionally,
internationally, from
the west, from the east, north and south -- who are
all making inquiries and
are all making statements of interest in our public
entities," he said on
Monday.
"The public entities in Zimbabwe have
the potential to contribute over 40
percent to our GDP, and they can
contribute to market capitalisation as well
as
employment."
Zimbabwe's unemployment rate is above 80
percent.
Targeted firms include the Grain Marketing Board (GMB), National
Railways of
Zimbabwe, fixed phone company TelOne and mobile phone operator
NetOne,
AgriBank, Zimbabwe Iron and Steel Company (Zisco), the National Oil
Company
of Zimbabwe, power utility ZESA, Air Zimbabwe and beef producer Cold
Storage
Company (CSC).
Moyo said details would be available by
year-end, but added that government
had identified a strategic partner for
beef producer CSC. The grain board
GMB would be split into a commercial and
social unit, handling grain
management and strategic food
reserves.
The government was "at an advanced stage" of choosing a foreign
investor for
Zisco, he said.
"We have said to ourselves, this side of
Christmas, we would want to make a
determination to what happens to each one
of them. We want to determine
whether we privatise or we commercialise or we
restructure in general," Moyo
said.
Moyo declined to say which
companies would be privatised.
The government solely controls or is the
major shareholder in 78
corporations known locally as parastatals, in
sectors such as energy,
transport, finance, mining and
telecommunications.
"Over the years, our parastatals have been a drain on
the fiscus (budget)
and this ministry is upbeat and really, really ready for
the challenge so
that we are sure that we stop the drain, rehabilitate some
of them, and
offload some of them," said Moyo.
http://www.sabcnews.com/
October 25 2010 , 7:59:00
At least
80 000 people have registered to join the food-for-work programme
in
Zimbabwe's Masvingo province in the wake of acute food shortages,
Zimbabwe's
Herald Online reported today. Government introduced the
food-for-work
programme in Masvingo last week following poor harvests in
most parts of the
province.
Masvingo Provincial Governor and Resident Minister Titus
Maluleke said that
government had introduced the programme to ameliorate the
effects of looming
food shortages in the province.
Chivi and Mwenezi
districts registered to join the programme after reports
that about 40% of
the province's population will be in need of food relief
before year end.
Minister Maluleke said more districts were expected to
enlist soon. "We have
already started the food- for-work programme in Chivi
and Mwenezi, which are
more vulnerable in terms of food availability and we
have since registered
thousands of people who are receiving cash every month
under the
programme."
He added that in the first quarter of next year, the number
of people in
need of food aid could rise to about 80% of the population.
Masvingo is
believed to have a population of over 1.2 million people,
meaning one
million people will require food relief in the first four months
of next
year. - Sapa
http://www.zimonline.co.za
by Own Correspondent Monday 25 October
2010
HARARE - Civil society groups have warned that the proposed new
constitution
could turn out to be damp squib, reflecting the short-term
interests of
political parties instead of a truly democratic charter that
Zimbabweans
have long hoped could safeguard basic rights and ensure
accountability from
the government.
According to the report on the
constitution outreach programme jointly
published by the Zimbabwe Election
Support Network, Zimbabwe Peace Project
and Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human
Rights, the process to draft Zimbabwe's new
governance charter was "remained
entirely a de facto contest between ZANU PF
and MDC-T, a scenario that
appear to have sidelined the views of other
stakeholders".
"The risk
of a constitutional outcome that reflects an obscene skew towards
the
short-term interests of political parties remains a threatening
reality,"
the organisations said in the report made available to ZimOnline
at the
weekend
Operating under the banner of the Independent Constitution
Monitoring
Project (ZZZICOMP), the civil society groups said entrenched
political
positions have distracted from the real issues that ordinary
Zimbabweans
wanted captured during the outreach meetings.
They cited
more than 1 000 outreach violations between September 13 and 26
during
meetings to round off public consultations in eight of Zimbabwe's 10
provinces, excluding the capital Harare and the second city
Bulawayo.
The violations included the use of opening and closing prayer
sessions laced
with hate language, coaching of participants on what to say
and the bussing
in of people from other provinces in a bid to neutralize
views of other
parties.
"Constitution outreach consultations are
routinely violated through bussing
in of participants to venues that are
perceived to be strongholds of rival
political parties, singing of party
songs at outreach venues, use of hate
language, booing of dissenting views,
use of venues that were used as bases
in the violent-infested 27 June 2008
elections, deploying security agents at
venues, (and) use of opening and
closing prayers laced with hate language,"
the report said.
The
majority of the violations were recorded in Mashonaland Central,
Midlands
and Manicaland provinces where ZANU PF youths, so-called war
veterans and
state security agents reportedly intimidated villagers into
parroting the
party's position.
In one such incident, newly resettled farmers in Ward
34 of Headlands in
Manicaland were on September 14 threatened with
displacement from farms if
they strayed from ZANU PF's position during an
outreach meeting held at
Nehumba Primary School.
In another case,
villagers were ordered not to speak during a meeting held
on 13 September at
Stateland A in Ward 28 of Gokwe-Mapfungautsi
constituency. They were told
that contributions were the preserve of war
veterans and an unnamed army
major.
The ZZZICOMP report also said the emerging issues from the
outreach meetings
included calls for elected provincial governors, the need
for a single
national vice president and a president aged between 40 and 65
years.
The incumbent President Robert Mugabe is 86 years old and has been
in power
since independence from Britain in 1980.
There was however
no common position on whether the country should continue
with the current
arrangement where there is a president and a prime
minister, with some
provinces proposing that only one of these positions
should be retained and
should have limited powers.
Under Zimbabwe's 20-month-old coalition
government, President Robert Mugabe
is supposed to share executive power
with Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai.
But the two politicians have
regularly clashed over what powers exactly each
should exercise, with the
latest spat being over Mugabe's unilateral posting
of new ambassadors to the
UN and European Union and the extension of the
tenure of provincial
governors without consulting Tsvangirai as required by
their power-sharing
agreement.
http://www.swradioafrica.com
by Irene Madongo
25
October 2010
The visit this week of officials from the International
Monetary Fund (IMF)
to Zimbabwe spells bad news for the Reserve Bank of
Zimbabwe and government
officials hostile to transparency, an economic
analyst has stated.
It’s been reported that the six-member IMF team will
meet a number of senior
government officials, including Finance Minister
Tendai Biti and Reserve
Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) governor Gideon Gono. The
team will examine the state
of the economy under its Article IV provision,
which requires it to visit
member countries, collect information and discuss
economic developments and
policies.
On Monday, economic analyst Masimba
Kuchera said: “To most of the people who
have a lot of things to hide, and
mainly people in ZANU PF, it is bad news.
Some of the advice of the IMF is
how to tighten controls on the fiscus,
taxes and monetary authority. For the
RBZ and ZANU PF I don’t think it will
be good news.”
The IMF has been
highly critical of the RBZ and has even called for an audit
of the
institution, a move ZANU PF has strongly resisted. Following another
visit
this year, the IMF said serious governance problems have remained at
the
RBZ, stating that accounting and internal controls are weak, and there
was
no approved budget for RBZ operations in 2009.
Kuchera also said that
that the IMF visit will also be especially bad news
for Gono, who has been
named as the man who bank-rolled ZANU PF’s campaigns
of
violence.
“The problems he (Gono) has is that he was meant to change the
governing
structure and revert to the RBZ’s core mandate of being a monetary
authority
and not engaging in quasi-fiscal activities, such as providing
finance for
tractors and implements to people with ZANU PF connections,” he
said.
Kuchera said that one of the stumbling blocks to Zimbabwe getting
more
assistance from the IMF is its poor record of debt. The country cannot
pay
off its debt, curently pegged at up to $7 billion.
“The RBZ has
admitted that they contributed $1,2 billion to the current debt
that we
have, which is a lot of money. In terms of staff compliment the RBZ
was
overbloated, it needs a serious audit and restructuring,” Kuchera said.
http://news.radiovop.com/
25/10/2010
14:45:00
Harare, October 25, 2010 - There is confusion in Zanu (PF) ahead
of polls
next year amid indications that President Robert Mugabe made the
elections
announcement without consulting his party on its
readiness.
Mugabe, apparently angered by his endless clashes with Prime
Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai, has in the past few weeks been preaching the
gospel of elections
next year saying the life of the Global Political
Agreement (GPA) ends soon.
In the process, Mugabe and Tsvangirai, the two
key men in Zimbabwe's
politics have been engaging in a fierce war of words
raising fears that this
could lead to violence between Zanu (PF) and the
Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC).
While Mugabe is claiming that
he is ready for elections, it appears that he
has not told his structures
including the all powerful Zanu (PF) politburo
of the impending elections
and this has created confusion in the party with
many questioning the logic
of holding elections when it is clear that the
86-year-old leader's chances
of winning are slim.
The confusion in Zanu (PF) was confirmed by the
party's Secretary for
Administration Didymus Mutasa in an interview with
Radio VOP.
"We have not met as a party to discuss the issue of elections
next year. But
obviously if the president says we are going for elections
next year, so be
it. Personally I am ready and will win
anytime.
"People are worried about structures in Zanu (PF) having fallen
apart,
people are saying it means we are not ready but they forget that when
we
came from the bush in 1980 we had no structures but we still won the
elections.
"It all depends on what you have been doing for the
people. It does not mean
that if you campaign you are automatically going to
win. It does not work
like that. If you are Zanu (PF) there is no point in
persuading you to vote
for Zanu (PF) because you will always vote for it,"
said Mutasa.
Sources told Radio VOP at the weekend that Mugabe's
announcement had created
chaos in Zanu (PF) with the different factions of
the party questioning
their leader's wisdom to call for elections when he
has lost ground to rival
parties.
A member of the faction controlled
by Retired General Solomon Mujuru said:
"I think age is catching up with the
old man. Surely, how under the sun can
he call for elections he knows he
will lose? It's madness."
"We are however suspicious that he might want
to create a situation where he
loses and gets a dignified exit. In the
process, he will dump all of us and
even destroy the party.
"The
party's structures have collapsed, even in the rural areas Zanu (PF)
has
lost support and we don't know where Mugabe will get support unless if
he
uses extreme violence but then this tactic is difficult now because even
SADC is against that. There is total confusion in Zanu (PF) - people are
phoning each to try and come up with answers.
"The other logical
conclusion is that maybe Mugabe is testing the waters to
see if Tsvangirai
is ready," said the highly placed source.
Meanwhile Zimbabwe's civic
society groups last week were putting pressure on
the facilitator to the
country's political crisis, President Jacob Zuma of
South Africa to push for
the leveling of the playing field in before
elections are held next
year.
The Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition met Zuma's facilitation team in
South
Africa recently and told them that Zimbabwe was not yet ready for
elections
as there were a number of anomalies including the shambolic
voters' roll and
the state apparatus that caused mayhem in the 2008
elections remained in
place.
The coalition told Zuma's team that the
failure to fully implement the
Global Political Agreement (GPA) meant that
very few reforms had been
undertaken since the inclusive government took
shape last year.
In a position paper presented to the facilitators and in
possession of Radio
VOP, the civic society groups also urged Zuma to ensure
that Zimbabwe holds
credible elections acceptable to everyone.
"There
is ample evidence that Zimbabwe's security sector remains highly
partisan,
unprofessional and politicised. The National Security Council,
which was
intended to provide civilian oversight to the security sector and
take a
lead in reforming the sector, is barely functional.
"The office of the
Attorney General (AG) remains extremely politicized and,
together with the
Police, it has failed or is unwilling to implement the GPA
provision to
'apply the laws of the country fully and impartially in
bringing all
perpetrators of politically motivated violence to book.'
"Scores of cases
relating to the 2008 electoral violence, in which victims
have named
perpetrators in their reports to the police, have inexplicably
not been
prosecuted.
"This perpetuation of the culture of impunity and the
retention through lack
of action of security sector actors in the electoral
and other political
processes will not bode well for credible elections in
the near future, as
the state and its cohesive apparatus remains a major
instigator of
politically motivated violence," read part of the position
paper."
Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition also emphasised to Zuma's team that
reforms
implemented in the inclusive government so far were not sufficient
enough to
create a condusive environment for an election that meets SADC
standards.
It also said the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) was not
ready for
elections despite claiming that they were ready.
Crisis
said violence which marred the constitutional making process
continued to
haunt the country. The civic society groups then called for
Zuma
to:
"Ensure that a credible election pitched on key benchmarks takes
place in
Zimbabwe and use a SADC led elections supervisory mechanism for
Zimbabwe's
next vote to prevent state-sponsored violence, which is in place
at least 6
months before the elections and 3 months after.
"In
addition, SADC should urge the political principals in Zimbabwe to have
broad domestic, regional and international observation of the elections in
the interest of openness," read part of the position paper to Zuma's
facilitation team.
http://news.radiovop.com/
25/10/2010
15:30:00
Masvingo, October 25, 2010 - Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai has described
the coalition government as 'a mixture of oil and
water' an experiment whose
outcome is well predicted.
Tsvangirai, who
was consulting his party supporters on the possibility of
holding elections
next year, said the ballot was the only way out of
frustrations by Zanu (PF)
which continued to violate the Global Political
Agreement (GPA) which gave
birth to the coalition government.
"The coalition government is like a
mixture of oil and water, very unrelated
and an unworkable combination. Zanu
(PF) is not honouring the GPA. I am
treated as a junior partner, yet I beat
Mugabe in the elections. Mugabe
wants to frustrate us so that we pull out,
but we will not. It is better to
fight from within," Tsvangirai told his
supporters.
He said the inclusive government was a temporary creature
that should come
to an end when its lifespan expires next
year.
"Power sharing worldwide has never worked 50/50. But we had to get
into the
inclusive government and lobby for the constitution and reform some
electoral laws, which also help set the stage for elections
fair.
"Principals went into the inclusive government with different aims.
Mugabe
is concerned about grabbing more power, when we are busy trying to
emancipate the people of Zimbabwe. It is now appearing as if the MDC is
failing, yet it is Mugabe's tactics to discredit us."
Tsvangirai said
he will participate in the polls provided they are free of
violence and the
playing field is even.
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
By Irene Madongo
25 October
2010
Arthur Mutambara’s future as leader of the MDC-M appears to be in
even more
doubt, following reports that the Bulawayo province has endorsed
his party’s
Secretary-General, Welshman Ncube, to stand for the post of
party president
at the party’s main congress next year.
NewsDay
reported that the Bulawayo provincial council held a meeting at the
party
offices on Saturday where it was unanimously resolved that Ncube
should
ascend to the party’s top post. Sources said the agreed structure
will see
Ncube take over as president with Edwin Mushoriwa has his deputy,
while
Priscilla Misihairabwi-Mushonga will become the party’s
Secretary-General.
The meeting was attended by members of the party’s main
wing, the women’s
wing, the youth league and 12 district chairpersons in the
province.
Mutamabara is coming under increasing criticism for what
appears to be his
endorsement of ZANU PF. He recently shocked MPs by
choosing to support
Robert Mugabe’s controversial unilateral appointment of
ambassadors to a
number of countries in Europe and South Africa. The Prime
Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai called the appointments illegal as Mugabe had not
consulted the
MDC leaders on the positions, as required by the Global
Political Agreement
(GPA).
Even the MDC-M spokesperson Edwin
Mushoriwa distanced the party from
Mutambara, saying his party sided with
the MDC-T on the position that Mugabe
should have consulted his coalition
partners when he made the appointments.
In August, Mutambara also came under
fire following allegations that he
wrote a controversial letter claiming the
three principals to the GPA agreed
to appoint provincial governors
simultaneously with the removal of
sanctions.
MDC-M Bulawayo
publicity secretary Edwin Ndlovu confirmed that the party
held a provincial
council meeting at the weekend but denied the meeting was
about nominating
candidates for the next congress. However on Monday
political commentator
Professor John Makumbe said the reports are true and
Mutambara knows the
bell is tolling for him.
“Mutambara had it coming. His actions, including
opposing Tsvangirai over
the appointments, sent a bad message to his party
members. The message is
that he supports Mugabe and ZANU PF, and at the end
of the day they are
going to load him off. Welshman is the brains behind the
MDC-M, he
instigated the split from the MDC, he could be out of a job if he
doesn’t
get a position,” Makumbe said.
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
By Tichaona Sibanda
25
October 2010
Senior ZANU PF politburo member Didymus Mutasa has admitted
there are
worries within the party about the state of its structures, which
have
apparently disintegrated. The situation is especially bad in the rural
areas.
In an interview with RadioVOP, the Presidential Affairs
minister said ZANU
PF won the first elections in 1980 without recognised
party structures
throughout the country.
"People are worried about
structures in ZANU PF having fallen apart, people
are saying it means we are
not ready (for elections) but they forget that
when we came from the bush in
1980 we had no structures but we still won the
elections," Mutasa is quoted
as saying.
"It all depends on what you have been doing for the people. It
does not mean
that if you campaign you are automatically going to win. It
does not work
like that. If you are ZANU PF there is no point in persuading
you to vote
for ZANU PF because you will always vote for it," Mutasa
said.
The Politburo member also acknowledged that Mugabe's pronouncements
that
elections would be held next year were never discussed in the highest
decision making body of their party.
"We have not met as a party to
discuss the issue of elections next year. But
obviously if the president
says we are going for elections next year, so be
it. Personally I am ready
and will win anytime," Mutasa added.
Speaking in June at the commencement
of the constitutional outreach
exercise, MDC-T's deputy organising
secretary, Morgan Komichi, charged that
ZANU PF's structures in the rural
areas had all but disintegrated.
Commenting on reports that the party was
using CIO operatives to speak on
their behalf during constitutional outreach
programs, Komichi said: "ZANU PF
as a party doesn't exist anymore. It is
increasingly becoming clear from the
exercise that they don't have the
people to articulate their views on the
new constitution. The daily reports
that I'm getting across the country say
that the CIO's are now their voices
during consultative meetings."
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Tichaona Sibanda
25
October 2010
The financially troubled COPAC management team owes
thousands of dollars in
unpaid allowances to its outreach teams, SW Radio
Africa can reveal.
The revelations come amid reports that COPAC has now
set new dates for the
remaining Harare and Chitungwiza meetings. The 44
constitution outreach
meetings were originally set for the 18th and 20th
September. But the
meetings were cancelled following violent disturbances by
ZANU PF
supporters.
SW Radio Africa correspondent Simon Muchemwa
reported in Monday that the
COPAC management committee was struggling to pay
outstanding allowances to
some of its outreach team leaders, rapporteurs,
technicians and drivers.
"These are the people that were involved with
gathering views from
Zimbabweans right across the country but they are owed
huge amounts of money
by COPAC. For instance COPAC is still to settle its
huge bills with some of
the hotels used during the exercise," Muchemwa
said.
He continued: "Team leaders and rapporteurs are owed something in
the region
of $3,500 each, while most technicians are still owed about
$1,600 each.
Drivers are owed between $600 and $800 and most of these people
are
reluctant to continue with the exercise because they are still to be
paid
some of their allowances."
Muchemwa said promises had been made
that people would be paid half of their
outstanding balances when they check
into hotels this Friday for the Harare
meetings. The remainder is expected
to be paid out next week Monday, soon
after the completion of the meetings
in the capital.
The meetings for Harare and Chitungwiza will now be held
this weekend, from
the 30th to 31st October. Details of venues and times for
the meetings will
be circulated as soon as they are made available by the
management team.
"So many wrong things are happening within the COPAC
exercise. Last week two
senior members of the secretariat were suspended for
what officials are
saying was an attempt to tamper with audio and visual
materials recorded
during outreach tours," Muchemwa said.
The data
was supposed to have been kept under lock and key in a safe at a
local bank
to ensure maximum safety, but why it was still at the
not-so-secure offices
of COPAC remains a mystery. This equipment includes
laptops, voice recorders
and video cameras.
Data uploading is expected to begin during the first
week of November and
should be finalised after two weeks. A revised COPAC
time table now says the
subsequent process of uploading and collation would
be followed by thematic
group discussions beginning November up to December
22, 2010.
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Alex Bell
25 October
2010
Zimbabwean exiles living in the UK are set to stage a demonstration
in
London this week against resumed deportations by the British
government.
There has been a shocked reaction from the Zimbabwe diaspora
in the UK to
the announcement by the British government earlier this month
that it was
lifting its moratorium on deportations. A ministerial statement
read out in
parliament by the Minister for Immigration, Damian Green, said
the time was
"now right to bring our policy on returns of failed Zimbabwean
asylum
seekers into line with that on every other country." Green told the
House of
Commons that they based their decision on the "improved situation
on the
ground in Zimbabwe since the formation of the inclusive government in
2009."
"This will mean that failed asylum seekers from Zimbabwe will from
now on be
treated in exactly the same way as failed asylum seekers of all
other
countries when it comes to enforcing returns," Green said, adding that
those
found not to be in need of protection have always been expected to
return
home.
"We prefer these individuals to return voluntarily and many
hundreds have
done so. It is in everyone's interest for people to return to
Zimbabwe and
use their skills to support themselves and help rebuild the
country," the
immigration minister added.
Forcible returns to
Zimbabwe from the UK were suspended in September 2006,
when high court
judges ruled that those who could not demonstrate their
loyalty to Robert
Mugabe's regime would face persecution on their return.
But prominent UK
based Zimbabwean activist Ephraim Tapa told SW Radio Africa
on Monday that
the UK government has not even concluded a new legal test
case on the
general safety of returns to Zimbabwe. Tapa told SW Radio Africa
that "it is
deeply disturbing that the British government seems to have
predetermined
the outcome of the legal test court case. We did not expect
this in the
UK."
The UK's Guardian newspaper claims the government's decision partly
rests on
a report by a fact-finding mission to Zimbabwe in August. The
newspaper said
the report is based on interviews with seven people, who had
voluntarily
returned from Britain, who officials said faced no significant
problems at
Harare airport or in resettling in Harare or
Bulawayo.
"The mission's report said Harare and Bulawayo were considered
to be
relatively safe from violence, especially for ordinary MDC supporters.
However several human rights organisations said small urban centres such as
Bindura and Chiredzi and the rural heartlands of ZANU PF were subject to the
risk of sporadic violence," the paper added.
Tapa said he was
skeptical about the findings of the British mission. He
said: "The stolen
elections of 2008 were drenched in blood. New elections
are planned for next
year and we expect similar bloodshed unless
peacekeepers are sent to the
country."
"It is not an opportune time for the UK government to change
its policy and
we are particularly disappointed that Foreign Secretary
William Hague has
not honoured his promise that there would be no change in
policy towards
Zimbabwe," Tapa said.
Zimbabwean exiles will now
demonstrate their anger over the UK government's
decision at a meeting to be
addressed by a senior Home Office official at
Lancaster House in London on
Wednesday. The demonstrators will present a
petition to Phil Douglas, the UK
Border Agency's Director of Appeals and
Removals, who is to address the
meeting.
The petition, addressed to Home Secretary Theresa May, reads:
"We the
undersigned, members of the Zimbabwean Diaspora in the UK and
sympathisers,
express our grave disquiet at the UK government's announcement
that failed
Zimbabwean asylum seekers are to be deported - even before the
hearing of a
test (country guidance) case is concluded. Our view is that the
situation in
Zimbabwe is not suitable for the return of exiled Zimbabweans,
especially
those who have shown their rejection of the Zimbabwean regime by
applying
for asylum in the UK. In particular, we are aware of continuing
widespread
acts of political violence by ZANU PF agents who enjoy immunity
from
prosecution. We fear the situation is likely to worsen given plans to
hold
new elections next year."
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Alex Bell
25 October
2010
Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa has reportedly lashed out at the
return
of business mogul Mutumwa Mawere who recently returned to Zimbabwe
after six
years in exile.
Mawere returned to Zimbabwe last week after
a Harare provincial maguistrate
cancelled his arrest warrant. This followed
his ‘de-specification’ by the
Home Affairs ministry, meaning he was free to
challenge the seizure of his
companies by the government six years
ago.
The government controversially seized Mawere’s business empire in
2004,
saying he had ‘externalised’ close to US$20 million in foreign
currency and
his companies owed the state money. Over the years the seizure
has been
exposed as nothing more than victimisation and in May this year
Mawere,
along with other prominent businessmen accused of similar crimes,
were all
‘de-specified’.
But Chinamasa, who SW Radio Africa understands
is a major stumbling block in
Mawere’s bid to get his companies back, has
already indicated the process
will be difficult. He reportedly said in a
statement, days after Mawere’s
return, that the businessman “does not own
any stake in the disputed mining
giant Shabanie Mashava Mine.”
Mawere
owned Shabanie Mashava Mine through a consortium of companies before
the
state’s seizure of his companies. The businessman has said he is in
talks
with government officials to regain his stake in the Mine. But
Chinamasa is
quoted by state media as saying that no talks are taking
place.
“Accordingly, it is factually and legally wrong, incorrect,
misleading and
mischievous to suggest that Mawere owns and controls
(Shabanie Mashava
Mine),” Chinamasa is quoted as saying in his
statement.
“The suggestions that Mr Mawere is a victim, and all of a sudden
an angel,
whilst demonising people properly acting in their
official/professional
capacities, are clearly unfortunate, unfounded and,
indeed mischievous,” the
Minister is quoted as saying.
http://www.dailynews.co.zw/
By Sidney Saize
Monday, 25
October 2010 15:26
HARARE - The MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai says his
party is ready to take
Zanu PF head on in the next national elections
scheduled for mid next year.
Addressing multitudes of his supporters
at Sakubva Hall in Mutare at the
week end,Tsvangirai, who is also the
country's Prime Minister said: "We will
go for the elections but we dont
want the elections to be like a war; the
elections must be non violent. We
want the elections to be free, fair and
credible.
"After the
elections, the will of the people must be respected by allowing
the winner
to take charge," said Tsvangirai.
The MDC leader was apparently making
reference to the last elections in 2008
when his party beat Zanu PF but was
never allowed to take charge of the
national affairs.
President
Mugabe retained the presidency after a controversial re-run in
which he
stood alone and beat no one. Tsvangirai pulled out of the race at
the last
minute citing gross violence against his supporters by Zanu PF
elements.
Tsvangirai appealed to war veterans fingered in violence in
the rural and
farming areas to desist from acts of violence and have self
respect.
He said before the elections, a new voters' roll should be in
place while
foreign election observers should be allowed into the country
prior to the
plebiscite.
"We must have Sadc and African Union
election observers before we can hold
the elections. A proper voters' roll
should also be available to ensure all
those that are above 18 years can go
and vote. An independent electoral
commission should be in place before that
election," he said.
He said Zimbabweans should shun violence ahead of the
elections and urged
his supporters to register as voters.
"You must
not just support the party, you have to go further than that by
registering
as voters so that you vote overwhelmingly for your party,"
Tsvangirai told
his party's cheering crowd.
The MDC leader said Mugabe had failed to
comply with the country's
constitution and the GPA through his unilateral
appointments of provincial
governors and ambassadors without consulting the
other principals in the
inclusive government.
He said the failure by
Mugabe to appoint MDC national treasurer Roy Bennet
as Deputy Minister for
Agriculture and consult the premier on some of the
appointments was annoying
and made the oprations of government difficult.
Tsvangirai's meeting
in Mutare was aimed at meeting with his supporters to
get their views on the
challenges the party is facing.
He was accompanied to the eastern border
city by some of his top party
members,including secretary general Tendai
Biti, organizing secretary Elias
Mudzuri, party spokesperson, Nelson
Chamisa, youth chairperson Thamsanga
Mahlangu and women's assembly
chairperson Theresa Makone.
http://www.zimonline.co.za/
by Own Correspondent Monday 25 October
2010
HARARE - Aid agencies have raised US$52 million for farm inputs
to
Zimbabwean small-scale farmers as the southern African country targets a
bumper maize harvest during the 2010/11 farming season which begins next
month.
The UN's Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs
(OCHA) said
some 556,000 households have been targeted to receive
agricultural input
assistance from donors and 70 non-governmental
organisations during the
2010/11 season.
"More than 19 donors and 70
NGOs are providing $52 million worth of
agriculture input support in the
2010/2011 season," OCHA said.
About 330,000 households will receive
assistance through direct input
distribution or closed voucher system with a
pre-determined input pack while
179,000 households will receive open
vouchers which give the farmers the
option to buy inputs of their
choice.
About 50,000 households will receive livestock vouchers enabling
them to buy
farm animals of their choice.
On average, the input
support is sufficient to cover an area of 0.25 to 0.5
hectares per
household, consisting of maize, sorghum or millet seeds as well
as legumes
seed and fertilizer.
Finance Minister Tendai Biti last week also unveiled
a US$30 million funding
package for the summer cropping programme, with the
amount being divided
into two facilities.
One facility valued at US$8
million will target 100,000 vulnerable
households in areas not supported by
the humanitarian community.
Beneficiaries will access inputs through a
voucher system after
participating in a government programme to rehabilitate
roads and other
state infrastructure.
Another government facility
valued at US$22million will support 300,000
communal and old resettlement
and A1 farmers with inputs from the Grain
Marketing Board at subsidised
prices.
Zimbabwe is targeting producing two million tonnes of the staple
maize
during the forthcoming season.
Agriculture plumbed new depths
in 2008 when farmers produced 500,000 tonnes
of maize against national
requirements of two million tonnes, but production
has since picked up in
the past year to 1.35 million tonnes.
http://www.thezimbabwemail.com/
25 October,
2010 09:41:00 MERNAT MAFIRAKUREWA
The Indigenous Petroleum Group
of Zimbabwe (IPGZ) has challenged BP & Shell
Marketing Services
(BPSMS)'s deal to sell its local refined oils assets to
business tycoon
Shingai Mutasa's Masawara plc.
Early this month, BPSMS announced it had
agreed a deal to sell the assets
that include depots and service stations to
FMI Zimbabwe, a wholly owned
subsidiary of London-listed Masawara
plc.
The Shell Petroleum Company trades under the BP franchise in
Zimbabwe.
Collectively, BPSM local assets include 73 retail sites, six
country depots,
four town depots and a lubricants plant, now dormant, among
others.
The facilities are currently being rented by a number of
indigenous refined
oils dealers, among them Redan Petroleum, Sakunda Energy
and Comoil, which
were also vying for the same assets.
In a letter to
David Chapfika, the chairperson of the National
Indiginisation and Economic
Empowerment Board (NIEEB), IPGZ
secretary-general Crosby Mashiri questioned
why incumbent leases were not
accorded the right of first refusal in the
deal.
Mashiri further contended the affected dealers sustained the
industry during
the country's gravest fuel crisis in 2007/2008 when foreign
operators
stopped trading.
"We write to express our displeasure with
the above transaction.
We feel the process was flawed and was targeted to
benefit specific
interests," said Mashiri.
"Our view is that the
invested funds are the seller's funds.
We believe in the empowerment of
the majority and not continued enrichment
of one against broadbased economic
empowerment".
Mashiri urged a forensic audit of Masawara plc.
"Is
this not warehousing by BP which will then try to get back into Zimbabwe
when sustainable volumes are reached?" he said.
BP Southern Africa
CEO Sipho Maseko a fortnight ago revealed the global
energy company had in
principle agreed to sell its assets to FMI Zimbabwe.
"With their
experience and existing businesses in Zimbabwe, we believe that
FMI Zimbabwe
will be able to build on BPSMS's good assets and grow the
business further
in line with their plans," Maseko said.
Masawara, in which Mutasa owns
63,4%, also confirmed the deal through a
spokesperson.
The investment
fund got the deal in the second round of a privately tendered
expression of
interest after government rejected bids by South Africa-based
Engen
Petroleum and KenoilKobil on indigenisation grounds.
Registered in
Jersey, US, Masawara listed on AIM in August and raised
approximately $25
million to finance strategic acquisitions in the country.
The company
owns 30% of TA Holdings, a locally-listed investment company,
and 40% of
Joina City, the largest retail and commercial property in
Harare.
-NewsDay
http://www.ipsnews.net/
By Ignatius Banda
BULAWAYO, Oct 25,
2010 (IPS) - Concern over reports of growing numbers of
pupils dropping out
of school due to pregnancy has rekindled debate over the
link between
intergenerational sex and HIV infection among Zimbabwe's youth.
While
accurate data on the number of schoolgirls who leave classes because
of
pregnancy are not available, child rights activists and education experts
say the issues that lead to schoolgirl pregnancies, including sexual
violence, have largely remained unaddressed.
Intergenerational sex
between schoolgirls and older men has been flagged as
a key
factor.
"Everyone knows schoolgirls fall for much older men because we
want cell
phones and money as many of our parents cannot buy us these
things,"
Bulawayo schoolgirl Tatenda Hlatshwayo told IPS.
"Even if we
know what happened to other girls who fell pregnant and were
ditched, we
still follow them, not because we are stupid but because we also
want those
things," she said.
Accepted by parents
Teresa Chigovera of
Childline, a child protection NGO, says while having sex
with a minor -
girls under 16 - is a crime in Zimbabwe, what has made
assisting the victims
difficult is that families accept offers of marriage
made by
perpetrators.
"While some families report these men to us and the police,
they soon
withdraw the charges, claiming the much older man responsible has
made
arrangements to either marry the pregnant schoolgirl or pay for the
needs of
the unborn child," Chigovera said.
"But we know the men
disappear as soon as the threat of arrest is over," she
added.
The
most recent Zimbabwe National Demographic and Health Survey, published
in
2007. identifies intergenerational sex as one of the primary HIV risk
factors for young women. According to UNAIDS/WHO (2008), the HIV prevalance
rate for females aged 15 - 24 is 7.7 percent, compared to just 2.9 percent
for males in the same age range.
The worry over high rates of HIV
infection and pregnancy also raises
questions about the effectiveness of the
sex education in schools.
In 2000, the government introduced sex
education into the curriculum -
covering reproductive health, avoidance of
early initiation into sex - as
part of efforts to slow the country's HIV
prevalence rate among young
people.
"Sex education must be failing to
raise awareness if we are still talking
about how to deal with learner
pregnancies," said Abigail Dube, a head
teacher at a secondary school in
Nkulumane High School said.
Thomas Ntini, whose children are in high
school, believes the curriculum is
failing the country's school-aged
children.
"When [the Ministry of Education] first introduced sex
education, many
parents complained that this was only serving to corrupt our
kids. Now
schoolchildren are jumping into sex and getting pregnant and we
still do not
agree whether to let them go back and learn as mothers with
other children,"
Ntini said.
"But where are the men who abuse our
kids? They disappear and repeat the
same elsewhere and you are just plain
lucky if your child is not affected,"
Ntini continued.
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk/
Written by Student Solidarity
Trust
Monday, 25 October 2010 15:23
Three Student activists Tafadzwa
Mugwadi, Noel Gotora and Vivid Gwede today
appeared before a Harare
magistrate following arrests made on 22 October
2010. The arrests come after
a lecture memorial was held at the University
of Zimbabwe in the honor of
renowned student activist Learnmore Jongwe on
that same day. Learnmore
Jongwe was a student activist who proved his
bravery in terms of challenging
the University and state authorities by
demanding accountability and
transparency in governance and educational
service delivery.
Meanwhile on
the 22nd of October Joshua Chinyere, James Katso, Temptation
Tazviinga,
Tinashe Hlathswayo,Tinashe Chisaira, Culvern Mungiri,Sydney
Chisuko, and
Chikomborero Mukwaturi who are facing charges of participating
in an illegal
gathering following a ZINASU demonstration in March 2010 at
Parliament
Building against the abuse of human rights in the country,
appeared before a
Harare magistrate to get their judgment on the 22nd but
failed to get a
judgment after the state failed to provide an exception and
judgment has
been moved to the 29th of October.
The student Solidarity Trust will continue
to lobby for the respect of
freedom of association and speech without the
oppressive POSA regulations
which seeks to police and monitor all public
gatherings. The victimization
of student activists and all human rights
defenders must stop. It is through
dialogue that a truly Zimbabwean voice
can be given and national healing can
take place.
http://www.mg.co.za/
RAY NDLOVU - Oct 25 2010 10:59
With a grim smile on her
face the till operator took out the cellphone
tucked under her blouse and
asked: "In what currency are you paying?"
I held up several $20 notes, to
which she responded: "The rate is seven."
I pay up, silently grumbling
about unstable exchange rates. In recent weeks
the effects of a strong South
African rand against the US dollar have been
felt in Zimbabwe, upsetting the
country's multi-currency system.
The rand is pegged at R6,90 to the
greenback, a far cry from R10 in February
last year, when Zimbabwe abandoned
the Zimdollar in favour of foreign
currency.
The stronger rand -- it
has gained 30% against the dollar this year -- has
driven up the price of
groceries and imports from South Africa. Zimbabweans
use the US dollar in
90% of transactions.
Recently the Zimbabwe National Statistical Agency
announced that
year-on-year inflation in September had peaked at 4,4%, from
3,6% in August,
on the back of a strong rand.
Public servants,
already reeling from a salary freeze and earning $150 a
month, are
particularly feeling the pinch.
Rural teacher Steven Ngwabi (28) told the
Mail & Guardian: "My salary isn't
enough to cover my costs and these new
rates mean I have even less money.
But what can we do?"
Ronald
Chiyangwa (26) compared the salary erosion to Zimbabwe's
hyper-inflationary
period. "We might as well bring back the Zimdollar,
because this foreign
currency thing is not working," he said.
Fearing economic
destabilisation, the authorities are not contemplating the
return of the
local currency. Nor do they seem committed to adopting a
single currency or
joining the rand monetary area.
CONTINUES BELOW
Expectations
are high that Finance Minister Tendai Biti will address the
issue of
currency fluctuations in next month's budget speech.

The 2010 Oak Fellow for Human Rights, Jestina Mukoko, is national director of the Zimbabwe Peace Project, which documents human rights abuses in the country. A former television broadcaster, Mukoko was abducted by security agents in Zimbabwe in December 2008. Tortured and held in isolation, she was released three months later after international pressure was brought to bear. She spoke to Colby about her ordeal, its lasting effects, and her organization's mission.
Were there times when you feared you wouldn't
survive?
Oh, yes. I was threatened with death. I was told I had only
two choices. Either becoming a state witness or going extinct. Those were the
exact words that they used. What they meant by that was that no one would be
able to find my body. And I have known that things like that have happened in
the past, and I could not put it past them. There was also a time when I was
asked where I had left my son. I said, "I left him at home." And they then said,
"Are you sure that he's still at home?"
You can imagine what that does to
a mother. In the place where they were keeping me, I could tell the other
voices, and now I kept on asking myself-the other voices that I hear, do I hear
my son's voice? I was no longer sure. And for a long time, that really hurt me.
That hurt me so bad. I had no way of finding out, because every time I left the
room in which they kept me, I had to be blindfolded. Every time I went to the
bathroom, I had to be blindfolded. And every time I would hear people speak, I
would really strain myself to try and see if I could tell if it was my son's
voice. It was only after a while, when I had gone into interrogation, I said to
the guys, "Can I use the phone?" I knew that was going to come as a surprise to
them, to ask for the phone. The next thing they said was, "Who do you want to
phone?" I said, "I want to talk to my son." And one of them then said, "I hope
you didn't take us seriously the other day when we spoke about your son." So for
me, it meant they knew what they had done.
Did they continue the beatings after
that?
I would say I was severely tortured on the first day, which
was the third of December. Physically, that is. I recognize from the fourth of
December they kind of drew back in terms of the physical torture. I'm not sure
it was the effect of the pressure, the publicity that was going with it. But at
the time, I wasn't sure. There was a guy who always said, "You are lying." And
every time I would look around to see if they had their weapons of torture. It
was only on the fifth day, which was the eighth of December, when I was made to
kneel on gravel. I would say physically those are the cases when I suffered in
terms of torture. But I would say the psychological torture continued all the
time. I think that was even more painful, in terms of [things like] you had to
ask someone to go to the bathroom. And you had to let somebody know that you've
got your periods. I had grown up to be a woman taught in childhood that that's a
private thing that you don't announce to everyone. But because I was no longer
in control of what was happening to me, I had to give this information to other
people.
Was that dehumanizing?
It was. It
was.
Were they all men?
There was one
woman.
Your colleagues, did they suffer the same
fate?
Yes, my colleague from my organization, and also a driver from
my organization, who were abducted on the same day, the driver, he says he just
received a clap [on the head]and they just left him for all of that time But my
other colleague was also tortured. I think during the time we were going to
court, the soles of his feet had blackened because of the torture he had gone
through. I still suffer in terms of my feet. I still feel a lot of pain because
of what I went through.
And I think in discussion with some of the political
activists, the women I eventually had to stay with, in the maximum security
prison, they were also talking about torture that they experienced at the hands
of these people.
Have you ever seen your torturers again? On the
outside?
I have been looking, since the time that I got bail. My
driver will say he has noticed me look in crowds of people.
You had been a prominent television journalist in
Zimbabwe and were still well known in the country. Did you ever expect you would
be imprisoned?
I never expected it. Actually I didn't see it coming
because I believed that I've always been a law-abiding citizen of Zimbabwe. I
think what's pained me the most is that, having spent my prime years at the
state broadcaster, the same people that I worked for over ten years, who would
have known me as an individual, were the same people who were labeling me a
terrorist. I would have thought that, since those people had worked with me, I
would think out of professionalism and ethics in journalism, they could have
taken time to come and speak to me. And get my side of the story. But that never
happened. I really felt that things are just not working properly. Strings are
being controlled from some remote place that is not within the broadcasting
authority itself.
Did anyone contact you at all? Or attempt
to?
No one at all. They would just have their side of the story and
there would never have been anyone looking for me or my family, to talk to me,
asking, "What are these allegations that are being leveled against you?" Because
in journalism I believe there are always two sides to a story. Whoever is being
accused, they should also be given the position to be able to reply, the right
of reply, but that I never got in terms of the state-run media agencies.
Was there any positive that came from your
abduction?
The message was driven home-they could not ignore the
pressure that they were receiving from within Zimbabwe, and internationally as
well. I think they must have been surprised by the way the world believed in the
work that I do. And the people who knew me knew that these were trumped-up
charges. International organizations like Amnesty International, their secretary
general [Irene Kahn] came to Zimbabwe. That was before my case was finalized.
She wanted to know what the process was in terms of my case. And I think that
they realized that the more that they delayed with this case, it was really
going to paint a black picture of them.
.
I am anticipating that we could see if the government has learnt its lesson, probably next year, because we are likely to have elections next year. And when we have elections, this is when tempers really flare.
So will they let the elections take place
fairly?
That remains to be seen.
But is Zimbabwe on the rise? Has it bottomed
out?
I would say Zimbabwe did at some stage hit rock bottom, around
2008. But I would also want to say that there have been some improvements since
then, as a result of the coming on of the inclusive government. We have noted
improvements in particular in the socioeconomic sector, where inflation has been
stabilized by the use of multi-currencies. We are now using the U.S. dollar, the
South African rand, the Botswana pula. . Anything that you can get you can
actually use it.
We now have hospitals that are operating. We have schools that are operating normally. The teachers have gone back to the classroom. And I think even for some of the things that we have been yearning for, as human rights defenders, we now have a human rights commission. We might differ in terms of what they're supposed to do, but the fact that the human rights commission is in place is an improvement, it's progress. And that fact, that we have a new commission that is going to look around the issue of elections.
Both parties are represented?
The two
parties had an influence in terms of the members. And, I think in terms of the
media, we're still crying out for the liberalization of the airwaves. But in
terms of the print media, the Zimbabwe Media Commission, which was also
appointed in the inclusive government, licensed five newspapers. We have one
newspaper that is already on the street. So if we get the other four on the
street, that might mean that information dissemination might improve in
Zimbabwe. But I think we still need to get the liberalization of the airwaves so
that we get an alternative voice in terms of radio, in terms of television.
Radio actually reaches more people than the television and the newspapers.
Do you think the government expected that by
abducting you and imposing these charges your organization would stop its
work?
I think so. I think that was what was expected. I'm happy to
say that, even at the time when these things were going on, the board took a
decision that reports would continue to be produced so that they would
demonstrate that it wasn't me producing these reports. It was an organization
that we had built.
I think when they abducted me, they had already abducted some people who had been in their care for a month before the political elections, and not much was being said about those people. Even the Movement of Democratic Change as a party was not really applying a lot of pressure in terms of demanding their release.
I remember being interviewed by Voice of America, a month before I was abducted, about the disappearance of these people from a particular province. I said, as an organization we're really concerned. It was a situation where you would find a line or two in the paper, after a week. After two weeks people are quiet. I think they thought that was going to be the same kind of thing with me. But then it was a totally different picture that they had to deal with. Because immediately as I was being taken away, my son was already communicating with my colleagues in human rights to say, "My mother has been taken from home." So, by the time people got to their offices, messages were already going around that I had been abducted. And I think because of that they couldn't prevent the kind of publicity going beyond borders. It really made it difficult for them to then manage the situation. Because I think they might not have thought of prosecuting me. But because there was this outcry, somehow I think it must have dawned on them to say, probably we need to say the person that you are talking about, that you are demanding, is not actually who you think she is. This is what she is capable of. And they didn't know there was a lot waiting for them when they did that as well. For them to move to wanting me to be a state witness, and then to prosecute me, the two just don't go together. '
Did you admit to anything?
I did not. I
would say that after about five days, when they got my other colleague from the
office, I was made to admit to having referred somebody to someone. Because they
were saying that we have been told this, and you have to say it this way. I
suppose that's what they wanted. They wanted to extract a confession. And
immediately when I met with my lawyer, that was the first thing that I told her.
That they asked me to say one, two, three, but it is not the truth.
And obtained under duress?
Oh,
yeah. Because they had the least of the people who they wanted to
go after.
This major miscalculation on their part-does that
reflect the insularity of the government, that they don't understand the
political climate outside?
I would say yes. And I think they also
wanted to give the impression that they were not really worried about the work
that ZPP does. They were really getting quite vicious and angry with me,
questions like, how do you get accurate information that we read in your
reports? My answer was simple. The people who give us that information live in
the communities.
At some point I was given a piece of paper. They wanted me to write the names of the people who wrote their reports for us. I said, there's no way I can do that. I can't begin to know who does what where. I don't even know that.
What are the goals of your organization moving
forward?
The goals of our organization have not changed. Even with
the rough patch that we went through. We still want to end impunity, because we
believe it stifles the ability of citizens to be able to choose their leaders
freely. Because we are particularly worried about violence at election time.
Because this is when people jostle for power and this party is saying you vote
for us and that party is saying you vote for us. And people are not able to
exercise their right to vote freely. And we also feel that people who perpetrate
violence need to account for their actions. And we still hold those values quite
dearly. And I think for the years that we have been able to monitor and document
around political violence, we have been able to establish in terms of the trends
and patterns that have developed in the country. And we are able to sort of
track the footprints of the perpetrators.
And I think this is the reason why we became a target. It was because our database is able to track the footprints of perpetrators. So I think we must have ruffled feathers in the very high offices in terms of talking about naming and shaming [the perpetrators]. But I think that Zimbabweans need to talk about violence when they experience it. And there should be organizations that should be able to give them redress and, by providing them with medical assistance and psycho-social support, also providing them with legal assistance.
Did this change the way you work?
I think
it changed the way that I work in the sense that I am more conscious about my
safety.
Even now?
Even now. I really don't want
to take anything for granted. I think I have taken on more measures in terms of
keeping myself safe. I no longer move around on my own. And, you know, I was the
kind of person who would be in the office for probably two hours before
everybody else arrived. And stay late and all that. I can't do that anymore.
Can you be alone at home?
I had to move
from the house from which they abducted me. Every time at dawn I would wake up,
and I would imagine that they were at the gate again. And that made it really
difficult for me to be comfortable in that house. And I eventually decided, when
that case was finalized, I needed to move on. Because I thought I really needed
to value my life more than anything.
Do they know where you live now?
They
might know. It's possible that they know.
Is the new home more conspicuous so they can't come
there without people noticing?
Yes. That I have done. It's a place
where, if anyone does come through, they will be seen by someone. And it's a
place where, if I scream, a lot of people will be able to come out. And I
suppose if I make a call, colleagues will immediately come to my rescue, as
compared to the place where I was at, which was forty kilometers away from
Harare. So, if you pressed the panic button, it was not possible for people to
come to your aid in time.
When you explain all of this or describe it to Colby
students, what is their reaction?
I think the majority of them on
the first day were kind of shell-shocked that this can happen. They just could
not believe that something like this would happen to a human being.
But you are not quitting?
I was under a
lot of pressure from my mother to move away from the work, but I then said to
her, "There's no way that I can move on now." I think that the fact that they
have done this to me demonstrates the impact of the work that we are doing. I
also feel that, with the assistance that I got from human rights defenders
throughout the world, I also need to give back in relation to Zimbabweans who
suffer political violence. They are not in the same position as me, and they
might not be able to amplify their voice to be heard. So I'm saying I'm there
and I want to be able to help them find their voices, so that the world is aware
of the kind of abuses that people continue to suffer.
And it does continue?
Yes, it does. Just
over the weekend there's a constitution-making process that is happening, and
the process had to be abandoned because of violence in Harare, the capital city.
We have monitors from our organization who were briefly detained at one of the
venues and were only released after several hours.
So in some ways it hasn't changed at
all?
No, it hasn't.
What are your impressions of Waterville and
Maine?
My impression of Waterville is that of tranquility, that of
quiet. That gives me the safety that I so require. You know, when I go to bed I
sleep through, knowing that I am away, I am far from the madding crowd. I don't
even think about anyone coming to the door. I think it's such a good feeling
that I'm experiencing at the moment. And the fact that I can get in the car and
drive on my own. Last week I drove to South Portland on my own. You know, after
my experience I'd also lost my confidence in driving a car or just being on my
own. As a result I also lost my privacy in the process. Because I have to
constantly be with someone. I can't be on my own. And that means that my privacy
has been invaded. So whoever I'm with, the driver I'm with, knows where I have
gone and where I have not gone.
Do you feel any guilt being here and not on the front
lines?
Not really. I feel that this is an opportunity for me to
recharge my batteries. And they need to be recharged if we're going to an
election next year, there is need for me to get that oomph back into my
system.
When is the election?
Usually we have the
elections in March, but the date has not been announced.
So you're girding yourself for what
might follow?
At times you are not even sure how you need to ready
yourself for an election. But in terms of what the organization needs to do, I
think a lot of the things that we had already started on, trying to put systems
together so that we don't run around at the last moment when things are now
happening.
What are you trying to impart to Colby students while
you're here?
The theme is that of incarceration and the possibility
of where that incarceration is a violation of human rights. But, besides sharing
my experience with them, I am also trying to make them understand Zimbabwe's
history, from colonialism to independence. And how the same leaders who are
incarcerating some of us now, also suffered incarceration at the hands of the
colonialists. Because I think that is very important. And also for them to
understand that the issue of human rights, defense, and protection did not start
in the twenty-first century in Zimbabwe. It goes way back into the liberation
struggle, where our nationalists were demanding equality before the law and to
be governed well by the colonizers-initially. They were not thinking in terms of
majority rule. It was when the colonizers kept pushing them against the wall
that they eventually decided, "No, we now are going to go for majority rule and
universal suffrage in terms of one man, one vote." So I think it is important
that they also understand that. Make them understand that part of the
world.
Press Release - 23 October: Platform for Youth
Development (PYD) is concerned by the acceleration of the voices speaking in
favor of holding an election in Zimbabwe. This talk is frightening and
nerve-racking because it is not anchored on genuine and a watchful consideration
of the consequences.PYD's entry point is neither to deny nor to call for these
elections but to raise a serious alarm- that -merely calling for
these elections without reforms is not only dangerous but
suicidal.
PYD is fully aware that the Inclusive Government constitutionally expires after 2 years, which is February 2011. We acknowledge that, this is the strongest point for those who are advocating for elections to be held any time soon. The assumption being that election should be culturally held when due, and also that we can salvage a stop to the ZANU PF's big brother mentality through an election process. More over, the parties involved are equally no longer happy with their explosive marriage.
President of ZANU PF and the Inclusive Government-Robert Mugabe has already spoken his mind that elections must be held not later than June 2011.PYD having been a recipient of the June 2008 political violence at the instigation of President Mugabe's party, donot read this call independent of the possibility of a repeat of this era of Zimbabwe's dark page of history. The month of June remains predestined, and PYD fears the impact of this horror-month on the psyche of the voters.
Shockingly, President of the MDC -T and Prime Minister of the Inclusive Government -Morgan Tsvangirai insists that his MDC is ready to have elections any day that they are called. This position has repeatedly been made by Nelson Chamisa who is the spokesperson of his party. Being aware that the MDC ended up pulling out of the Presidential Run Off of June 2008, serious questions beg for answers for their sincerity.PYD is aware that there is very little happening on the ground for MDC to take this brave stance.
PYD now questions, is Zimbabwe ready to have these elections? Is the nation resourced enough to finance these elections? Is the administration of the election (ZEC) ready? In short, do Zimbabweans feel that they are ready for these elections as championed by our political leadership? A general survey from PYD membership concludes that unless some serious reforms are effected, Zimbabwe will continue to make headlines for the wrong reasons.
In Chipinge and Chimanimani, the COPAC project has almost failed since the collected views are heavily compromised. In a similar fashion to the June 2008, the two districts topped the records of violence against innocent communities and democratic processes. Active groups of well organized youths are evidently roaming in the communities ready to pounce on behalf of the forces of evil. Calling for elections without addressing these threats to peaceful elections will be a mistake difficult to resolve.
Recently at Mai Musodzi Hall in Harare, a life was claimed in the jostle to control the output of the constitution. Psychologically the ZANU PF strategies for a violent election are being boosted at local level. If one kills to defend a view at the constitution indaba, what more when it involves their revolutionary mandate against purported imperialists. Zimbabweans need to smell the coffee.
If given our way, the most ideal environment to hold elections is only when a genuine constitutional reform has been concluded.PYD notes that the current constitutional reform has failed by excluding the youth at every level, therefore it is their moral right to reject it once it is brought to a referendum. Only until the environment to hold favorable elections is in place, can it be meaningful for the youths to participate with splendor.
Way Forward
Platform for Youth Development Trust (PYD) is a non-partisan, non-discriminatory and grassroots based youth organization that was formed by victimized youth to act as a platform, network and bridge for the youth in all spheres of life to articulate issues affecting them particularly relating to development, democracy, good governance, peaceful co-existence, human rights and the rule of law in Zimbabwe. PYD therefore seeks to bring together marginalized youth in rural and urban areas, farms, growth points and resettlement areas, church-based youth organizations including youth organizations for young women with a view to empowering them and to ensure their meaningful participation in championing the cause of democracy, respect for the rule of law, peaceful co-existence and good governance.
Click here to read LM Edition 68 from Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR)
Photo of a Zimbabwe storm taken by rickinzim (via Flickr).
I am a Zimbabwean who has lived out of Zimbabwe for 10 years now. Though this is hardly an unusual revelation, I do somehow have the sense that I am making a guilty confession. I retain something of a deserter's sense of shame. The shame of having left a sinking ship. The guilt of having left friends and family behind. Of course, there are none who leave Zimbabwe without losing a part of themselves. We fly far away to find new job opportunities and education possibilities but we live with the phantom pains of a lost limb. There are few Zimbabweans abroad who do not feel like ships, bobbing on foreign seas, waiting for a storm to clear so that they can one day make their way home. Of course, we have been bobbing on those foreign seas for years now. The storm has still not abated.
We are a mixed bunch, the Zimbabwean disapora. Some of us are what my mother calls the "when we's"; recreating braais in inhospitably wet English weather, importing boerewors, seeking out Aromat, Castle beer and Milo, and chatting for hours about a country that only exists now in memory. Those Zimbabweans have replicated their 'little Zimbabwes' in London, Perth and South Africa. Then there are the few who have relocated with a grim determination to forget the homeland and begin anew. They support Australian or British sports teams now and have consciously striven to pick up American drawls and Irish lilts. They flick the channel whenever Bob's face appears. And thus they manage to avoid the worst of the separation pangs.
But perhaps most of us are in the third group; those that live away from Zimbabwe in a peculiar state of hybridity. Having existed abroad so long, we have become such a blend of cultures and identities that we now feel strangely anchor-less. We yearn for Zimbabwe like she is a lost child, and yet we know that as time apart increases, both she and we are maturing along divergent paths. We sense her call but worry that when we finally meet again there shall be awkward silences and a painful sense of difference. Despite these fears, we remain hopeful. We watch the news, protest at the occasional Zim rally and talk with one another about that wonderful day when Zimbabwe's storm will have passed and we can all return.
But the storm continues.
I have watched the storm for 10 years now. Still I drift expectantly, waiting for the right time to go "home", whilst sensing the increasing inappropriateness of the term.
Tsvangirai spoke to The Economist Magazine the other week and insisted that in view of the GNU and its successes, the country of Zimbabwe 'can only move forward'. So is now the time to return? I confess I am not so optimistic as Tsvangirai. I doubt that even Tsvangirai himself can be so optimistic as his spoken self. I read about the recently gazetted Indigenisation law and feel little certainty about future investment opportunities in Zimbabwe. I read about the censorship of Owen Maseko and trial of Farai Maguwu and have little sense that democracy and rule of law is clearly improving. I look towards the possible elections in 2011, observe the continued GPA disagreements and regular incidents of violence, and I cannot help but feel that there is every possibility things in Zim could in fact get worse. In this regard I consider myself not a pessimist, but a pragmatic realist.
Tsvangirai's political rhetoric aside, the storm has not yet broken.
But the real question I find myself asking these days is not whether the storm has abated as much as it is how long I can responsibly wait for change. Christ called for his followers to be the light in the darkness. Mahatma Gandhi said that one must be the change one wishes to see in this world. Clearly these leaders of men did not accept that we should wait for the storm to finish. They insist instead that it is up to each of us to bring in the new dawn.
I confess, I do not feel that I know what being the change really looks like for the Zimbabwean diaspora. Perhaps it is enough that we are engaged in activism overseas, raising the plight of Zimbabweans to international ears and sending back our monthly remittances. But there is a niggling part of me that wonders how real change can come in Zimbabwe when such a large part of its wealthiest, most skilled and educated populace live and invest in faraway places. I cannot easily envisage how a new dawn will arrive without those people's involvement, resources and skills. It certainly does not seem legitimate to stand outside, awaiting a new day whilst expecting someone else to make the sacrifices that will bring it.
And still another, deeper part of me questions just how long a ship can survive, drifting anchor-less and waiting. Can one exist as "diaspora" forever? I find myself unsatisfied with this rootless-ness. There surely comes a time when storm or not, we must either anchor where we are or else turn our ships and steer them homewards.
CONSTITUTION WATCH 21/2010
[25th
October 2010]
Remaining Harare Outreach Meetings Scheduled for Saturday 30th and Sunday 31st October
44 constitution outreach meetings to replace those meetings that were
disputed or not completed during the original Harare outreach over the period
18th to 20th September will now be held next weekend, 30th and 31st October.
Details of venues and times for the meetings will be circulated as soon as they
are made available by COPAC.
COPAC’s
Preconditions for the Harare Meetings
After the disruption of so many of the original Harare outreach
meetings by violence and intimidation, coaching of participants and bussing in
of outsiders, the COPAC management committee agreed that the coming Harare
meetings would be subject to the following preconditions, which were announced
in a COPAC press statement of 6th October:
1. That
parties take responsibility for the behaviour of their supporters during the
outreach programme. In this regard, the political parties will publicly and in
writing contained in a document signed by their Secretaries General denounce
violence, intimidation, racism and other malpractices during the outreach
programme and implore their supporters to desist from these activities. [This document has not yet
been finalised.]
2. That the
political parties have a prime responsibility to prevent the bussing of people
from outside Harare or from areas in Harare in respect of which outreach was
properly done. The law enforcement agents are hereby implored to put measures to
ensure that the bussing is prevented during the ensuing outreach programme.
[They have not said how they are going to do
this]
3. That the
outreach meetings will be broken down into smaller manageable groups. The
meetings should be held in securable places like schools etc. [This is being
arranged.]
4. That the
Zimbabwe Republic Police, through the Co-Ministers of Home Affairs and the
Commissioner General of Police, is hereby called upon to ensure that mechanisms
are put in place for the effective maintenance of law and order during the
outreach programme. In this regard sufficient guarantees will be given regarding
the security of members of the public during this programme. [Police have said
this will be done.]
5. That the
Political Party Liaison Committee for Harare will be made up of senior national
leaders from Political Parties. Equally the District Liaison Committees will be
made up of senior political party leaders.
[The parties have not yet submitted the
names of their representatives on these
committees.]
6. That the
public print and electronic media, and in particular the Zimbabwe Broadcasting
Corporation, publishes the dates and venues of the outreach meetings as well as
the COPAC Code of Conduct in such a way as to sufficiently inform members of the
public on same. [It is too early to comment on compliance or otherwise
with this condition. Veritas will circulate the dates and venues and the COPAC
Code of Conduct as soon as possible.]
7. The
Management Committee hereby calls upon the ZRP to immediately take action
designed to bring all those responsible for all crimes committed during the
entire outreach programme including specifically the crimes committed during the
disturbances in Harare between the 18th and 20th of September 2010, to
book. [ZRP
have provided COPAC with some documentary evidence of investigations commenced
and dockets opened.]
Outreach Attendance Figures as at 6th October
At the COPAC press conference of 6th October it was announced that,
excluding Harare, over 4 600 meetings had been conducted, with a total
participation of 963 000 people. [Veritas will circulate detailed statistics
when they are available.]
Youth and the Outreach
From the outset attendance by young people at outreach meetings was
low, particularly in the Matabeleland Provinces and Midlands. An effort to
remedy this defect was the holding of a two-day meeting between COPAC and 200
representatives of children and youth on the 22nd and 23rd September at
Parliament Buildings in Harare. The event was organised by UNICEF, COPAC and the Ministry of Constitutional and Parliamentary Affairs.
All 10 provinces in the country were represented.
This interaction between COPAC and a mere 200 young people was
condemned as wholly inadequate when youth organisations held a discussion forum
in Harare on 12th October to assess youth participation in the
constitution-making process. The overwhelming verdict from speakers and
participants from the floor was that youth had not been adequately catered for
in the process. There should have been more awareness-raising among youth
before the outreach commenced. As it was, young people had felt unwelcome at
outreach meetings, even when held at schools. In many places they had been
subjected to pressure and told they could not attend or could attend but as
observers only.
COPAC Meeting with Diaspora in
Johannesburg
On 2nd October the three COPAC co-chairpersons met representatives of
Zimbabweans resident in South Africa. Views expressed included the right to
cast absentee ballots in elections and the right to dual citizenship. The
organisations represented at the meeting were assured that the views of
Zimbabweans in the Diaspora would be taken into account in the making of the new
Constitution. Diaspora organisations have since announced that they will soon –
probably this week – be submitting a draft constitution setting out their
position.
Making
Submissions to COPAC Online: COPAC Website
The COPAC website – www.copac.org.zw – is operational.
[Do not be put off by the fact that some aspects
of the website – such as latest news – have not been updated since
July.]
All Zimbabweans, whether in the Diaspora or resident in the country,
are welcome to make use of the website to tell COPAC what they want to see in
the new constitution.
This can be done by answering the website’s talking points
questionnaire online. Contributions made via the website will be collated
along with the information collected by the outreach teams during the
countrywide outreach exercise and the collated information will be provided to
the thematic committees for use in preparing their reports.
Instructions for accessing the talking points
questionnaire
Go to the
website homepage at www.copac.org.zw
· Once you
are on the homepage, place your cursor on the tab labelled “talking points” and
an option to register will appear on the screen.
· Click on
the option to register and a new page to register as a new user will
appear.
· Your name,
a username, email address, password and a verification of the password will be
required to register.
· Thereafter, basic information will be required –gender and year of
birth
· Contact
information- city of birth, country of residence.
· An option
to upload a profile picture will appear (there is an option to skip this
stage).
· A message
acknowledging that you have been registered will appear.
· An
activation link will be sent to your email address.
· The
account must be activated by clicking on the activation link before the user can
login.
· Once you
have logged in, you can answer the questions in the questionnaire online, and if
you wish to do so you can also supplement your answers by making additional
comments in the space provided.
Act
Now! If you wish to submit your views via the website, the sooner you do
so the better. Although no deadline for online submissions has been announced,
COPAC has said collation of information will commence after the remaining Harare
outreach meetings. So there is no time to lose. Veritas suggests you aim at
having your say before the end of the month.
Veritas makes every effort to ensure reliable information, but cannot
take legal responsibility for information supplied