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October 2 2000
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Black farmworkers are the hidden victims of Zimbabwe's land reform, says Jan Raath

TTF021101©
Two million farmworkers and their families face displacement under Robert Mugabe's mass land-grab
Photograph: ROB COOPER

Doomed to be landless, jobless, hopeless

Scorched earth: a farmworker in Ruwa district, east of Harare, inspects the remains of a hut burnt by police
Photograph: ROB COOPER
Benjamin Benjamin and his mates - Godknows, Happiness, Knowledge, Anyone, Anyway and Toohard - brush the bright orange dust off their feet, pull on their new black canvas shoes and give thanks to Andy Cole.

The Manchester United forward has just made good a promise to send cash for a pair of shoes for Benjamin, 13, and the other 65 Aids orphans he met at Eskbank farm school last year.

Benjamin watches his hero on an old black-and-white television in his foster parents' home in the tidy farmworkers' village on Eskbank, 15 miles north of Harare. "I like him very much," he beams.

Last week Eskbank was on the latest list of 2,157 white-owned farms nominated so far for "compulsory acquisition" by President Mugabe's Government. If the small but very productive market-gardening business is seized, Benjamin and his friends will be chased off with nothing more than Andy Cole's shoes. The same goes for the rest of Eskbank's 2,760 farm people. Where will they go? No one knows.

As Mugabe's incomprehensible mass land-grab gathers momentum, Zimbabwe faces the catastrophic displacement of up to two million workers and their families who live and work on the nation's commercial farms. Among those about to become homeless are a fifth of Zimbabwe's children.

Mugabe's plan is to downgrade 3,000 commercial enterprises into an eat-what-you-grow agricultural system. If he gets his way, economic disaster is widely predicted: the farms account for 90 per cent of the country's most productive sector. Simply put, in the space of a few months Mugabe will do to Africa's second most developed economy (after South Africa) the kind of wholesale damage more often wreaked by years of war.

But scant attention has been paid to the effect that the "fast- track resettlement programme" will have on the 16 per cent of the population whose sole homes and jobs are on commercial farms. Farmworkers do not merit even a word in the Government's official programme document. Scarcely a handful have managed to include themselves in the 50-odd farms resettled in the past few months.

The farmworkers' unions say that since the mobs of so-called guerrilla war veterans began invading farms in February, 30,000 workers have been driven away and have drifted into squatter camps.In the Headlands district, 85 miles east of Harare, there are hundreds of former farmworkers who lost their homes and jobs in the first post-independence resettlement drive in the 1980s. When Mugabe's free-for-all started this year, they rushed with everyone else to stake their claims on white-owned farms, but were kicked off by the war veterans.

"If [the Government] persists in this way, it will create a mass-ive social problem that we are not prepared for at all," says Dr Sue Parry, who runs the Farm Orphans Support Trust. "The suffering it will cause is indescribable and it will go on and on."

The Government view is put by Joyce Mujuru, the former acting minister of agriculture and part of Mugabe's inner circle: "Farmworkers are foreigners and must go back to their homes." Worse, they are perceived as having sold out to the opposition Movement for Democratic Change, and they work for whites. For this they received the brunt of the ruling Zanu (PF) party's terror campaign in the run-up to June's elections.

"Look at them," says a teacher at Eskbank school as his children sit quietly in the shade of a tree. "They don't play, they don't make noise. They are closed up because of the terror and because they don't know what is going to happen to the farm."

Mugabe, who has admitted partial responsibility for the pogrom in the western provinces of Matabeleland in the mid-1980s, is on his second ethnic cleansing. Only 10 per cent of farm labour is foreign, made up of migrant workers from Malawi or Mozambique, according to state statistics. The rest are either their descendants who were born here, or native Zimbabweans who spent most of their lives on farms. Unlike most other Zimbabweans, they cannot go back to the rural homes they were born in and expect to be welcomed.

"These people are Zimbabweans but they have nothing, and have nowhere to go," says Dr Medicine Masiiwa, an agricultural economist.

And who are these people being resettled? "They are from communal [tribal] areas. They already have a piece of land. It's small, but it's land."

The huge contradiction of Mugabe's mission to reclaim the land of black Zimbabweans is that resettling the million people specified in the programme will make twice as many Zimbabweans landless, jobless and hopeless. "I don't sleep at night because of this," says Wilson Chikota at Raymondale farm, just south of Harare. "You feel you are in a round house with no door, and you are turning, turning, turning."

The latest tactic in the war veterans' lawless occupation is to drive the workers out of their homes. To their complete surprise, this has provoked a ferocious defence from their supposedly submissive victims. In the past two weeks enraged workers on dozens of farms have hurled themselves at the invaders with spears, axes, machetes, crowbars, catapults and rocks, forcing the veterans to retreat in panic as smoke and flames from their blazing huts fill the sky.

With uncharacteristic swiftness, police have reacted, and arrested the workers - 26 were picked up on Raymondale after they severely injured four veterans, part of a gang trying to occupy the farm compound.

Elliot (not his real name), 39, was still seething two days after the battle. "Everyone is tired of war vets," he said. "If they come with violence, we will make violence. We are not scared now, to die is no problem. This is Zimbabwe now. There is no law in this country. Everybody do what he want."

His boss has left the farm after receiving hourly death threats from war veterans on his mobile phone. Elliot has no problem with race but, he says: "The white man can go. He got his passport, everything. Me? Where can I go? To the bush?"

After 19 years on the farm, he is a senior hand. He understands modern farming and feels he has a stake in the 8,500-acre farm that employs 3,000 people in the areas of dairy, tobacco and horticulture.

"I have a job, this farm is my root. The war vets want land but do no production, no work. They want many people on this farm, each with one acre and ten children. You cannot survive like that. This is bye-bye Zimbabwe."

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October 2 2000
AFRICA
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World Bank blow to Mugabe

FROM JAN RAATH IN HARARE

ZIMBABWE will be listed among the world's poorest economies by the World Bank, to which it has been in arrears for the past six months. The country owes $383 million (£260 million) in debt repayments, including $47 million to the bank.

Rogier van den Brink, the bank's deputy representative in Harare, came close to calling for an end to President Mugabe's 20-year rule.

"Decisive action is needed," he said. "A wide cross-section of economists tend to agree that a successful political transition, as illustrated by restoration of law and order and a more pluralistic political dispensation, is also a key to a successful economic stabilisation and recovery."

His remarks, cautiously phrased as they were, are seen as probably the most outspoken criticism made by the World Bank in recent years.

Next year the country faces a fall in GDP of up to 10 per cent and inflation of up to 120 per cent, while government spending on health is less now than it was at independence in 1980, he said.

The other members of the "poorest nations" group are Somalia, the Democratic Republic of Congo, the Congolese Republic, Liberia, Sudan, Iraq, Syria, Afghanistan, Yugoslavia, Bosnia-Herzegovina and Burma. "It shows you what neighbourhood Zimbabwe has moved into," a senior Western diplomat said.

The bank's disclosure is probably the most alarming illustration of the country's plunge into chaos in the past year, as Mr Mugabe's reckless incompetence continues. Last week Chris Kureneri, Zimbabwe's Deputy Finance Minister, said that foreign exchange reserves were "dangerously low". Fuel queues in Harare are at their worst in nearly a year of critical shortages.

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Zimbabwe Welcomes US Suspension of Sanctions Bill


Panafrican News Agency

October 1, 2000

Rangarirai Shoko
HARARE, Zimbabwe

Zimbabwe cautiously welcomed a US decision at the weekend to temporarily shelve until the new year a Congressional Bill that would have imposed punitive economic sanctions on the southern African country for allegedly ignoring the rule of law.

The US Congress shelved the Zimbabwe Democracy Bill, which provides for a withdrawal of US economic assistance, until January after intensive joint lobbying by Southern African Development Community (SADC) foreign ministers and American black pressure groups.

The Bill, already passed by the US Senate, was in reprisal for Zimbabwe's controversial land reform programme in which it was compulsorily acquiring white-owned farms without paying full compensation to resettle landless blacks.

Zimbabwe's ambassador to the United Nations, Tichaona Jokonya said the postponement of a Congressional vote on the Bill was at the intervention of US Secretary of State Madeleine Albright who met a delegation of SADC foreign affairs ministers recently for consultations on the matter.

"Once it is (voting) postponed, it is just as good as saying it has collapsed," he said, adding, however, that Zimbabwe was still mobilising support from regional and US-based pressure groups to force Congress to remove the Bill altogether from the agenda.

Zimbabwean diplomats said an important contributory factor in shelving the Bill was the strong backing the country had received from Black Americans in New York, who had vowed to vote against US President Bill Clinton's wife, Hilary in her bid for a New York Senate seat.

"New York happens to be an area where there is tremendous campaign against the Bill. We have put together a broad constituency of brothers and sisters from the Diaspora who are determined to fight that Bill," said Clay Amawali, a member of the December 12 Movement black pressure group supporting Zimbabwe.

Just a handful of white farmers in Zimbabwe own more than 70 percent of its arable land, and President Robert Mugabe wants to resettle landless peasants on half of this to reduce overcrowding in communal areas.

The Zimbabwean government also wants Britain, the country's former colonial power, to pay the white farmers whose land is acquired for resettlement, as agreed in an independence deal in 1980.

London denies it had an obligation to fund land reform in its former colony, but has agreed to provide funds on condition the government first removed thousands of peasants who have seized white- owned farms since February demanding to be resettled on them.

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From The Star (SA), 1 October

Zimbabwe's debt-dodging could drag SA down

Zimbabwe - President Robert Mugabe's government looks due to step even deeper into international disrepute on Monday when the World Bank formally classifies it with the world's worst economic pariahs. Zimbabwe will be accorded "non-accrual status" for failing to make any payment on its debt to the Bank for the last six months, said Rogier van den Brink, the bank's deputy representative in Zimbabwe. It joins 11 other nations also in arrears to the World Bank for the last six months. They are Somalia, Democratic Republic of Congo, Congo Republic, Liberia, Sudan, Syria, Iraq, Yugoslavia, Afghanistan, Bosnia-Herzogovina and Burma. "These are the hard-case failures in every way," said a Western diplomat. "So you see what kind of neighbourhood Zimbabwe has moved into."

Van den Brink appeared also to endorse widespread local and international belief that the first step to resolve the country's desperate crisis is the end of Mugabe's 20-year dictatorship. "Decisive action is needed," he said. "A wide cross-section of economists tend to agree that a successful political transition, as illustrated by restoration of law and order and a more pluralistic political dispensation, is a key to a successful economic stabilisation and recovery."

Van den Brink's remarks, in a paper issued here at the weekend, are regarded as starkly outspoken considering the usually cautious language used by the World Bank. But it is seen as one of the most alarming illustrations yet of the enormous destruction inflicted by Mugabe on what until recently promised to be a shining exception to Africa's record of violence, poverty and economic collapse. There was worse to come, added Van den Brink, saying the country is "in turmoil". Gross domestic product in 2001 will fall by as much as a staggering 10 percent and inflation may reach 120 percent. "This fragile situation could degenerate even further, with severe economic, social and political consequences to the country itself and to the (southern African) region," said the World Bank official.

Observers say Mugabe is under unprecedented pressure to step down as with each blow to his reputation as the statesman who embraced whites after a seven-year war for black majority rule is turned to the embarrassing notoriety of a corrupt, violent and incompetent despot. At the weekend, South Africa's former president, Nelson Mandela, heaped on the scorn when he told a South African newspaper: "I would have wished someone would talk to him and say, 'look, you have been in office 20 years, it's time to step down'."

Last week, the government appeared to have escaped by the skin of its teeth the effects of economic isolation by the world's most powerful nation when the United States congress put off voting on the controversial Zimbabwe Democracy Bill. Passed by the US senate earlier this year to condemn Zimbabwe's bloody pre-election violence, the bill proposes to cut all economic aid to the Mugabe regime and to block all World Bank and IMF support. "It's just as good as saying it has collapsed," said Zimbabwe's ambassador to the United Nations, Tichaona Jokonya, about the postponement in congress. Not so, say diplomats in Harare. Congress is being dissolved before American elections next month and the bill will appear again on the new congress' order paper in January.

At the weekend, ordinary Zimbabweans' patience was put yet a further severe test when foreign currency reserves began to dry up and international oil companies shut off fuel supplies. Some of the worst queues seen in the year grew outside Harare service stations as motorists waited for a few extra litres of petrol that has more than doubled in price in the last month. But public rage against Mugabe became clear on Saturday in the deafening roar of support for Morgan Tsvangirai, president of the opposition MDC. He told 25 000 supporters at the party's first birthday rally: "Time has come for action. The country cannot afford Mugabe for one day longer. What we would like to tell Mugabe is that, please, go peacefully. If you don't go peacefully, we will remove you violently."

The former trade union leader promised that the party's previous practice of calling one-day national strikes in protest against government misrule was over. "We cannot wait until 2002," he said, referring to the next presidential elections. "This time we will not stop until he goes." But from the Mugabe camp, there came only promises of more of the same. "That man is great, we should be thankful that we have him as a leader," said Didymus Mutasa, a veteran member of the ruling Zanu-PF party's politburo, its top organ. "So far as I am concerned, Mugabe is our sole candidate for the 2002

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