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NOTICE OF MOTION

QUESTION PROPOSED:

WHEREAS on 24th October 2000 a request will be made to the Speaker by not fewer than 1/3 of the members of Parliament, in terms of Section 29 (3) of the Constitution of Zimbabwe to appoint a Committee of Parliament to investigate whether the President, His Excellency Robert Gabriel Mugabe, should be removed from office;

AND WHEREAS the Speaker is obliged in terms of Section 29 (3) of the Constitution of Zimbabwe to appoint a Committee of Parliament to perform the abovementioned task;

AND WHEREAS no President of the Republic of Zimbabwe has ever been removed from office before and there is no precedent for such a procedure:

AND WHEREAS the standing orders of the Parliament of Zimbabwe are silent regarding the procedures to be adopted in the setting up of such a Committee and how it shall perform its duties;

AND WHEREAS the Constitution of Zimbabwe is also silent as to the procedures to be adopted in setting up such a Committee and how it should perform its task;

NOTING that in the Parliamentary elections held in June 2000 ZANU (PF) obtained 62 seats, MDC 57 seats and ZANU Ndonga 1 seat and further noting that 10 chiefs were elected in terms of the Constitution of Zimbabwe, while another 20 members of Parliament have been appointed by His Excellency the President;

BELIEVING that the Committee appointed by the Speaker should only be comprised of those members of Parliament who are not Presidential appointees and therefore owing their presence in Parliament to the President;

BELIEVING that the proceedings of the Committee should be transparent and therefore should be conducted in public;

CONCERNED that, in the event of the Committee recommending the removal of His Excellency The President, members of Parliament, because of the gravity of the matter, should be entitled to vote in secret;

 

 

2./…

 

 

2

NOW THEREFORE : this House resolves that:

  1. The Committee of Parliament appointed by the Speaker shall be comprised of those members appointed by the Speaker of Parliament pro rata to the seats held by ZANU (PF), MDC, Zanu Ndonga and the Chiefs respectively and shall operate in terms of the Select Committee Rules;

     

  2. The Committee of Parliament so appointed by the Speaker shall as a matter of urgency, conduct public hearings to enable any persons wishing to do so to make representations and lead evidence in public;

     

  3. Both the members of Parliament who have made the request, as stated above, and his Excellency the President be entitled to appoint legal Counsel to co-ordinate and argue the grounds for removal of his Excellency the President and his Excellency the President’s defence to such allegations respectively before the Committee;

(d) The Committee appointed by Parliament conduct its work as a matter of urgency and report back to Parliament as soon as possible in the form of a written report which shall be tabled in Parliament and made available to the public;

  1. In the event that the Committee produces a report recommending the removal of the President, the final vote of members of Parliament, in terms of Section 29 (3) of the Constitution of Zimbabwe shall be conducted by secret ballot presided over by the Chief Justice of Zimbabwe.

 

DATED at HARARE this 24th day of OCTOBER, 2000.

Proposer:

 

 

_____________________________________

The Honourable Professor Welshman Ncube MP

 

 

_____________________________________

The Honourable Innocent Gonese MP

 

REQUEST MADE TO THE SPEAKER OF THE PARLIAMENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF ZIMBABWE IN TERMS OF SECTION 29 (3) OF THE CONSTITUTION OF ZIMBABWE

 

 

PREAMBLE

 

WHEREAS section 29 (3) of the Constitution of Zimbabwe provides that the President of Zimbabwe may be removed from office by Parliament for acting in willful violation of the Constitution or for gross misconduct;

AND WHEREAS the same section further provides that the Speaker of Parliament shall, if so requested by not fewer than one-third of the members of Parliament, appoint a Committee of Parliament to consider the question of the removal of the President from office;

RECOGNISING our solemn duty as elected representatives of the people of Zimbabwe to make laws for the "peace, order and good governance of Zimbabwe" and mindful of the oath we took on assuming the office of members of Parliament to faithfully serve Zimbabwe and observe all its laws;

REALISING and acknowledging the heavy responsibility that weighs on our shoulders to ensure good governance and the respect for fundamental rights and freedoms including the rights of the people as enshrined in the Constitution to life, liberty, freedoms of expression, association and political choice within our multi-party constitutional and political order;

PROUD of our history and legacy of resistance to colonialism, racism, tribalism, dictatorship, oppression, political and economic subjugation;

NOTING the sovereignty of the people over government and their right to rid themselves of a government which tyrannizes, abuses and subjugates;

COGNISANT of our responsibility to ensure the institutionalization of the values of accountability, integrity, transparency, honest administration and respect for the freedoms and rights of the people in our system of government;

DETERMINED to ensure that Zimbabwe is led by a government which is committed both in words and in deed to the rule of law and the future of Zimbabwe as one nation united in the diversity of its peoples and celebrating their equality, integrity and the inviolability of their political and civil rights in prosperity, happiness and dignity and without fear;

 

 

 

CONVINCED of our responsibility and obligation to ensure that the Constitution of Zimbabwe if faithfully observed by all organs of the state;

NOW THEREFORE, we the undersigned members of Parliament, being more than one third of the total membership of Parliament and acting in terms of the said section 29 (3) of the Constitution of Zimbabwe, do hereby request that the Speaker of Parliament do appoint a Committee of Parliament with a balanced representation of all political parties represented in Parliament to investigate and report to Parliament, expeditiously and in any event not later than 31s December 2000 on whether or not the President should be removed from office for acting in willful violation of the Constitution of Zimbabwe and/or for gross misconduct in his running of the affairs of the State. The particulars of the violations of the Constitution and gross misconduct more fully appear hereunder.

1. WILLFUL VIOLATION OF THE CONSTITUTION

1.1 During his present tenure of office and more particularly since February 1999, the President has acted in willful violation of the Constitution and more specifically section 31 h (2) of the Constitution which obliges the President to uphold this Constitution and ensure that the provisions of this Constitution and of all other laws in force in Zimbabwe are faithfully executed.

    1. It is clear from section 31h (2) of the Constitution that the President is required and obliged to ensure that all the laws of Zimbabwe, including criminal and civil laws embracing statute law, the common law and customary law (1) , are faithfully observed. This duty is reaffirmed in the oath of loyality the President takes in terms of section 28 of the Constitution as read with Schedule I to the Constitution in which oath the President swears or affirms to be "faithful and bear true allegiance to Zimbabwe and observe the laws of Zimbabwe".

 

1.3 It is the opinion of we the undersigned, arrived at after careful consideration and after taking into account the interests of the people of Zimbabwe, that the President has, during his present tenure of office, deliberately and in some cases callously encouraged, condoned, incited and supported breaches of the law and in so doing has failed to ensure that all the laws of Zimbabwe are faithfully executed in violation of his Constitutional obligation to do so. The paragraphs that follow detail the acts of willful violation of the Constitution.

 

 

 

 

(1). See the definition of law in section 113 of the Constitution.

 

 

 

1.4 Mark Chavunduka and Raymond Choto Case

1.4.1 When in January 1999 the High Court of Zimbabwe ruled that journalists Mark Chavunduka and Raymond Choto were illegally detained by members of the Zimbabwe National Army and should be released from illegal detention by the army, the judgment was ignored resulting in Judges of the Supreme Court and High Court writing to the President expressing concern about the violation of the rule of law by Government. Rather than acknowledging the detentions as illegal and taking steps to ensure that in future such illegal detentions would not occur, the President, in a televised address to the nation at 9.00 p.m. on the 6th February 1999 endorsed and supported the unlawful actions of the Army and said, inter alia:

"Any media organization which willfully suspends truth necessarily, in my view, forfeits its right to inform and therefore to claim the protection [of the law] that The Standard is now claiming".

1.4.2 Furthermore the President in the same address made disparaging comments regarding members of the judiciary thus bringing the judiciary into contempt and by so doing failed to ensure the execution and observance of the laws of Zimbabwe. In particular, the actions and words of the President negated Chavunduka and Choto’s rights to the protection of the law as provided in section 18 of the Constitution.

1.5 Failure to uphold judgments against land invasions

1.5.1 In or about April 2000 the Honourable Mr Justice Garwe declared the occupation of farms by war veterans and ZANU (PF) supporters unlawful. This judgment was reaffirmed in a subsequent order by the High Court which ordered that all those people in unlawful occupation of farms throughout Zimbabwe be removed by the Police.

      1. Instead of ensuring the enforcing of the judgment as he is required to do by the Constitution the President has repeatedly stated publicly that he will take no action to ensure that the judgment is faithfully executed and has directed the police to take no action to execute the judgment or order. In addition he has countermanded instructions from the Vice President and the Minister of Home Affairs to the police to take action to uphold the rule of law enunciated in the order of 17th March 2000 by the High Court. For example, at a political rally held at Bindura on the 7th April 2000 the President stated that those people in unlawful occupation of farms "would not be arrested". On Sunday the 16th April 2000, on his return to Zimbabwe, and at Harare Airport, the President stated that he was not going to stop the further unlawful invasion of properties. Since April 2000 the President has repeatedly re-affirmed his opposition to the enforcement of the judgments so that to date the original judgment of the Honourable Mr Justice Garwe has still not been faithfully executed. This is a direct result of the President’s failure to uphold the Constitution.

1.6. Advocating and masterminding violence in the Parliamentary Elections of June 2000

1.6.1 On the 16th March 2000 at the official commissioning of the Pungwe to Mutare pipeline the President said in Shona:

"Those who try to cause disunity among our people must watch out because death will befall them".

1.6.2 What the President meant and was understood to mean, was that those who opposed his party Zanu PF would face death as a result of that opposition.

1.6.3 On the 27th March 2000 in an interview with Reuters television the President, referring to farm invasions, stated:

"There have been very few cases of violence, but if the farmers start to be angry and start to be violent, then of course they will get that medicine delivered to them".

He went on to say:

"And it can be very, very, very severe, but we do not want to get there".

1.6.4 On the 18th April 2000 the President incited violence against whites by calling them "enemies of the people of Zimbabwe". He said:

"Until the whites transform positively and really show that they are our allies who are prepared to live side by side with us, we will consider them as enemies".

In saying so the President meant and was understood to mean that white people, as enemies, could be treated as objects of violence.

 

 

 

 

1.6.5 In an interview conducted by Veronica Edwards of the BBC in the second week of October 2000 the President, when asked about the violence perpetrated against commercial farmers the President stated that:

"We gave them shock treatment".

1.6.6 In stating thus the President confirmed that the violence perpetrated against commercial farmers was part of a deliberate directive emanating from himself and his Government and consequently not only failed to ensure due observance of the laws of Zimbabwe but encouraged and indirectly participated in the denials of the protection of the law and the violations of the right of life of all those farmers killed in the process of giving "them [the farmers] shock treatment".

As a direct result of the President’s encouragement, condonation and encitement the following people were murdered by war veterans and other Zanu PF supporters between the 27th March 2000 and the 28th July 2000.

  1. EDWIN GOMO : died after being hit on the head by a stone thrown by ZANU-PF supporters during clashes in Bindura : 27 March 2000.

(ii) ROBERT MUSONI: killed by ZANU-PF supporters in Bindura, 28 March 2000.

(iii) DOREEN MARUFU: 6 months pregnant: died after being assaulted by ZANU-PF after leaving an MDC rally. Mvurwi, 2 April 2000.

(iv) CONST FINASHE CHIKWENYA: Shot dead at Marondera while trying to carry out his duty and arrest war veterans who had assaulted people 4 April 2000.

(v) DAVID STEVENS: Arizona Farm – commercial farmer: shot to death after systematic beating by "war veterans" after Steven’s workers attacked farm invaders. 14 April 2000.

  1. TICHAONYA CHIMINYA: burnt to death after a petrol bomb attack on his vehicle by ZANU-PF supporters, Buhera, 15 April 2000.

(vii) TALENT MABIKA: burnt to death in same incident as Chiminya. Buhera, 15 April 2000.

(viii) MARTIN OLDS: commercial farmer – shot to death after a long gun battle with 100+ "war veterans" in which police refused to come to his aid. Nyamandlovu, Independence Day : 18 April 2000.

(iv) MR BANDA: murdered in Shamva. 24 April 2000.

(x) PETER KARIDZA: murdered by ZANU-PF supporters. Shamva, 24 April 2000.

(xi) LUCKY KANYURIRA: murdered in Kariba and his mutilated body displayed at a shopping center. 25 April 2000.

(xii) NICHOLAS CHATITAMA alias [BISHOP CHATIMA]: a security guard who died in same attack as Kanyurira, Kariba 25 April 2000.

(xiii) MATTHEW PFEBVE: brother of MDC candidate murdered by being beaten to death at night in his own home in front of relatives. Bindura, 3 May 2000.

(xiv) ALAN DUNN: beaten to death on his commercial farm in Beatrice by people believed to be war veterans. 7 May 2000.

(xv) LABAN CHIRWA: murdered in Rugare. 7 May 2000.

(xvi) JOHN WEEKS: commercial farmer, Beatrice. Shot in his own home by "war veterans". 11 May 2000.

(xvii) SGT ALEX CHISASA: beaten to death with an iron bar, allegedly for criticizing ZANU-PF policies. Chipinge. 13 May 2000.

(xviii) ROGERS MURIRAWANHU: murdered in Karoi, May – exact date unclear.

(ixx) TAKUNDWA CHAPUNZA: killed outside the "surgery" of Dr C H Hunzvi in violence clashes. Torture of MDC supporters is alleged to have been conducted in this surgery. Harare, 16 May 2000.

(xx) MATIONA MASHAYA: United Party supporter, beaten to death by ZANU-PF supporters. Mudzi, 17 May 2000.

(xxi) ONIAS MASHAYA: son of Mationa, beaten to death in same incident. Mudzi, 17 May 2000.

(xxii) MESSIAH KUFANDAEDZA: campaign manager of a ZANU-PF candidate, shot to death by rival ZANU-PF faction. Gwanzura, 26 May 2000.

  1. THADEUS RUNKUNI: MDC prospective candidate, beaten to death, Bikita, 31 May 2000.

(xxiv) MR SIMUDANANHU: farm worker killed in Shurugwi on Chess Farm in clashes with invaders. 30 May 2000.

(xxv) ANTONY OATES: shot dead on his farm near Harare. Trelawney, 31 May 2000.

  1. MR CHINYERE: senior MDC official in Mashonaland, pulled off a bus and beaten to death.

(xxvii) FINOS ZHOU: abducted, and beaten to death by "war veterans" in Mberengwa. Died on 9 June 2000.

(xxviii) SCHOOLTEACHER: unnamed. Beaten to death by war veterans for pulling down Dr C H Hunzvi’s election posters in the school grounds. Chikomba, 10 June 2000.

(xxix) PATRICK NABANYAMA: abducted by unknown assailants from his house in front of witnesses. He was an MDC polling agent, Bulawayo South. He has never returned, and is missing. Presumed dead. Abducted 19 June 2000.

(xxx) ZEKE CHIGAGWA: beaten to death with iron bars by 20 ZANU-PF supporters. Gokwe 22 June 2000.

(xxxi) MANDISHONA MUTYANDA: 60 year old MDC ward chairperson for Kwekwe’s Amavani suburb died of head injuries after being beaten up by 30 suspected ZANU-PF supporters.

  1. WILHELM BOTHA: farm mechanic killed by unknown assailants on a farm in Beatrice, 23 July 2000.

(xxxiii) SAMSON MBEWE: farm worker beaten to death by farm invaders while moving irrigation equipment. Ruwa, 9 August 2000.

(xxxiiv) MR NDEBELE: a school teacher from Plumtree who suffered serious beatings before the elections, died in United Bulawayo Hospitals as a result of his injuries. 19 July 2000.

  1. MDC SUPPORTER: unnamed : an MDC supporter from Zvishavane who was beaten two days before the election and subsequently suffered brain hemorrhages, died in Mpilo hospital in Bulawayo after weeks of treatment. 28 July 2000.

1.6.7 The President’s incitement of violence and death to achieve political ends and which has been acted upon by his supporters, is a very serious willful violation of the Constitution of Zimbabwe as it negates and undermines the multi-party constitutional order which recognizes and indeed enshrines the right of the people to free and unhindered political choice in choosing which political party they wish to lead the nation.

1.7 ALTERNATIVELY, should the above acts not be found to amount to willful violation of the Constitution, it is the submission of the undersigned that they do amount to acts of gross misconduct for which the President should be removed from office.

 

2. GROSS MISCONDUCT

2.1. The President is, in the considered opinion of the undersigned, also guilty of other acts which whilst not violations of the Constitution of Zimbabwe nonetheless are acts of gross misconduct warranting his removal from office.

2.2 Systematic abuse of the prerogative of mercy

2.2.1 In terms of Section 31 I of the Constitution the President may exercise his prerogative of mercy. Because of the wording of Section 31 I (1) it is clear from the Constitution that the President has a discretion that he can exercise himself. However this discretion is governed by Constitutional conventions which, for example, precludes the President from exercising the power of pardon or prerogative of mercy in favour of his friends and relatives. By Constitutional convention, this power ought to be exercised in those cases which cry out for mercy. To use the power in placing the President’s friends and political allies beyond the reach of the law is an abuse of the power and hence an act of gross misconduct.

2.2.2 The President has a long history of abusing the Presidential prerogative including the following:

    1. In December 1987, the Unity Accord was signed by the leaders of ZAPU and ZANU-PF, ending the period of violence in Matabeleland whose victims are estimated to be no fewer than 10,000 civilians murdered by the forces of the ZANU-PF government, in addition to approximately 400 to 500 civilians murdered by dissidents.

 

 

b. On 18th April 1998, Clemency Order No 1 of 1988 granted a general amnesty for all political crimes committed during the 1980s up to that date. While this was portrayed as mainly benefiting dissidents, the above statistics make it very clear who benefited most – the 5 Brigade, the CIO and other branches of the State. 122 dissidents sought and were granted amnesty.

    1. In 1990, during Zimbabwe’s third general election, opposition party member for ZUM, Patrick Kombayi, survived an assassination attempt committed by a ZANU (PF) member and a CIO operative. His perpetrators were pardoned by the President.

    2. Also in the 1990 election, a CCJP official who was acting as an election monitor was brutally beaten and narrowly survived death. His attackers were government supporters, who were found guilty and were immediately pardoned by the President.

e. Following the Willowvale scandal and the subsequent conviction of former Minister and then ZANU (PF) member of Parliament Mr Frederick Shava for perjury, the President granted Mr Shava a pardon in circumstances where his only entitlement to the pardon was that Mr Shava was a close ally of the President within ZANU (PF).

    1. In 1998, two journalists were tortured by the army for writing a story about a failed coup attempt. The two, Mark Chavanduka and Ray Choto, were subjected to brutal and systematic torture, after the police, in contravention of the law, handed them over to the army for this purpose. The President verbally condoned the torture at the time, and to date, the State has given de facto impunity to the perpetrators by failing to arrest them and bring them before the law.

      1. The principal act of gross misconduct complained of and which constitute the charge under these "articles of impeachment" relate to Clemency Order No. 1 of 2000, the general amnesty proclaimed by the President for politically motivated crimes on the 6th October 2000. Clemency Order No. 1 of 2000 constitutes a serious abuse of the President’s prerogative of mercy. During the period covered by the amnesty thousands of politically motivated crimes were committed principally to advance the political cause of the President and his party. To pardon those criminal acts indicates that they were and are condoned by the President and ZANU (PF). When political crimes are committed under the name of a ruling political party and the perpetrators are granted a blanket of amnesty, it becomes clear that the intention is to place beyond the reach of the law those who committed crimes for and on behalf of as well as to advance the cause of ZANU (PF). The crimes committed are shown in the tables below.

         

        TABLE 1

         

        TYPE OF HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATION

         

        TOTAL NUMBER OF

        OFFENCES PER VIOLATION

        DISAPPEARANCE

        1

        DEATH BY ASSAULT

        28

        DEATH BY STRANGLING

        2

        DEATH BY BURNING

        2

        DEATH BY GUN SHOT

        9

        INJURY –STRANGLING

        2

        INJURY – GUN SHOT

        2

        INJURY – BURNS

        7

        INJURY – BEATINGS

        2,629

        INJURY – SHARP WEAPON

        44

        DETENTION/ABDUCTION

        624

        RAPE

        27

        PROPERTY DESTROYED

        194

        BUILDING DESTROYED

        411

        BUILDING DAMAGED

        336

        PROPERTY STOLEN

        151

        DEATH THREAT

        504

        DISAPPEARANCE THREAT

        45

        ASSAULT THREAT

        2,062

        REMOVAL/DISPLACEMENT

        5,768

         

        A local human rights organization has documented the allegations of all the abovementioned crimes and has listed the alleged political affiliations of victims and perpetrators listed below in Table 2.

         

         

         

         

        TABLE 2

        POLITICAL AFFILIATIONS OF VICTIMS AND PERPETRATORS

        VICTIMS

        Unknown: (farm labourers, civilians etc) 56,5 %

        MDC: (people at rallies, officials etc) 35,6 %

        Other political parties( UP, ZUD, ZAPU, NCA etc) 3,8 %

        ZANU-PF (people at rallies, war veterans, etc) 3,5 %

        Police 0,6 %

        PERPERTRATORS

        ZANU-PF (war vets, invaders, officials, Z-PF Youth) 91,8 %

        Govt officials (police, army, district registrars etc) 2,6 %

        Unknown (farm labourers, civilians etc) 3,7 % MDC 1,9 %

        The findings of Amani Trust are supported by the findings of several international organisations and observer teams including Amnesty International, International Rehabilitation Council for Torture Survivors (IRCT), National Democratic Institute (NDI), the Commonwealth Observer Team and the European Union observer team who also documented human rights violations during the pre-election period.

      2. Whilst it is clear from the abovementioned reports that the MDC is not itself absolved from some responsibility for violence, the fact remains that the MDC and its leadership has not requested the President to exercise his prerogative of mercy for its members. The President’s Clemency Order No.1 of 2000 clearly favours ZANU (PF) and its supporters. All perpetrators of violence regardless of political affiliation should face the full wrath of the law. To place them beyond the reach of the law is an act of gross misconduct. The purpose of the power of the perogative of mercy is to spare from punishment those criminals whose cases cry out for mercy. It is certainly not to absolve from responsibility

 

the President’s political allies and supporters. If it were so, it would mean that there is no equality before the law, indeed no rule of law as the political allies of the President would always escape criminal liability through pardons. The fact that the President, as indicated above, actually instigated the violence in the first place makes the exercise of the President’s perogative of mercy an act of gross misconduct. The fact that the Clemency Order does not include those who have murdered and raped is not significant, given the President’s use of individual pardons, as illustrated above, over the years. It is indisputable that no person who has ever murdered on behalf of ZANU (PF) since 1980 has ever served his sentence in jail in Zimbabwe. That there may be MDC supporters who will be beneficiaries of the Amnesty is equally of no consequence.

2.2.5 Accordingly Clemency Order No.1 of 2000 constitutes an act of gross misconduct by the President.

 

2.3 Deployment of Zimbabwean Troops into the Democratic Republic of the Congo

2.3.1 In or about August 1998 the President deployed members of the Zimbabwe National Army and the Airforce of Zimbabwe into the Democratic Republic of the Congo. According to information released by the Minister of Finance in August 2000 the deployment of the military by the President has cost the Republic of Zimbabwe at least $10 billion dollars. Independent economic commentators have questioned the voracity of those figures and believe that the cost to Zimbabwe is in fact much greater.

2.3.2 What is indisputable is that the deployment of the military to the DRC by the President has created an enormous burden on the Zimbabwean economy and the deployment is one of the main reasons for Zimbabwe’s current economic collapse. What is increasingly obvious is that the deployment of the military was not primarily motivated by any of Zimbabwe’s perceived international obligations but was motivated by the President’s desire to protect business interests of high ranking ZANU (PF) members.

2.3.3 In the circumstances the deployment of troops to the Congo constitutes an act of gross misconduct meriting the President’s removal from office.

 

 

 

 

 

 

    1. Failure to deal with corruption

      1. During the President’s present tenure of office several corruption scandals have been revealed in Zimbabwe, including what is commonly known as the VIP housing scheme scandal, the War Victims Compensation Act scandal and the Harare International Airport scandal. In the VIP housing scheme scandal senior ranking Government officials looted a housing fund established by civil servants. In particular the wife of the President, Mrs Grace Mugabe, obtained some $6 million dollars, the largest single amount taken from the fund, which was used to construct a mansion in Harare. Furthermore the Chidyasiku commission of enquiry established that a variety of senior ranking ZANU (PF) officials looted the War Victims Compensation Fund. One of the largest amounts looted from the fund was an amount of $800.000.00 taken by Mr Reward Marufu, the President’s brother-in-law. Finally despite the recommendations of the Government’s Ministry of Transport Technical Committee to award the tender for the construction of the Harare International Airport to another firm, the Government awarded the tender to a company whose local representative was the President’s nephew, Mr Leo Mugabe. The construction of the airport has not been completed timeously, has gone over budget and in many ways has proved to be highly unsatisfactory in confirmation of the Government’s technical committee’s initial recommendation.

2.4.2 In all the abovementioned scandals relatives of the President have been involved. In none of the abovementioned cases has any investigation or prosecution followed.

2.4.3 Whilst it is not alleged that the President himself was engaged in corruption, his failure to ensure that the members of his family, accused of corrupt acts, were not prosecuted, amount to an act of gross misconduct which merits the President’s removal from office.

 

 

3. Conclusion

 

3.1 In all the circumstances, it is prayed that the Committee established by the Speaker consider the abovementioned allegations and report back to Parliament as a matter of urgency and in any event not later than 31st December 2000.

 

SIGNED at HARARE this 20th day of OCTOBER, 2000.

 

 

__________________________

Sibanda Gibson Jama

MP Nkulumane

Leader of the Opposition

 

REQUEST IN TERMS OF SECTION 29 (3) OF THE CONSTITUTION SUPPORTED BY:

1. __________________________

Auret Michael Theodore Hayes

MP Harare Central

 

2. __________________________

Bennet Roy Leslie

MP Chimanimani

 

 

3. __________________________

Bhebhe Abedinico

MP Nkayi

 

 

4. ___________________________

Biti Laxton Tendai

MP Harare East

 

5. ___________________________

Chaibva Gabriel

MP Harare South

 

6. ___________________________

Chebundo Blessing

MP Kwekwe

 

 

7. ___________________________

Chirowamhangu Leonard Ringisai

MP Nyanga

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

8. ___________________________

Coltart David

MP Bulawayo South

 

 

9. ____________________________

Gabbuza Joel Gabuza

MP Binga

 

 

10. ____________________________

Gasela Renson

MP Gweru Rural

 

11. ____________________________

Gonese Innocent Tinashe

MP Mutare Central

 

12. ____________________________

Gwetu Milford

MP Mpopoma

 

13. ____________________________

Gwisai Munyaradzi

MP Highfield

 

14. ____________________________

Jongwe Judah Learnmore

MP Kuwadzana

 

15. _____________________________

Khumalo Nomalanga

MP Umzingwane

 

 

 

 

16. _____________________________

Khumalo Bafana Jefret

MP Pelandaba

 

 

17. _____________________________

Khupe Thokozani

MP Makokoba

 

 

18. _____________________________

Madzimure Willias

MP Kambuzuma

 

19. _____________________________

Madzore Paul

MP Glen View

 

20. _____________________________

Mafudze Hilda

MP Mhondoro

 

21. _____________________________

Makuvaza Dunmore Sasi

MP Mbare West

 

22. _____________________________

Makwembere Stanley Bethel

MP Mkoba

 

23. _____________________________

Malinga Abedinigo Mate

MP Silobela

 

 

 

 

 

24. _____________________________

Mangono Silas Joseph

MP Masvingo Central

 

25. _____________________________

Masaiti Evelyn

MP Mutasa

 

26. _____________________________

Mashakada Tapiwa

MP Hatfield

 

27. ______________________________

Matewu Mathias

MP Chipinge North

28. _____________________________

Mhashu Fidelis

MP Chitungwiza

 

29. _____________________________

Mdlongwa Esaph

MP Pumula-Luveve

 

30. _____________________________

Misihairabwi Priscilla-Mushonga

MP Glen Norah

 

31. _____________________________

Mkhosi Edward Tshotsho Moyo

MP Bulilimamangwe South

 

32. _____________________________

Moyo Lovemore

MP Matobo

 

 

 

33. _____________________________

Mpala David

MP Lupane

 

34. _____________________________

Mpariwa Paurina

MP Mufakose

 

35. _____________________________

Mukahlera Timothy Lancaster

MP Gweru Urban

 

36. _____________________________

Mukwecheni Sydney

MP Mutare South

37. _____________________________

Munyanyi Tichaona Jefter

MP Mbare East

 

38. _____________________________

Mupandawana Austin

MP Kadoma Central

 

39. _____________________________

Musekiwa Tafadzwa

MP Zengeza

 

40. _____________________________

Mushoriwa Edwin

MP Dzivarasekwa

 

 

 

41. _____________________________

Mutendadzamera Justin

MP Mabvuku

 

42. ______________________________

Mutongi Amos Munyaradzi

MP Bikita West

 

43. ______________________________

Mutsekwa Giles

MP Mutare North

 

44. ______________________________

Ncube Fletcher Dulini

MP Lobengula-Magwegwe

 

45. ______________________________

Ncube Welshman

MP Bulawayo North-East

 

46. ______________________________

Ndlovu George Joe

MP Insiza

 

47. ______________________________

Ndlovu M. Mzila

MP Bulilimamangwe North

 

48. ______________________________

Nyathi Paul Themba

MP Gwanda North

 

49. ______________________________

Nyoni Peter

MP Hwange East

 

50. ______________________________

Sansole Jealous

MP Hwangwe West

 

 

 

51. ______________________________

Shoko Gilbert Mutimutema

MP Budiriro

 

52. ______________________________

Sibanda Mtoliki

MP Tsholotsho

 

53. ______________________________

Sikhala Job

MP St Mary’s

 

54. ______________________________

Stevenson Lottie Getrude Bevier

MP Harare North

 

55. _______________________________

Thabane Jacob Mabikwa

MP Bubi-Umgusa

 

56. _______________________________

Tumbare-Mutasa Bennie

MP Seke

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