On the brink

http://www.zimbabwetoday.co.uk

Why the talks on a government of national unity are failing

The Zimbabwe power-sharing deal between Zanu-PF and the Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) is hanging by a thread today, Wednesday, with the
MDC for the first time considering pulling out of the negotiations
altogether.

The stumbling block continues to be the allocation of the various Ministries
between the parties. I'm told that so far 27 have been successfully
allocated, but four key ministries remain undecided. They are Finance, Home
Affairs, Foreign Affairs and Local Government.

Mugabe's Zanu-PF want Finance and Home Affairs, leaving the less pivotal
Foreign Affairs and Local Government to the MDC. The MDC want the complete
opposite arrangement. Result - deadlock.

MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai met with his advisers today, and it was agreed
that if
Mugabe did not soften his stance the MDC would opt out of any further
discussion.

Mugabe, now 84, is said to have been under increased pressure this week from
his military commanders. They met with the President on Monday, when they
are believed to have threatened a coup if they were told to work under the
direction of the MDC and Morgan Tsvangirai.

Many expect the familiar figure of Thabo Mbeki, ex-President of South Africa
and the mediator of the original talks, to appear at Harare Airport tomorrow
(Thursday). The MDC's Tendai Biti confirmed that his party has asked Mbeki
to intervene once again, and sources inside the South African government
confirmed that he is on his way.

Mbeki will be armed with the backing of the Southern African Development
Community and the African Union. But his influence may have been weakened by
his recent resignation as South Africa's President.

Don't expect miracles.

Posted on Wednesday, 01 October 2008 at 16:52

The country burns

http://hararetribune.com/

Wednesday, 01 October 2008 05:51

The historic power sharing deal in on the brink of collapse, barely three
weeks after it was signed.

The sincerity of Zanu PF in as far as the fulfillment of the agreed upon
objectives has always been questioned and it seems that the chickens are
coming home to roost. Zanu PF is all about political power and its
associated influence and ceased to stand for the people after it was voted
it into office in 1980.

The fat cats in the party are not yet prepared to cede power and authority
to their sworn enemies, the MDC and were totally against the signing of the
power sharing agreement. The deadlock over the sharing of key cabinet posts
has now been referred to the principals, and talks are only to resume after
Mugabe returns from the UN summit.

I am of the view that the old man had no business being at the summit while
the country is in a state of limbo and there are no benefits for Zimbabwe to
be derived from his attendance as long as the political crisis he left
behind remains unsettled and unconcluded. But Mr. Mugabe's ostrich approach
to dealing with problems in his home country it really comes as no surprise.

As I have said, to him its all about power and authority and wining and
dining amongst the worlds finest gives him that satisfaction. Here is a
leader who was rejected outright by his own people during the March 29
elections and resorted to violence and murder as a tool to prolong his stay
in office, a man so inconsiderate about the suffering of the masses, who
rushes to a summit whose deliberations are of no benefit to the country as
long as the ongoing political stalemate is not addressed.

The country burns as politicians squabble, there is no cash at the banks,
electricity and water in homes, food in the supermarkets, medicine in
hospitals and more than 90% of the populace unemployed. The light of hope
brought about by the signing of the agreement slowly burns itself out as it
slowly and painfully becomes clear that Zanu PF took Zimbabweans and the
whole world for a ride.

Give Zimbabwe peace deal a chance: AU

SABC

October 01, 2008, 18:00

Richard Newton, Brussels
According to the President of the African Union (AU) Commission, Jean Ping,
the world should give the stalled Zimbabwe peace deal a chance to succeed
because the alternative will drag the entire region down.

Speaking in Brussels, Ping said that he was optimistic that the AU, South
Africa and Southern African Development Community (SADC) would be able to
facilitate the correct implementation of the deal. Meanwhile, his
counterpart European Commission President, Jose Manuel Barroso, called on
the United States to adopt the amended financial bail out plan.

Barroso, Ping and their commissions met in Brussels to strengthen
co-operation between the continents. Uppermost in most people's minds is
still the uncertainty in the global markets. Barroso called on those at the
center of the storm to do the right thing.

Meanwhile, back in the meeting rooms the two continents' commissioners
discussed priority action needed on issues including migration, energy,
human rights and trade.

Mugabe's Death Grip

http://article.nationalreview.com

Still no power-share in Zimbabwe.

By Roger Bate

The heralded power-sharing agreement signed in Zimbabwe two weeks ago
is likely to collapse today as President Mugabe's military backers refuse to
give up any real power. The opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC),
claims that President Robert Mugabe has failed to allow them to have any key
cabinet posts - insiders tell me MDC will not get Home Affairs and control
of the police; it was already expected Mugabe's cronies would retain control
of the Army.

Death pervades Zimbabwe. Political prisoners in jails are dying from
starvation as the one small meal a day they receive, a cup of vegetables, is
not sufficient. Hospitals are overflowing, the morgues continue to stack up
bodies - fuel is in such short supply the bodies cannot be moved to be
buried. Aid groups say they are still being harassed by security forces and
are unable to do their jobs, even though the agreement allowed them back
into the country.

Zimbabweans line up at banks for hours at a time day after day, to draw out
as much as they can, but it is only enough to buy a single loaf of bread,
and often no bread is available. Riot police with dogs stand guard over the
bank lines, but do nothing to prevent black-market currency dealers - and
inflation remains rampant.

The humanitarian disaster is the reason that MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai
finally agreed to share power. With no food aid getting into the country he
was desperate to end the suffering of the Zimbabwean people. Former South
African President Thabo Mbeki mediated the negotiations which produced the
power-sharing agreement, and hopes were high at the signing in Harare in
mid-September. But while MDC was supposed to get 16 of the 31 cabinet posts,
it was always uncertain whether Mugabe would give up the ministries with
real power.

After a meeting yesterday between Mugabe and Tsvangirai, MDC spokesman
Nelson Chamisa accused Mugabe of demanding all the key ministries for his
ZANU-PF party in the new unity government. "He wants to grab all the
resource ministries like finance, home affairs, information, justice and
make the MDC a peripheral player," Chamisa said. "We will end up in but out
of government."

Earlier this week, Mugabe claimed a unity government would be formed by the
end of this week and rejected suggestions that the talks were deadlocked
over appointments to cabinet posts.

But deadlock is the result. Chamisa wants action from the African Union as
soon as possible. Some insiders I've spoken with suggest that President
Kharma of Botswana take over mediation from Thabo Mbeki, to ensure that the
signed agreement actually comes to fruition. Ian Kharma has been far more
outspoken in his demands for action by the African Union against Mugabe than
has Mbeki. Nevertheless, the agreement, for all its faults, is a decent
starting point, and it is not Mbeki's fault that Mugabe is backsliding now.
The AU must continue pressure on Mugabe to actually yield power - thousands
of lives are being lost every week as a result of the inertia.

- Roger Bate is a resident fellow at the American Enterprise Institute.

Steps Outlined for Zimbabwe's Recovery

http://www.newspress.com

October 1, 2008 7:49 AM

WATERLOO, CANADA -- (MARKET WIRE) -- 10/01/08 -- The Centre for
International Governance Innovation (CIGI) released two papers today
outlining steps needed for Zimbabwe and the international community to get
the country back on the road to national recovery and sustainable
development.

Zimbabwe in Crisis: Mugabe's Policies and Failures argues that despite
having become an economic and social trouble zone and a political liability
to the rest of southern Africa, ''Zimbabwe remains among the most hopeful
places on the continent'' given the inevitable future exit of President
Robert Mugabe from political office.

The authors propose five steps needed for the nation's recovery: (1) Rebuild
trust in government, (2) Harness remittance and finance flows for
sustainable development, (3) Resume relations with multilateral
institutions, (4) Develop a land tenure and agriculture system to ensure
food security and (5) Reform economic policies and institutions. The
international community should in turn consider the following: improving the
United Nation's assistance to displaced Zimbabweans, preparing economic
recovery programs, providing adequate funding and encouraging and
facilitating the return of the Zimbabwean diaspora.

Along with implementing and facilitating the above measures, the paper
states that the key to recovery will be the resolution of the long drawn-out
struggle for a successor to President Robert Mugabe's regime.

''The country has one of the best-educated populations on the continent,''
says CIGI Senior Researcher Hany Besada, one of the co-authors of the paper.
''Its well-developed infrastructure is the envy of its neighbours. Also, in
the recent elections Zimbabweans have demonstrated their political courage
and commitment to democracy which promises to pave the way for a post-Mugabe
transition towards a more accountable and responsive government.''

In addition to this working paper, CIGI is releasing a technical paper
entitled Picking Up the Pieces of Zimbabwe's Economy. Both papers are
released as part of CIGI's Fragile States program which is hosting a
workshop on Zimbabwe in Johannesburg, South Africa on October 2-3.

Both publications were written by CIGI Senior Researcher and Program Leader
Hany Besada and Nicky Moyo, Director of Development Enterprise Africa Trust
(DEAT), a Zimbabwean-based policy research organization.

To view or download a copy of these papers, please visit
www.cigionline.org/publications

The Centre for International Governance Innovation (CIGI) is an independent,
nonpartisan think tank that addresses international governance challenges.
Led by a group of experienced practitioners and distinguished academics,
CIGI supports research, forms networks, advances policy debate, builds
capacity, and generates ideas for multilateral governance improvements.
Conducting an active agenda of research, events and publications, CIGI's
interdisciplinary work includes collaboration with policy, business and
academic communities around the world. CIGI was founded in 2002 by Jim
Balsillie, co-CEO of RIM (Research In Motion), and collaborates with and
gratefully acknowledges support from a number of strategic partners, in
particular the Government of Canada and the Government of Ontario. For more
information, please visit www.cigionline.org.

Zimbabwe: Making the Most of the Deal

allAfrica.com

GUEST COLUMN
1 October 2008
Posted to the web 1 October 2008

Donald Steinberg and Sydney Masamvu

The people of Zimbabwe have looked desperately for months to the political
negotiations between the ZANU-PF under Robert Mugabe and the Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) under Morgan Tsvangirai to restore clarity and
normality to their tortured country.

As welcome as it was, the agreement signed last week will only satisfy this
modest goal if the political and civic leaders of Zimbabwe, supported by the
international community, take bold steps to transform its words into
actions.

In some ways, the agreement is painfully vague. Its power-sharing
provisions, for example, seem to create two centers of power, with Mugabe as
president and head of the cabinet, and Tsvangirai as prime minister and head
of a new "council of ministers." While the numbers of ministers for each
grouping was agreed to, key ministries such as defence, home affairs,
finance, information, and foreign affairs are up for grabs.

Further, the hope that Mugabe would see the agreement as a first step toward
national reconciliation vanished even before the ink was dry. His vicious
and paranoid harangue against perceived enemies foreign and domestic at the
signing ceremony itself quashed any hopeful expectation. And in case the
message wasn't clear, he then went on national television to reaffirm that
ZANU-PF remains in the driver's seat and "will not tolerate any nonsense
from our new partners," an overt threat of new violent repression of the
parties that won the March elections.

But Mugabe's authoritarian and divide-and-rule tactics cannot be allowed to
hijack the accord and, more broadly, Zimbabwe's future. As Tsvangirai has
pointed out, the agreement belongs to the people of Zimbabwe. Indeed, the
accord includes much that can be welcomed and built upon, such as
commitments to an inclusive process with civil society to draft a new
constitution, move to new elections, and address dire concerns over the
disastrous humanitarian situation, land distribution, political violence,
and the free-falling economy.

The international community must show solidarity with this process. Even as
the details of the agreement are being hammered out, important steps can
already be taken.

In the first instance, the international community must make clear that
targeted sanctions on ZANU-PF obstructionists and others will remain in
place for the foreseeable future, at least until there are clear actions -
not just signatures on paper or conciliatory words - to shift executive
power to the MDC.

Planning for large-scale development assistance should advance at break-neck
speed, with the World Bank and UNDP playing key roles.  But disbursement
should depend on Tsvangirai getting full control over the economic
ministries, the adoption of  reasonable development strategies, overhauls
the fiscal and replacing Mugabe's crony Gideon Gono as head of the reserve
bank.  In any case, Zimbabwe's economic and physical infrastructure is in
such disorder that its capacity to absorb large immediate inflows of
capital.

It will take considerable time and tough measures - including reducing
subsidies and cutting government positions - to squeeze multi-million
percent inflation out of Zimbabwe's economy. Meanwhile, the Zimbabwean
people will be expecting an immediate peace dividend.

To address these expectations, there should be emergency projects to provide
food aid and to help move the literally millions of people affected by
Mugabe's displacement campaigns back to their homes, which will in turn
allow young people to return to school, health programs to take root and
local economies to revitalize. These programs should include assistance to
rebuild houses, establish micro-enterprises and reconstruct basic
infrastructure.

At the same time, the international community should help fund immediate
programs to create jobs - paid in hard currency - for the unemployed,
especially young people. While far from a long-term solution, it could prove
to be an essential investment just as it did last year when the UN gave $5
million to Sierra Leone to hire young kids to pick up garbage on the streets
of Freetown in advance of national elections.

Similarly, programs to rebuild civil society groups should be launched
throughout the country. Mugabe's divide-and-rule strategies have polarized
Zimbabwe over the past years and destroyed the nation-wide character of
religious, press, labor, academic, women's and youth groups. Strengthening
civil society will not only help reconcile the country, but would also serve
as an important antidote to the last years monopolization of power in the
hands of the presidency. Similarly, program to assist the resurrection of
the judiciary and legislature would also restore the balance of power lost
by virtue of Mugabe's pernicious abuse of executive power.

The international community cannot afford to stand back and either bemoan
the inadequacies of the current power-sharing agreement or allow Mugabe to
victimize his compatriots in his cynical pursuit of power. If we adopt a
"wait-and-see" attitude, what we are likely to see is a return to the
politics of violence, division and repression that have come to characterize
the last years of Mugabe's rule.

Donald Steinberg, deputy president for policy at International Crisis Group,
served as special assistant for African affairs to President Clinton. Sydney
Musamvu is Crisis Group's senior analyst for South Africa.

Analysts Say Good Harare-Washington Relations Essential to Zimbabwe Recovery - PART 4 of 5

VOA

By Darren Taylor
Washington
30 September 2008

United States officials have made it clear that Washington won't fund
economic recovery in Zimbabwe unless there's genuine political power
sharing. A recent agreement between President Robert Robert Mugabe and two
factions of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) has inspired
hope that Zimbabwe may soon be on the road to recovery. The country's been
wracked with political violence and economic chaos for almost a decade. Mr.
Mugabe has in large part blamed the West, including the United States, for
his people's suffering. President George W. Bush has dismissed Mr. Mugabe's
ZANU-PF government as "illegitimate." Analysts say Harare will have to
repair its damaged relationship with Washington if Zimbabwe's economy is to
improve significantly.

US officials are watching political developments in Zimbabwe with great
interest, but analysts say they're adopting a "wait-and-see" approach.

"Everyone wants to see if Robert Mugabe is truly going to share power with
Morgan Tsvangirai. That's the big question. If there are concrete
indications that some power at least is shifting in Zimbabwe, then I think
we are likely to see more pronouncements from countries such as the US,"
says Professor Pieter Fourie, the head of the University of Johannesburg's
political science department.

As the euphoria has faded following the signing of the pact, Fourie says the
complexity of the situation has revealed itself in the "grim reality" of
negotiating for cabinet posts between the opposing camps.

Many in Zimbabwe and in the international community are skeptical that Mr.
Mugabe will be able to put aside his differences with MDC leader Morgan
Tsvangirai, Zimbabwe's new prime minister under the terms of the
power-sharing accord, whom the president accuses of being a "stooge" of
Britain and the United States.

Fourie says it appears the deal is "unraveling" and that if this is indeed
the case, Zimbabwe will continue to be deprived of Washington's essential
financial support.

Anti-West diatribes

During his speech at a function acknowledging the power-sharing pact, Mr.
Mugabe continued his railing against Western "forces" he says are meddling
in his country and cooperating with Tsvangirai in trying to exploit
Zimbabwe.

"The problem we have had is a problem that has been created by former
colonial powers, who wanted to continue to interfere in our domestic affairs
and continue to have a share of our natural resources," Mr. Mugabe stated.

ZANU-PF bitterness towards the United States increased during the first
round of elections, when Washington's ambassador in Harare, James McGee,
clashed repeatedly with the authorities as a result of political violence in
Zimbabwe. The diplomat accused Mr. Mugabe's forces of brutality and repeated
the charges as ZANU-PF supporters attacked MDC supporters before the June
run-off poll. After Mr. Mugabe had won the run-off unopposed and once again
declared himself president, President Bush made it clear that Washington did
not consider this to be a legitimate expression of the will of the
Zimbabwean people.

"I think the Bush administration has been right to tell it like it is, to be
honest about repression in Zimbabwe," says Michelle Gavin, a member of the
US Council on Foreign Relations and the author of her organization's Special
Report on Zimbabwe.

She is, however, convinced that the US government's constant, direct and
strong "condemnation of Robert Mugabe specifically - in sort of an
individualized attack and letting that be the main message - maybe was a bit
of a mistake."

Gavin says rather than attacking Mr. Mugabe, the US could perhaps have
focused on providing more aid to the people of Zimbabwe and mobilizing
international help for the country's inhabitants.

She says President Mugabe has used the vehement criticism against him by
Washington and others to his advantage. Gavin says he's been "quite good at
spinning out this narrative in which all of the problems in Zimbabwe - which
are really largely the result of gross economic mismanagement and
corruption - are the result of some kind of Western neo-colonial
 conspiracy."

Gavin says Washington sometimes made it sound as if US policy was just about
condemning Mr. Mugabe, rather than wanting to protect the rights of
Zimbabweans, and this "inadvertently" allowed the president to claim he was
a victim.

Throughout his political campaigning, Mr. Mugabe alleged that the MDC was a
front for the US and Britain. He continued this theme in his speech after
the agreement had been signed, saying, "Why, why, why the hand of the
British? Why, why, why the hand of the Americans here? Let us ask that. Let
us not ignore the truth as we move forward.."

Analysts say Mr. Mugabe's paranoia about the West is clearly evident in the
language used in the power-sharing accord itself. Under an article entitled
"External Interference," the parties commit themselves to "non-interference"
in internal matters and agree that the responsibility for change in Zimbabwe
rests with its people and that "no outsiders have a right to call for or
campaign for regime change in Zimbabwe."

President Mugabe's hand is also seen in a clause that implicates the US and
others in the suffering of Zimbabweans. For example, it takes note of
Washington's enactment of the Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery Act,
"which outlaws Zimbabwe's right to access credit from international
financial institutions in which the United States Government is represented
or has a stake."

The agreement says measures taken by the US have "contributed to Zimbabwe's
economic decline."

Sanctions, economy and human rights

Mr. Mugabe constantly blames sanctions, especially those imposed by the
United States and the European Union, for Zimbabwe's economic implosion, but
Gavin says the president is "totally wrong" in this.

"Those sanctions really have nothing to do with the economic crisis in
Zimbabwe. They are quite narrowly targeted to address travel restrictions
and the assets of a very small group of elites in Zimbabwe. I do think that
they were entirely appropriate. It makes sense to isolate and try to put
pressure on actors who are repressing their own people and sending Zimbabwe
into this downward spiral."

The power-sharing agreement nevertheless calls for the lifting of all
sanctions - something the US says it will not do unless it's convinced that
real democratic reform is underway.

Washington denies that its policies and sanctions have hurt Zimbabweans and
points out that it remains a leading donor of humanitarian aid to the
southern African nation.

Gavin acknowledges that the US sanctions against President Mugabe and
leading members of his administration have had "limited effect. They're
probably most powerful as a clear expression of condemnation more than
anything else."

She's sure, though, that Washington will continue to press for certain key
reforms in Zimbabwe, no matter which direction the talks on the form and
shape of a new cabinet take.

"Basic respect for human rights, and civil and political rights. No more
rounding up and beating people for their political views. Accountability,
when incidents like this do occur so that the perpetrators of these crimes
are held responsible in a court of law. Freedom of the press. An end to the
manipulation of humanitarian aid where one has to declare loyalty to ZANU-PF
in order to access assistance, while others are denied."

Gavin says as far as the US is concerned, "sweeping economic reform" has to
be one of Zimbabwe's top priorities.

"The economy has to be wrested from the grip of the Joint Operations
Command, this group of ruling party security elites who are essentially
running the country. There will have to be transparent, sound governance of
the economy for the international community to be interested in providing
the support necessary to stabilize this catastrophic economic situation,"
she explains.

US relations with Tsvangirai

Gavin says Mr. Mugabe has made a lot of Tsvangirai's perceived friendly
relationship with the West, and especially Washington. But she's adamant
that "US policy isn't to be backing Morgan Tsvangirai because he's Morgan
Tsvangirai. There's certainly a desire to see the will of the Zimbabwean
people as expressed in the March election, respected, but then these basic
governance issues have to be addressed, no matter who is in power."

She says the US will support Tsvangirai in the event of "real reform" in
Zimbabwe, not because the MDC leader is a "darling" of the West.

"It's really about governance issues rather than the specific individual
ruling the country," Gavin maintains. She says if Zimbabwe begins to change
for the better, Washington will be willing to provide "significant financial
and technical assistance" for a recovery plan.

"That plan would have to be multifaceted, it would have to multilateral. No
one country is going to help Zimbabwe get back on its feet. It's going to
take an international effort," she insists.

But Gavin says the US would be a "robust player" in this international
effort, "with resources.technical assistance and political backing to
address a range of problems, like the stabilization of the currency, the
need for better economic governance.and the critical issue of land reform."

Security Analyst Warns of Rise of Organized Crime in Zimbabwe PART 5 of 5

VOA

By Darren Taylor
Washington
01 October 2008

Zimbabwe's recent power-sharing agreement identifies fighting crime as one
of the country's top priorities in the near future. President Robert Mugabe
and the leaders of two factions of the opposition Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) apparently agree that Zimbabweans are in danger from a growing
criminal class. Analysts say crime has increased in the southern African
nation as economic degradation has intensified. Zimbabwe has the highest
inflation rate in the world, and millions of people are unemployed. In the
midst of this depression, a leading crime researcher is warning of the rise
of "mafia-like" syndicates in southern Africa as a result of the economic
and political crisis in Zimbabwe.
"There's an increased likelihood of criminals, be they individuals,
syndicates or networks, using the country as a safe haven, probably
launching their activities into the region, using Zimbabwe as a platform,"
says Jackson Madzima, organized crime researcher at South Africa's Institute
for Security Studies (ISS).

He's convinced that Zimbabwe has become "very attractive" to criminals in
southern Africa - precisely because of the social, political and economic
instability that reigns there.

"Criminals exploit chaotic situations," Madzima, who's originally from
Botswana, states. "They know that there is a lesser risk of being arrested
or being prosecuted so it becomes attractive that they base themselves in a
place like Zimbabwe."

He describes the present situation in Zimbabwe as a "cocktail of
circumstances" that's likely to fuel a "surge in organized criminal
activity."

Madzima says Zimbabwe's security forces, which should have been safeguarding
the country from crime, have in recent years been "sidetracked" into
supporting President Mugabe politically.

"Instead of fighting crime, the police especially have been used to crush
(ruling party) ZANU-PF's opponents," he says.

Ingredients for rampant criminality

The researcher says "desperation" is the fertile ground from which a new
criminal class is growing in Zimbabwe.

"A lot of people in Zimbabwe are desperate. They don't even know how they
are going to get out of that desperation, so criminal activity presents
itself as an opportunity for those who are desperate to make a living."

Madzima says the violent conflict that has been evident in Zimbabwe in
recent years has created the "impetus" for future criminal behavior in the
country and in the wider region.

"What has happened in Zimbabwe is that resources have been diverted towards
resolution of political conflict. Resources may also have been used to
sustain the conflict by those who benefit from it. But the bottom line is
that such resources have become scarce for law enforcement. This allows
criminals to thrive."

He says the "vacuum" of crime fighting resources in Zimbabwe is just one of
many factors that could allow for a massive expansion in crime.

The "high circulation" of illegal firearms in Zimbabwe, according to
Madzima, is also a source of great concern, as is the fact that many young
men and women have been trained by government forces to use such weapons for
political reasons and have been "ordered to kill their opponents."

In recent years, says Madzima, these young people were "repeatedly
instructed" that they were "entitled to exterminate those who hold different
views as enemies. They have been trained to expect in a way to reap where
they did not sow."

In this regard, Madzima warns of rising discontent and disaffection among
various pro-Mugabe groups, such as youth militia and war veterans.

He draws parallels with the situation in post-apartheid South Africa, where
many people who'd previously been part of various violent anti-government
resistance groups suddenly found themselves "purposeless" in a rapidly
transforming society and were thus encouraged to join criminal networks.

"Over a period of time, those people who participate in violent activities,
whether they are political or otherwise, will in future be inclined to use
such skills in criminal activities," Madzima explains.

In a recent report for the ISS, the researcher writes: "South Africa's
violent past set the tone for current criminal behavioral patterns. The
blurring of political and criminal behavior during apartheid entrenched a
culture of invincibility on the one hand and impunity on the other. It is
clear that the disruption of family units through forced removals and
political violence during South Africa's past provides one explanation for
the high incidence of violent crime. It is argued that the distrust for
authority and a lack of respect for the rule of law during apartheid fed
into the culture of violence."

Madzima says a "similar scenario" is emerging in Zimbabwe, where the rule of
law is being ignored because people essentially don't respect the police.

"The political meltdown has resulted in state resources being diverted to
ensuring the survival of the incumbent government. The widespread conditions
of poverty and unemployment characterizing Zimbabwe now create a breeding
ground for criminal behavior."

He says "probably the most daunting challenge" facing the country at the
moment is the "rehabilitation of an entire generation that has suffered the
impact of economic implosion and political violence (and brutalization) by
security forces."

From a criminological perspective, adds Madzima, "the challenge will involve
a concerted effort to change the mindsets of a people who have lost all hope
and trust in government and in its law enforcement and security
institutions."

Black market

These days in Zimbabwe, Madzima argues, almost everyone's a criminal "by
necessity."

"It is becoming increasingly impossible for people to make a living on their
salaries. To that extent, almost everybody is participating in dealing in
the black market to make a living. People begin to trade more (in) illegal
activities, or illegitimate trade."

Madzima says even if there's sweeping reform in Zimbabwe in the near future,
it's going to be "very difficult" to wean people off the "habit of
criminality" and to persuade them to conduct their day-to-day dealings
legally.

"Quite a number of Zimbabweans have learned to hustle over the years and
such hustling is either criminal or borders on criminality," Madzima
comments. "A large number of civil servants and ordinary citizens have had
to learn to survive on resources that are beyond their meager salaries, by
demanding bribes and being active in the cut-throat parallel market. This
situation inevitably sets the stage for future criminal behavior."

Madzima's research in Zimbabwe has revealed that big business there has
developed strategies that are "blatantly criminal" in order to survive the
country's economic crisis.

"I refer to the manufacturing industry, for example, businesses that supply
goods in Zimbabwe that are consumed by ordinary people. The economic
situation, with the very high inflation rate, does not permit businesses to
profit by trading legitimately. So they supply a black market."

Many goods in Zimbabwe, says Madzima, are available "underground."

"Such goods are not being channeled to the formal market, because it's
unprofitable. So to that extent, business is participating in or at least
sustaining the black market."

He says smuggling goods in and out of Zimbabwe has become an "accepted way
of life."

"There is little business sense in trading ethically and exclusively in the
formal market because as it stands, profit is only possible when dealing
with contraband. Once the situation reverts to normal, it is unlikely that
individuals and businesses that have been hustling for a decade will
suddenly begin to do things properly. It is conceivable that the smuggling
networks that are growing now will evolve with the advent of a new
dispensation," Madzima says.

'Mafia' threat

He says the security of the entire southern African region could be
threatened by the emergence of "mafia-like figures" as a direct result of
the instability in Zimbabwe.

"These sorts of figures like chaotic situations, or conflict, because they
are assured that law enforcement is not as vigilant as in other more stable
societies. They use corruption to infiltrate markets," Madzima explains.
"Mafia guys, or at least big criminals, will find friendship with people who
are highly placed within government so that their activities are not
targeted, or if they are, then they have a reasonable way out. The
authorities turn a blind eye to their activities, in return for bribes."

He points out that there are precedents of this throughout history,
including in the United States, where the mafia rose to notoriety in the
wake of the Great Depression in the 1930s.

"With the international isolation of Zimbabwe, the government has had no
option but to look at alternative sources of funds in order to ensure its
survival. Association with shadowy figures and other rogue governments
become the only viable option. Mafia figures thrive in these conditions
where they can sponsor a government so that its eyes are turned away from
their activities. The notorious Chinese and Russian mafia are known to like
using this strategy to establish new markets or consolidate existing ones.
Therefore, it is hardly alarmist to suggest that the region should expect to
contend with a surge in organized crime centered on Zimbabwe."

Madzima insists though that authorities in southern Africa can take action
to ensure that the situation isn't as dire as he's forecasting.

"Regional organizations and civic organizations should collaborate to design
solutions. What is fundamental is that the quick economic recovery of
Zimbabwe would be a good base for any other interventions. In terms of law
enforcement, resources must be pumped into law enforcement infrastructure so
that rule of law is emphasized."

He says it's "absolutely essential" that the Zimbabwean government halts "as
soon as possible" its use of the police as a "political tool.. The police
must be used primarily as an instrument to fight crime. That's the only way
to fight organized crime networks."

Madzima advises southern African police chiefs to meet as a matter of
urgency to recognize the threat the region's facing as a result of the chaos
in Zimbabwe and to come up with strategies to prevent the rise of a
Zimbabwe-based mafia. Otherwise, he warns, it'll be too late, and organized
crime will have established a grip in Zimbabwe that will be difficult to pry
loose, with harmful consequences for the whole region.

Zimbabwe's Christian students want election thugs brought to justice

http://www.ekklesia.co.uk/node/7768

By Ecumenical News International
1 Oct 2008
Christian students in Zimbabwe have urged the country's new government
expected to be forged out of a power-sharing agreement to ensure that
perpetrators of violence that marred a presidential runoff election in June
face the law.

"Following a period of violence, hate speech and polarisation of the
Zimbabwean community, the country badly needs a healing process and to this
extent the new government arrangement is a welcome development," the Student
Christian Movement of Zimbabwe said in a statement.

It added that the new government should "face the issue of transitional
justice, and the rule of law should be allowed to take its course on those
who were behind the violence".

Zimbabwe's presidential, parliamentary and local elections in March were
generally seen as free from the violence that had characterised previous
votes, but violence broke out in the lead-up to a presidential runoff
election in June.

Robert Mugabe, who has led Zimbabwe since its independence from Britain in
1980, was the sole candidate in the runoff after Morgan Tsvangirai of the
Movement for Democratic Change party withdrew, citing violence against his
supporters.

The MDC claimed at least 100 of its supporters were killed, thousands
injured and tens of thousands displaced in a campaign of violence. Mugabe's
Zanu-PF party in turn accused MDC activists of torching houses belonging to
its supporters.

The students' group said it deplored "the post-March 29 violence instigated,
organized and sponsored by the state against its opponents".

Talks mediated by the South African leader Thabo Mbeki, following Mugabe's
re-election in the disputed runoff vote, led to a power-sharing agreement on
25 September between Mugabe, Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara, leader of a
smaller MDC faction.

Under the agreement, Mugabe is immune from prosecution for political crimes
during his nearly three-decade rule, although members of Zanu-PF could face
the law for such offences.

[With acknowledgements to ENI. Ecumenical News International is jointly
sponsored by the World Council of Churches, the Lutheran World Federation,
the World Alliance of Reformed Churches, and the Conference of European
Churches.]

Zimbabwe dollar slips to new low

http://www.inthenews.co.uk

Wednesday, 01 Oct 2008 16:34
Zimbabwe's frail currency plunged to record lows on Wednesday, a day after
Robert Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangirai failed to break a deadlock over the
allocation of ministries.

The Zimbabwe dollar depreciated by over 50 per cent as the political
stalemate took its toll on the comatose economy, driving the cost of basic
goods and services beyond reach of inflation weary Zimbabweans.

Traders on Wednesday were quoting the Zimbabwe dollar at between Z$700,000
to Z$800,000 against the US dollar under the bank transfer rate from Tuesday
of Z$500,000.

On the streets, $1 was trading at Z$3,000, up from Tuesday's figure of
Z$2,000.

Analysts said the weakening of the local dollar is driven by inflation
expectations, speculation and uncertainty over the power-sharing deal that
is teetering on the brink of collapse because of a stalemate over the
sharing of cabinet portfolios.

"The weakening of the currency will continue to be driven by speculation and
uncertainty since the market continues to wander in the wilderness in the
absence of a government to formulate economic policies to reign in
inflation," said John Robertson, an economic analyst.

A stalemate between president Mr Mugabe and prime minister designate Mr
Tsvangirai over the allocation of cabinet portfolios has been referred back
to former South African President Thabo Mbeki, the mediator of the
power-sharing deal.

The deal, signed by Mr Mugabe, Mr Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara, a faction
leader of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) party, is seen
as the first real step in ending a decade long economic and political crisis
of the Southern African country.

Zimbabwe battles a decade long economic recession of unprecedented
proportions outside a war situation.

The crisis is characterised by high inflation that is running at over 11
million per cent, grinding poverty because of shortages of cash, food, basic
goods, electricity among other basic necessities and high unemployment.

Critics blame Mr Mugabe, in power since 1980, for running down the once
breadbasket of Africa with ruinous policies, a charge the 84-year-old leader
denies.

Two MDC abducted activists' whereabouts still unknown

http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk


Wednesday, 01 October 2008 11:47
Mystery still surrounds the whereabouts of two well known MDC
activist's in Marondera Central Constituency who were abducted towards the
27 June presidential one man run off. The two are Kainos Botera {29}then the
MDC District Youth Chairman , and Portiphar Bakaimani {40}then main wing
District Chairman, the Zimbabwean heard.

The abduction's were carried out broad daylight and the witnesses
distinctively identified a central intelligence operative identified as
Sydney Shonai who was accompanied by five unknown others.Shonai is believed
to have been leading the team as he is said to have gave instructions.The
operative team was using a Nissan Hardbody twin cab.With  the recently
discovered 18 bodies in Wenimbi dam ,just about 10km outside Marondera , the
witnesses are widely believing that the two could have been killed and
dumped into the dam.

Resident's in Marondera , MDC supporter's and activists feel the
police should have made an open approach to the discovery of these bodies to
put to rest public speculation as to what had been discovered and where the
bodies were taken to..Although the bodies could have been decomposed there
is a growing feeling that although expensive, DNA tests would have been the
last option to enable close relatives to give their beloved ones a decent
burial if once DNA identified.It is a taboo to bury a human being in our
Zimbabwean traditional culture without the involvement of close family
relations.

Sydney Shonai , the centrai intelligence operative has since been
transferred from Marondera to conceal his clandestine operations and
whereabouts.Efforts by TheZimbabwean to establish his new base are currently
futile sa it has been kept a close guarded internal transfer.Under the new
political pact settlement between ZANU PF and the two MDC formations , the
state security ministry has been disbanded .Most of the remnants from this
notorious ministry are widely believed to being rewardedly and laterally
being transferred to other line ministries to suit the new government
intended outlook .Shonai can resurface in any of the line ministries.

In the MDC circles, Marondera is well known of its politically
motivated abductions.It is the provincial town of well known Mugabe's
undisputable and loyal henchmen come from, Dr sydney Sekeramayi, then
sometime Minister of State Securityand currently the illegal incumbent
cabinet minister of Defence, Army General Constatine Chiwenga and Air
Marshall Perence Shiri both grabbed farms.

Still fresh in the minds of MDC activists and supporters is the
bduction and subsequent brutal murder of Jabulani Chiyoka {25} abducted in
2006 in the Wenimbi resettlement area. Chiyoka was an opposition MDC ward
activist and the abduction of another ward activist in the same area same
day with Chiyoka was one only identified as Tafirenyika {30] who still
nurses permanent life injuries.

THe unaccountable abductions and subsequent discovery of the 18 bodies
in Wenimbi dam has sent shocking chilling waves in the MDC rank and file
.The MDC rank and file believe it is very difficult to trust ZANU PF under
the new political settlement deal . They believe ZANU PF will remain glued
to its culture tf exterminating its opponents for the purpose of political
expediency.
Addressing traditional chiefs in Bulawayo before the signing off
ceremony , Mugabe hinted that ZANU PF and the MDC were like water and fire
which would never mix. THe guerilla leader has not condemned violence which
still hangs gripping the nation.PUt to blame also is the RBZ chief Gono who
has been printing money and bankrolling most of ZANU PF and government's
major projects on high prioratisation level

Chombo threatens Mutare mayor and councillors with dismissal

By Violet Gonda
1 October 2008

There is no new 'government' at present due to the stalemate between the
main political parties, and it seems nothing has changed as far as ZANU PF
officials are concerned. Admire Mukovera, the deputy mayor of Mutare told SW
Radio Africa that Ignatius Chombo the MP for Zvimba North, threatened Mutare
mayor Brian James and his MDC councillors with dismissal if they did not
install some losing ZANU PF members in the new council.

Councils can appoint unelected people to represent special groups like the
disabled group but the deputy mayor said Chombo turned down a list of
selected people that had been nominated by the Residents Association. Chombo
is said to have instead appointed three ZANU PF bigwigs; Esau Mupfumi,
Hlanganiso Matangaidze and Misheck Mugadza.

Mugadza is the former chairman of the illegal Mutare Council Commission,
Mupfumi is a member of Zanu PF's central committee, while Matangaidze is
said to be a business mogul in Mutare.

The three appointed councillors turned up late Tuesday afternoon when the
council was in chamber. It's reported Brian James refused to 'entertain'
them saying they would need to prove which 'special interests groups' they
represent. The deputy mayor said Mupfumi went and called Chombo from the
mayor's office, "and Chombo intimidated and shouted at our mayor saying that
if you don't want to install those people I will jump in and fire your
council."

The Mutare Mayor refused to swear in the three saying Chombo was imposing
them as special interest councillors when they did not bring in any special
expertise or add value to the elected MDC-dominated council.

However, the Mutare town clerk Obert Muzawazi from Zanu PF is said to have
gone ahead and performed the swearing in ceremony without the MDC mayor and
councillors, who walked out.

The MDC won almost all the council elections in March but Chombo, who was
the Minister of Local Government before the power sharing deal was signed,
has been trying to impose unelected officials in some of the councils won by
the MDC.

Just last month Chombo unilaterally appointed eight non-elected councillors
at a swearing-in ceremony in Makoni district, also in Manicaland province.
Chombo claimed the unelected councillors represented 'special groups' but
the MDC said those appointed in Makoni where ZANU PF supporters like
'Justice Minister' Patrick Chinamasa's wife Monica.

The MDC said in a statement: "By appointing these Zanu PF losing candidates
as special councillors, Chombo, is declaring war on democracy, on the people
of Zimbabwe, on the spirit of togetherness and on the MoU signed by the
three parties. He cannot be allowed to do that."

The party said it controls all urban local authorities and Chombo is making
sure that the day-to-day operations of the MDC councils are disrupted. "Zanu
PF is using a dubious quota system to bring in 'special' councillors,
especially Zanu PF losing candidates, which in several cases have enabled
them to reverse the MDC's majority in the council chambers."

SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news

Zimbabwe's MDC-Led Local Governments Fend Off ZANU-PF Influence

VOA

By Jonga Kandemiiri
Washington
01 October 2008

Open conflict has broken out between the city council in Mutare, Zimbabwe,
and Local Government Minister Ignatius Chombo over his appointment of three
representatives to the council - all of them affiliated with his former
ruling ZANU-PF party whereas all 19 elected members are from the majority
Movement for Democratic Change.

All 19 MDC councilors walked out in protest on Tuesday as Town Clerk Obert
Muzavazi was about to seat the representatives, Mutare political sources
said.

Chombo called Mutare Mayor Brian James earlier this week and ordered him to
seat the so-called special representatives, threatening to remove him if he
refused.

Typically such special representatives are drawn from groups like the
handicapped to reflect their concerns, but these appointments, like many
made by the central government these days, are seen as an attempt to
maintain ZANU-PF influence following the MDC sweep of nearly all local
government bodies in the March 29 round of elections.

After the MDC councilors walked out, the clerk confirmed Isau Mupfumi, a
businessman and ZANU-PF central committee member, Misheck Mugadza, former
chairman of the Mutare Commission (which ran the city after the government
dissolved the city council) and ZANU-PF supporter Tapiwa Matangaidze. But
none of the three has a vote.

The MDC has accused Chombo of meddling in local government in a number of
locations. He is said to have reversed a decision by Harare City Council to
reinstate city employees fired by the former Harare Commission headed by
Sekesai Makwavarara.

VOA was unable to reach Chombo for comment despite repeated calls to his
mobile.

Mutare Deputy Mayor Admire Mukorera told reporter Jonga Kandemiiri that the
council will not take up any measures put on the table by the ZANU-PF
representatives.

Many Zimbabwean NGOs Overwhelmed By Surging Food Aid Need

VOA

By Patience Rusere
Washington
01 October 2008

Humanitarian organizations in Zimbabwe are finding it difficult to meet
surging demand for food assistance, says the National Association of
Non-Governmental Organizations, adding that people displaced by April-June
political violence have swollen lines for food aid.

NANGO spokesman Fambai Ngirande said organizations such as the NGO
Consortium for the Southern Africa Food Security Emergency, or C-SAFE, are
gearing up operations. But many NGOs are finding themselves overwhelmed by
the scale of the need, he said.

One problem is that there is simply not enough food in the country. The
Famine Early Warning Systems Network or FEWSNET said in a recent alert that
C-SAFE, the World Food Program and the government had planned to import some
1,164,000 tonnes of food to meet needs through early 2009, but by August 31
had only imported 193,281 tonnes.

Not only are foodstuffs like the staple maize meal in short supply, but
hyperinflation is driving prices many essentials out of reach of ordinary
Zimbabweans. Some commodities are only available on parallel or black
markets, and then only for hard currency.

Ngirande told reporter Patience Rusere that food appeals have not generated
the hoped-for response and rural communities stand in urgent need of seed
and other agricultural inputs over the next six weeks if they are to get
crops in the ground for the 2009 harvest.

MISA-Zimbabwe statement on proposed ITC Bill

http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk


Wednesday, 01 October 2008 11:49
MISA-Zimbabwe notes current efforts by the Attorney-General's Office
to develop an Information Communication Technologies (ICT) Bill through the
circulation of a questionnaire which among other considerations seeks to
identify shortfalls in ICT related legislation in Zimbabwe.

The Posts and Telecommunications Act, Access to Information and
Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA) and the Broadcasting Services Act (BSA)
are identified as some of the laws that will be taken into consideration
towards the development of a national ICT Bill. The questionnaire therefore
seeks to establish whether the three laws in question have overlapping
functions and whether it is possible to consolidate them into one Act.

It is MISA-Zimbabwe's strong submission that in their present state
the laws in question and BSA and AIPPA in particular, do not even meet the
benchmarks for the enactment of a progressive and democratic national ICT
legislation more so as it relates to the establishment of an independent
converged broadcasting, ICT, cellular and telecommunications regulatory
authority.

The long term viability of the broadcasting, telecommunications and
ICT sectors lies in securing the independence of their regulatory
frameworks. The argument for the independence of regulators in the field of
telecoms, broadcasting and technological convergence is guided by several
regional and continental covenants such as the African Charter on
Broadcasting (ACB), African Union (AU) Declaration on Principles of Freedom
of Expression in Africa and the SADC Protocol on Culture, Information and
Sport.

The Independent Communications Authority of South Africa (ICASA) is
hailed as a model independent regulator on the continent. It is
MISA-Zimbabwe's argument that the manner in which the Zimbabwean regulators
namely the Broadcasting Authority of Zimbabwe (BAZ) under the BSA, the Posts
and Telecommunications Regulatory Authority of Zimbabwe, and Media and
Information Commission under AIPPA, are constituted makes them susceptible
to direct political interference. AIPPA through the MIC imposes statutory
regulation in breach of the Banjul Declaration on the Principles of Freedom
of Expression in Africa while BAZ is hostage to the whims and dictates of
the Executive in violation of the African Charter on Broadcasting.
These bodies need to be replaced by a truly independent communications
regulator that will oversee these sectors. This new regulator's independence
must be guaranteed by the law and must have financial, structural and
functional independence in order to regulate the sector effectively and
impartially for the development of the ICT sector to be guaranteed.

It is MISA-Zimbabwe's submission that regulation should be undertaken
for purposes of promoting freedom of speech and access to information. The
extent to which a country is said to be democratic is the extent to which it
is seen to actively promote free expression and communication between the
people and their leaders through such institutions as the media.

We posit that one of the ways of promoting free expression and
communication is through the creation of an enabling environment for media
freedom through, among other considerations, establishing a truly
independent regulator to regulate the country's communications sector in the
public interest, free of any political, commercial or individual
self-interest.

It is therefore, MISA- Zimbabwe's humble submissions that the Attorney
General Office and the government in general in its quest to come up with a
national ICT Bill should be guided by the following principles that govern
the operations of independent regulatory bodies:

there should be clear separation of powers, with the government being
responsible for policy development, an independent body being responsible
for the implementation of policies and regulating the sector whilst
privately owned media concentrates on service provision.
regulation should be done in the public interest, with the aim of:
creating and maintaining order in the sector, establishing fair competition
and quality service, promoting free speech, access to information as well as
consumer protection.
providing distinct legal mandate of the regulator's duties and
responsibilities, free of ministerial, commercial or private control.
Involving every one, that is, the executive, legislature, civic
society, business and the general public in the appointment process  of the
regulator's board.

CHRA Convenes National Residents Associations Forum

01 0ctober 2008

The Combined Harare Residents Association (CHRA) convened a National Residents Associations consultative Forum (NRACF) from Friday September the 26^th to Sunday the 29^th of September at Bulawayo Rainbow Hotel. The conference was attended by representatives from 19 vibrant Residents Associations from different parts of the country, representatives of the Zimbabwe United Residents Associations (ZURA) councilors from Bulawayo, Members of the House of Assembly and partners from the civic society. The conference sought to build a common and coordinated voice amongst Residents Associations on key local Governement issues as well as municipal service delivery. Key issues debated at the conference include;

• The state of service delivery and the role of the Inclusive Government
• Democratization of local Governement laws and structures.
• Constitutionalisation of the local Governement laws and structure.
• Women and vulnerable groups’ participation in local government processes

The conference made the following resolutions on the issues debated;

• Local Governement laws and structure must be democratized to enhance accountability, transparency and residents participation in all the processes
• Residents Associations must lobby for the constitutionalisation of local Government laws and structure
• Residents Associations must begin initiatives to enhance the women’s and other vulnerable groups’ participation in local Government processes
• Residents Associations will increase their advocacy for the reversal of the reckless and irresponsible ZINWA take over decision, which has costed so many lives owing to cholera outbreaks.

The Associations reaffirmed their commitment to enhanced civic participation and demanding quality service delivery across the country. The conference agreed on the necessity of regular meetings of this kind and the need to create synergies among Residents Associations and partnerships with other stakeholders across the country as well as the need for the Residents Associations to speak with one voice.

At the end of the conference, the Associations agreed on a national action plan meant to operationalise the agreed resolutions. CHRA remains firmly committed to its mission to enhance citizen participation in local Government processes. The Association stands ready to extend this vision to other Residents Associations and help boost their capacity to implement such programs.   

Chief Executive Officer

Combined Harare Residents Association (CHRA)

145 Robert Mugabe Way

Exploration House, Third Floor

Harare

ceo@chra.co.zw

www.chra.co.zw

 Landline: 00263- 4- 705114