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New Zimbabwe Law Allows for Eviction of Remaining White Farmers

VOA

By Peta Thornycroft
Johannesburg
07 October 2006

Zimbabwe's parliament has passed a new land law that allows eviction of
remaining white farmers. This is the latest chapter in a six-year
controversial land-redistribution program.

Only a few hundred of more than 4,000 white farmers remain on their land in
Zimbabwe. Under the land redistribution program announced by President
Robert Mugabe in 2000, commercial farms were seized, ostensibly for the
resettlement of landless blacks.

For six years, hundreds of white Zimbabwean farmers have been to court to
try to avoid losing their farms, the businesses on their land and their
homes.

Under a 2005 constitutional amendment, ownership of all white-owned land
reverted to the state. However, the government did not have the power to
evict farmers from state land they occupied, without lengthy legal battles.

Now, under the new law, white farmers have 90 days from the date President
Mugabe rubber stamps the law to leave their homes and businesses, without
recourse to the courts.

However, not all in the ruling ZANU-PF administration want the last white
farmers to leave. The governor of the central bank, Gideon Gono, has been
lending those still on their land money to grow crops.

The two vice presidents, Joyce Mujuru and Joseph Msika, have repeatedly said
recently that they want productive white farmers to remain.

However, Lands Minister Didymus Mutasa told VOA last week that only he
controls what happens to land, and he has made it clear to western diplomats
in recent months he wants all white farmers off Zimbabwe's land.

Before the land-reform program, Zimbabwe was not only able to feed itself,
but was a net exporter of food to the region, and commercial agriculture was
the largest foreign currency earner and the largest employer.

Now, Zimbabwe is bankrupt. It depends on food imports, and, last week, the
United Nations World Food Program said it had run out of money to continue
to feed hundreds-of-thousands of people in need.


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Makoni roped into succession puzzle

Zim Standard

      By Foster Dongozi

      RETIRED General Solomon Mujuru, believed to be the brains behind
the meteoric rise of his spouse, Joice, has reportedly lined up former
Finance Minister Simba Makoni as a possible successor to President Robert
Mugabe.

      Zanu PF insiders said the move followed realisation by Mujuru
and members of his faction that Joice had failed to present herself as a
political heavyweight capable of stamping her authority on the deeply
divided Zanu PF.

       Sources said Makoni would be presented as an alternative
candidate in the event that Emmerson Mnangagwa, another leading contender,
emerged as the favourite in the race to succeed Mugabe.

      A Harare-based member of the ruling party's supreme organ, the
Politburo said: "Since her elevation to the position of Vice President, the
state media was instructed to keep the spotlight on Joice to portray her as
a rising star but her handlers now fear she lacks the charisma and intellect
to lead an organisation like Zanu PF."

      Even more exasperating for her handlers was the fact that she
has failed to portray herself as a serious contender to lead the divided
party.

      "Joice has regularly officiated at functions to open fowl runs
of all things and in the eyes of the very patriarchal ruling party
stalwarts, that is not being 'serious'," said the Politburo member.

      As a result, Mujuru's faction is now courting Makoni as an
alternative candidate ahead of Joice, said the sources.

      "In Makoni, the General's faction now sees a lot of advantages
including the fact that he obviously has more intellectual stamina than
Joice and that in addition to having more connections internationally, he
can bring a face of sanity to Zanu PF," added the politburo member.

      The behind the scenes moves to push Makoni as a possible
replacement for Joice have already caught the attention of the business
community which is following closely the succession race.

      In a recent commentary on the economic and political situation
in all African countries, Standard Bank International quoted a report of the
Institute of War and Peace Reporting (IWPR), which in part reads:

      "There's been a new development in the struggle to succeed
Robert Mugabe, with reports that powerful retired army commander General
Solomon Mujuru has ditched his wife, Vice President Joice Mujuru, as his
ideal successor and is now opting for former finance minister Simba Makoni."

      Makoni who has been media-friendly in the past was surprisingly
hostile when asked by The Standard to comment on reports on the latest
succession developments, saying "I have no response to your questions".

      When asked if he had presidential ambitions he said: "Ndati
handina mhinduro (I have no response)."

       Despite repeated efforts General Mujuru and Joice were not
reachable for comment.

      However, sources in the ruling party said the divisions on the
succession issue had prompted officials to press for a postponement of the
presidential election.

      Recently, party spokesman, Nathan Shamuyarira was quoted saying
presidential elections would be postponed from 2008 to 2010. He later
claimed he was misquoted.

      A source said although Mugabe had encouraged aspirants to openly
debate the succession, many were terrified to do so.

      "Emmerson Mnangagwa and Thenjiwe Lesabe who aspired to be vice
presidents learnt the hard way in 2004 after they publicly declared their
intentions and were subsequently elbowed out of the race although they had
more support among the grassroots."

      According to Zanu PF senior officials, the Mujuru faction is
still wary of the challenge posed by Mnangagwa and is pushing for the
postponement of the presidential elections while they put their house in
order.


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Prison at the centre of gold dealing

Zim Standard

      BY caiphas chimhete

      SENIOR officers at Connemara Open Prison, 30 kilometres outside
Kwekwe, have turned prisoners into gold panners, reaping millions of
dollars, The Standard can reveal.

      An investigation by this newspaper last week revealed that
prisoners at the country's sole open prison spend most of their time gold
panning at the now closed Chase Mine and surrounding areas. They in turn
give the gold to officers for sale in the Midlands mining town of Kwekwe.

      The inmates, who perform non-tiring jobs for a few hours a day,
spend the rest of their time digging for gold at the two disused mines in
the vicinity of the prison.

      Sources at the prison said after selling the gold, the prison
officers bring cigarettes, rubber slip-ons, milk and other commodities
considered luxuries in prison.

      A prison officer, who spoke to The Standard last week on
condition of anonymity, said: "It's very common here. They do the gold
panning during their spare time. We sell the gold on their behalf and share
the proceeds. At times, we buy certain items they want or give some of the
money to their relatives."

      Some officers, he said, make as much as $100 000 a month after
sharing the proceeds with the prisoners. This, he said, depended largely on
how often the prisoners go out gold-panning a month.

      One ex-convict, who served at Connemara after being transferred
from Hwahwa Prison in 2003, also confirmed the gold-for-cigarettes scam. The
ex-prisoner said it has now become difficult for the prison guards to
discipline mischievous inmates because of their involvement in the
activities.

      "These prison officers are so corrupt that inmates can tell them
to go to hell without any fear of being exposed," said the ex-convict, who
was transferred from Hwahwa.

      Some students at Kaguvi Training Centre said it was common
knowledge in the area that prison officers at Connemara Open Prison, which
accommodates about 100 convicts at a time, were involved in gold dealings.

      "Apart from using prisoners for gold-panning, the officers also
buy gold from panners less than one kilometre from here," said one of the
students, who requested anonymity.

      The training centre, which is under the Ministry of Youth
Development and Employment Creation, offers courses in agriculture, hotel
and tourism management, welding and carpentry. It works closely with the
prison.

      Villagers in Chiundura communal lands are aware of the gold
dealings at Connemara. Jonas Mapanzure of Chief Chiundura's area said:
"Everyone who hails from the western side of Chief Chiundura's knows that
because it's closeby."

      The open prison system was introduced in 2000.

      But Connemara Open Prison principal prison officer, Peter
Kudzotsa, professed ignorance of the gold scam.

      "I don't know about that. You should go and talk to the Officer
Commanding Midlands province, (Rhodes) Moyo," Kudzotsa said.

      Moyo could not be reached for comment. ZPS spokesperson,
Elizabeth Banda, was also not available for comment.

      Under the open prison system, convicts are not subjected to hard
labour and enjoy the luxury of watching television and engaging in various
activities.


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Mangwana, Matonga clash

Zim Standard

      BY OUR STAFF

      INFIGHTING by the top Zanu PF leadership in Kadoma has resulted
in the ruling party fielding two candidates a ward for this month's Rural
District Council elections, The Standard has established.

      Zanu PF sources in Kadoma last week said serious clashes between
the Minister of State Enterprises, Anti-Monopolies and Anti-Corruption, Paul
Mangwana, and the deputy minister of Information and Publicity, Bright
Matonga, were to blame for the fiasco.

       The Nomination Court sitting in Kadoma duly nominated 10 Zanu PF
candidates to compete in five wards for the Rural District Council elections
at the end of this month. This was the first time the ruling party had
fielded competing candidates in one election. All along people who were
disgruntled contested as independents.

      Sources in Kadoma said there were serious differences between
Matonga and Mangwana which are threatening to split the party in the area.
The sources said the differences emanated from the Parliamentary elections
held last year.

      They said Mangwana is reportedly still bitter with the way he
was elbowed out of the race while Matonga was keen to remain the Zanu PF
candidate come 2010. Sources said as a result, the two leaders fielded
candidates loyal to them.

      As acting minister of Information and Publicity Mangwana is
Matonga's boss.

      Zanu PF Mashonaland West Provincial chairperson John Mafa said
the party had sanctioned Raicha Madhiri, London Zijena, Samuel Femberai,
Plaxedes Zezai and Spiwe Mhungu to stand as the ruling party
representatives.

      "There is no way the two ministers could have clashed because
the final decision was made by the provincial political commissar. We have
decided that the other guys should withdraw their candidature," Mafa said.

      Provincial political commissar Phillip Muguti said failure to
withdraw will result in all of them being expelled from the party. "I am
just coming from a meeting in Kadoma and all those who were not sanctioned
by the party will have to withdraw," said Muguti. It was not clear yesterday
if the candidates had withdrawn.

      Contacted for comment Mangwana declined to comment referring all
questions to the provincial executive.

       "Those are party issues and you should talk to the party
spokesperson. I am simply a party executive from Kadoma and I should think
the people who conducted those elections are best positioned to comment,"
Mangwana said.

      Matonga could not be reached for comment.

      Zimbabwe Electoral Commission chief elections officer, Lovemore
Sekeramayi, last week refused to furnish this paper with the names of Zanu
PF candidates who were nominated in Kadoma.

      "Full results of the nomination courts which sat on 20 September
2006 including those of Kadoma, will be published in the media once
verification and tabulation of same is completed. Currently verification and
tabulation is underway," Sekeramayi said.


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Traffic cops fingered for 'blatant extortion'

Zim Standard

      By Our Staff

      AS hardships mount, traffic police officers in Harare have
improvised ways of fleecing money from commuter bus operators.

      Operators who spoke to The Standard said police officers were
always finding reasons to get money from them, while at the same time
prejudicing the State.

      In one such incident witnessed by The Standard recently, a
driver, Mike Manhuwa who plies the City-Highfield route, lost $3 000 at one
roadblock.

      He was booked during the morning rush hour for failing to issue
tickets to passengers. Manhuwa gave a $1 000 note to a traffic police
officer along Rotten Row but was not given change.

      As he was leaving, the driver realised that his fine written on
the ticket was $250 and not the $1 000 he had given.

      "Upon noticing the irregularity, I went back to the police
officer and asked him to explain why he had not given me change. The officer
became very angry and wrote another ticket for $750 for the same offence,"
said Manhuwa.

      But that was not the end of his misfortunes.

      The police officer he identified as Constable Vengai booked him
again. He pointed out that he was not wearing a badge and ordered him to pay
an additional $2 000 for operating without badges.

      "The $2 000 was for myself and the conductor, Hugh Pachena,
because he said we didn't have badges. The police officer said he wanted to
teach us how to operate in the city," added Manhuwa.

      Again, the errant policeman did not write the correct fines
after receiving the amount. He issued two tickets for $250 and did not give
any change.

      Manhuwa, who could not afford yet another round of extortion
decided to leave with four tickets: numbers 3589959, 3589960, 3589961 and
3589962.

      "I have been operating as a commuter bus driver for more than
two years now but I have never come across such things. If the policeman
does this for 10 people it means he will be going home with more than his
salary a day," he said.

      Assistant Commissioner Douglas Nyakutsikwa of the Traffic
section deplored the conduct of the officers and said they would investigate
the incident.


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Minister roasted for 'undermining' seniors

Zim Standard

      By Nqobani Ndlovu

      BULAWAYO - Obert Mpofu, the Minister of Industry and
International Trade, was recently summoned before a Zanu-PF Matabeleland
North provincial disciplinary committee to answer charges of "undermining"
senior party leaders in the region, The Standard has learnt.

      Mpofu, who is also the MP for Bubi-Mguza, was also accused of
fomenting divisions in the party structures in Matabeleland but party
insiders say the disciplinary hearing was a spirited attempt to elbow the
minister out of the race to succeed ageing Vice President Joseph Msika, when
he retires.

       Msika, who has been in and out of hospital this year, is
expected to retire in 2008.

      Sources in the ruling party said jockeying for Msika's job in
Matabeleland has seen potential contenders engaging in smear campaigns to
discredit each other, a development that could negatively impact the party
in future elections.

      Among the potential contenders for Msika's post are Zanu-PF
national chairman and Speaker of Parliament John Nkomo, politburo member
Dumiso Dabengwa, Zimbabwean Ambassador to South Africa, Simon Khaya-Moyo and
Mpofu.

       They said Zanu PF was fraught with serious divisions in
Matabeleland as the battle to succeed the 82-old nationalist intensifies.

      The recent disciplinary meeting - which was chaired by Zanu PF
provincial chairman Headman Moyo - was attended by Nkomo, Matabeleland North
governor Thokozile Mathuthu, and Senators Lot Mbambo, Grace Dube and
Josephine Moyo.

      The disciplinary meeting came barely two weeks after close to 50
women in Lupane from the Zanu PF women's league staged a demonstration
against Mpofu for allegedly "undermining senior party leaders and members in
the province".

      Authoritative party members, however, say the protests were
instigated by senior politicians in the region who have teamed up against
Mpofu.

      The other potential candidates, said the members, were not
pleased with Mpofu's growing influence in the Matabeleland.

      Mpofu is widely seen as President Robert Mugabe's "blue-eyed
 boy" in Matabeleland and his adversaries fear that he could use his
closeness to the President to grab the post.

      "Accusations are being levelled against Mpofu because it is
believed that he has the President's backing because he was among the first
members of Zapu to defect to Zanu PF. He is also believed to have strong
backing from the Zanu PF old guard but lacks trust from the Zapu old guard
that backs other candidates," said one of the sources.

      Mpofu was no longer a member of PF-Zapu when the Unity Accord
was signed in 1987.

      Headman Moyo confirmed that Mpofu had appeared before the party's
provincial disciplinary committee but said it had nothing to do with the
succession issue.

       "We did have such a meeting last Saturday in Lupane but
everything that was raised and had been raised was solved amicably.

      "Abadala babuya bazomkhuza njalo bakhuza abomama (Top officials
came to warn everyone against causing divisions in the party). The Speaker
of Parliament, who is the most senior person in the region and the party
said proper channels have to be followed if there are problems," said
Headman Moyo, who chaired the meeting.

      He said the party decided to hold the meeting following
demonstrations against Mpofu by members of Zanu PF women's league in Lupane.

      "The women had demonstrated against Mpofu saying he was causing
discontent in the area and that was also the reason why we had such a
meeting in a bid to iron out any differences," he said.

      Nkomo confirmed the meeting took place but added that he had no
interest in the succession debate.

      "You can talk to the provincial chairman (Headman Moyo) on what
was discussed at that meeting as he was the chair. I have no interest in the
whole succession talk."

      Mpofu, Senator Moyo and Mathuthu refused to comment referring
all questions to Headman Moyo.

      "Can you talk to the provincial chairman about the meeting,"
said Mpofu before cutting off the conversation.

      Soon after the meeting, Nkomo called for unity among the party's
leadership. He was quoted in the public media saying: "I am against rumour
mongers. There are some  people who peddle lies and in so doing contribute
towards the division of the party.

      Let us resolve our differences amicably."


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Nkomo riles nomination court

Zim Standard

      By Nqobani Ndlovu

      BULAWAYO - The Tsholotsho Rural District Council (RDC)
nomination court was forced to extend its sitting by five hours after top
Zanu PF officials allegedly opposed the rejection of nomination forms of a
party candidate, it has been learnt.

      The court was forced to close after 9PM after Zanu-PF Senator
for Tsholotsho-Hwange, Josephine Moyo, and John Nkomo, the Speaker of
Parliament, intervened to plead with the presiding officer to accept
rejected nomination papers of Velaphi Mlingo.

      Mlingo, a Zanu-PF candidate for Ward 12, was seeking
re-election. The nomination court sat recently for the October 28 elections.

      Moyo and Nkomo intervened after presiding officer, G Mloshwa,
rejected Mlingo's nomination forms on the basis that he had failed to
produce a clearance letter from the Ministry of Education Sport and Culture.

      The revelations are contained in a report prepared by the
presiding officer and sent to the Chief Elections Officer at the Zimbabwe
Electoral Commission.

      The report notes that Mlingo, a civil servant, was disqualified
after failing to produce a clearance letter from the Public Service
Commission (PSC), in line with the regulations.

      The report noted that while the rejection of the nomination
forms was a normal procedure, it attracted the attention of the Speaker of
Parliament, senator and the entire Zanu PF leadership in the area.

      Senator Moyo and Nkomo confirmed the chaos that marred the
nomination sitting in Tsholotsho.

      "We expressed our displeasure after the presiding officer
indicated that they wanted to close the nomination court while we were
waiting for the clearance letter," Moyo said. "It was going to be unfair
since we had told them that the letter was coming."

      Nkomo said: "There was confusion after they said Mlingo needed a
clearance letter whilst we contended that he needed no such letter as he was
a sitting councillor. Nobody can say I interfered as I am the Zanu PF
chairman."

      Utoile Silaigwana, the ZEC spokesperson, when contacted for
comment said he was not notified of the incident.


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MDC factions challenge ban of 400 candidates

Zim Standard

      by our staff

      THE two factions of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) are
challenging the disqualification of more than 400 candidates as rural
district council candidates, The Standard has learnt.

      Both factions have cried foul over the disqualification of their
candidates who intended to contest the elections, set to be held on 28
October in Zimbabwe's rural areas.

      The Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) announced recently that
the ruling Zanu PF party won over 400 seats after opposition parties failed
to field candidates.

      But the MDC said there were numerous and deliberate obstructions
which prevented their candidates from taking part in the poll.

      More than 100 candidates from the pro-Senate faction were
disqualified on the basis that they failed to meet the new stringent
registration requirements.

      Some of these requirements included obtaining clearance letters
from village headmen and police in the rural areas. The MDC says most
headmen are aligned to the ruling party. The nomination courts also
disqualified 300 candidates from the Morgan Tsvangirai-led MDC faction.

      Paul Themba Nyathi, who is in charge of the pro-Senate faction's
electoral affairs, confirmed that they were challenging the disqualification
of their candidates.

      "We have compiled all the irregularities that resulted in the
disqualification of our candidates nationwide. Our lawyers will take up the
issue," Nyathi said.

      Nicholas Mathonsi of Coghlan & Welsh in Bulawayo confirmed that
he was one the lawyers approached to represent the Mutambara faction.

      He said: "We have got a band of people from the MDC that were
disqualified and want to file election petitions."

      However, Mathonsi noted that there were legal complications in
the court challenge. "We are not sure which court to go to as there are no
judges appointed to the electoral court to hear the appeals in terms of the
Electoral Act.

      "We are likely to face difficulties if we proceed to the High
Court because it is not an Electoral court. However, as things stand, we may
be forced to go to the High Court."

      Nelson Chamisa, the spokesperson of the Tsvangirai faction said
while going to court remained an option; the problem required a political
solution.

      "We have written to the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC)
registering our concerns but they have not replied. The real solution lies
with constitution," said Chamisa. ZEC spokesperson Utloile Silaigwana said
he had been out of office for "some days" and was not aware of the issue.


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Envoy gives-up on Mugabe

Zim Standard

      BY WALTER MARWIZI

      SWEDISH Ambassador to Zimbabwe Sten Rylander has admitted he now
has little enthusiasm to "build bridges" between Zimbabwe and the European
Union (EU).

      When he arrived earlier this year, the envoy was optimistic that
he could influence normalisation of strained relations between the two
parties.

      The basis of his optimism was a long conversation with President
Robert Mugabe on 16 February when he presented his credentials.

      Rylander said the President had indicated he wanted to build
bridges with the West and had asked him to play a key role in this plan.

      Rylander said he emerged from State House convinced that Mugabe
was ready to adopt policies that would help improve relations with the EU.

      The EU accuses Mugabe of human rights abuses and has imposed
travel sanctions on him and his colleagues in the leadership.

      While other diplomats played golf, Rylander spoke to government
officials, taking advantage of Sweden's relationship with Zanu PF and PF
Zapu during the liberation struggle.

      On Sweden's national day, an upbeat Rylander toasted to Mugabe's
good health, hoping to reaffirm his commitment to working with Mugabe.

      He stressed the need for change in Zimbabwe through dialogue and
tolerance.

      But seven months down the line, Rylander appears to have learnt
what other envoys in Zimbabwe already knew: that it is difficult to persuade
Mugabe to abandon policies which have undermined human rights and economic
revival.

       "My optimism is less now than it was when I came. I can't point
to any major decision by the government in the right direction," Rylander
told The Standard last week.

      The Ambassador said he was disappointed that Zimbabwe Congress
of Trade Unions (ZCTU) leaders were thoroughly beaten by security agents
while in detention.

      He said the beatings were "unnecessary and negative" and sent
the wrong signals to the outside world.

      Rylander said he was also disappointed with the conduct of
Didymus Mutasa, the Minister of State for Security, who threatened the ZCTU
leaders, a few days before the planned protests.

      "Mutasa was a man of peace when he was at Cold Comfort Farm. He
was a good guy. I wonder why he seems to be proud of beating up people," the
envoy said.

      Rylander said he had hoped government would do "something" to
convince the EU of its sincerity in building bridges.

      "My options (for bridge-building) are less now than they were
when I arrived but as a good bridge-builder I will continue with my work,"
he said.

      Rylander said he has since maintained a low profile, preferring
to work mainly with organisations assisting the needy.


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Chinese tractors prove 'unequal' to refuse collection task

Zim Standard

      BY OUR STAFF

      EIGHT tractors bought from China by the commission running
Harare are lying idle after they failed to pull refuse trailers due to their
limited horse power, it has been established.

      Sources from Town House last week also revealed that the
commission has already cancelled an order for an additional 14 tractors from
the same undisclosed supplier in China.

      The tractors, which were meant for use in refuse collection
around the city's suburbs, were purchased at an estimated cost of $30
billion in March. Council also purchased 20 trailers for use by the tractors
in refuse collection. However the equipment is now parked at the Harare City
Council's Kelvin Road Depot in Graniteside while rubbish goes uncollected in
the city.

      "The tractors are a major disappointment. Ever since they came,
we are failing to use them," said a source. "They are too small and they don't
have the required pulling capacity. The issue is very hot now because
someone might have made money out of the deal."

       The source said the tractors do not have the required horsepower
to pull refuse trailers and have already developed mechanical problems.

      Another source added that senior members of management were very
angry with the performance of the tractors. "Most of these believe they were
not properly acquired," added the source.

      Director of waste management, Leslie Gwindi, on Friday confirmed
the tractors were going through maintenance.

      "We have had some problems with those tractors and we are
currently carrying out comprehensive tests on them. Hopefully by next week
we would have found a solution," Gwindi said.

       He would not discuss possible agreements with the same company
for the supply of a batch of similar tractors.

      City spokesman, Percy Toriro, yesterday confirmed there were
some problems with the tractors.

      "Yes, that issue is being looked into. It's very difficult to
give a comment now but I think people from the relevant department would be
able to give you a better answer," Toriro said.

      Harare residents have, in recent months, complained of paying
for refuse collection when this was not being done.


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Early rains spark fears of late wheat damage

Zim Standard

      BY VALENTINE MAPONGA

      THE early rains that have been received during the past few days
could damage the bulk of the late planted wheat crop, farmers have warned.

      The government has projected a wheat crop of 220 000 tonnes, a
little more than half the country's requirements.

      There are indications that the target may not be met owing to
combination of labour, input and equipment shortages.

      While the winter wheat harvesting has picked up in some parts of
the country, some farmers, mainly beneficiaries of the controversial land
reform exercise still have crops which are yet to mature. Others are still
struggling to get combine harvesters to harvest their crop.

      Agriculture Minister, Joseph Made, said that the rains came a
little earlier than expected and may have caused damage to the wheat crop in
some parts of the country.

      "In some parts of the country the rains came with a lot of hail
storm and the extent of the damage to crops is still being investigated. We
however don't see any major changes on our initial projections because if
farmers work we would not have problems," Made said.

      Farmers interviewed by Standardbusiness said wheat planted under
the government's ambitious programme, Operation Maguta, in Chinhoyi could
also be affected.

      In addition, they noted that the shortages of combine harvesters
in the country could also worsen the situation.

      "The bulk of the crop that was planted under Maguta is most
likely to be affected since it was planted well after the normal planting
season. Because of the delays, the crops may only be due for harvesting
around the end of November or early December," said one farmer.

      Former president of the Indigenous Commercial Farmers' Union and
agronomist, Thomas Nherera, told Standardbusiness that if the rains continue
for a week, without stopping, the wheat crop would be badly affected.

      "In the meantime the rains that have started falling in some
parts of the country are not enough to cause any adverse damage to the
crops. It can only become a problem when there is overcast weather and the
rains are continuous for close to a week," Nherera said.

      Commercial Farmers' Union (CFU) vice president, Trevor Gifford
said farmers who planted their crop early are not going to be affected by
the rains.

      "With the experience we have had over the years, it is very
obvious that if you don't plant on time, you are bound to have problems. Now
it is very worrying that the anticipation of a good harvest will not come to
fruition due to poor planning," Gifford said.

      He added that if farmers don't conform to the proper planting
dates the country would never realise a good harvest.


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Harare keeps IMF guessing

Zim Standard

      BY OUR STAFF

      HARARE is yet to give International Monetary Fund (IMF) a date
for the global lender's Annual Article IV Consultations.

      The consultation is an annual meeting IMF holds with member
countries. During the mission's stay, IMF holds meeting with all
stakeholders that include government ministries, Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe
(RBZ), labour and business.

      Frances Hardin, IMF senior press officer told Standardbusiness
last week that the date for the mission had not yet been agreed with the
Zimbabwean authorities although the leader of the mission is "most likely to
be Ms Sharmini Coorey".

      The IMF was scheduled to arrive into the country in July but
could not make it as both the Ministry of Finance and RBZ were busy
preparing the fiscal and monetary policies respectively.

       Contacted for comment, the Minister of Finance, Dr Herbert
Murerwa said: "I don't know a date yet. We are in the process of consulting
to fix a date."

      Zimbabwe has been in continuous arrears since February 2001 and
is the only case of protracted arrears to the PRGF-ESF Trust, which
currently amount to about US$119 million.

      Although Harare settled arrears under the General Resources
Account (GRA), Washington is insisting on the source of funds. At the
Executive Board meeting on Zimbabwe in March, IMF resolved not to restore
Zimbabwe's voting and related privileges.


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Mystery shrouds damning Zisco report

Zim Standard

      BY NDAMU SANDU

      THERE is a shroud surrounding the existence and whereabouts of a
report detailing rampant corruption at the government-owned steel maker,
Ziscosteel amid revelations of behind-the-scenes manoeuvres to sweep it
under the carpet.

      Impeccable sources told Standardbusiness last week that the
report by the National Economic Conduct Inspectorate (NECI) was elusive as
Industry and International Trade Minister Obert Mpofu had not availed the
said document to the portfolio committee.

      The portfolio committee wanted to use the report in compiling
its findings on the fate of Zisco to be presented to Parliament.

      Last month Mpofu told a portfolio committee on Foreign Affairs,
Industry and International Trade that there was a report by NECI that
detailed high-level looting of Zisco coffers by ministers and MPs. Mpofu
said that he had requested Anti-Corruption Minister Paul Mangwana not to
prosecute the alleged looters, as the move would drive away investors.

       Mpofu said then: "There is a report which we sent to the Anti-
Corruption ministry involving some influential people involved in underhand
dealings at Zisco. Some of them are my colleagues in Parliament."

      Mpofu was giving oral evidence on the fate of the US$400 million
management contract between Zisco and an Indian firm, Global Steel Holdings
Limited (GSHL).

      Sources said last week that Mpofu had told the portfolio
committee his office did not have the report but it was at Mangwana's
office. Mangwana is alleged to have told the committee that his office does
not have the said report.

      Committee chairperson, Enock Porusingazi, promised to return the
calls from Standardbusiness "as soon as possible". He had not done so at the
time of going to print.

      Contacted for comment Mangwana said NECI is a unit under the
Ministry of Finance.

      "They (portfolio committee) asked me and I told them that they
should ask the Ministry of Finance who are the official custodians of that
document. Whatever I receive is intelligence information," Mangwana said.

      Standardbusiness contacted Finance Minister, Herbert Murerwa,
and he said: "I have not seen the document and therefore I have no comment."

      Mpofu is currently out of the country and only expected back on
Friday.

      Observers said last week that Zisco's case is a litmus test for
the government's anti-corruption drive. Others posit that making the report
public will seriously dent politicians' ambitions in the battle to succeed
Mugabe.

      As Zimbabweans digest the shady dealings that have been swept
under the carpet the question that remains unanswered is:
      Why is Mpofu suddenly unable to produce the report when he had
already condemned his colleagues in government?


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500% tariff hike for Masvingo

Zim Standard

      BY GODFREY MUTIMBA

      MASVINGO residents should brace for yet another tough year after
the city council approved a staggering 500% tariff hike. The approval will
see all rates and services provided by the council skyrocketing beyond the
reach of poor residents.

      These include water, refuse and rentals of council-owned
properties.

      Presenting the budget at Town House last week, Acting Mayor,
Vitus Hakutangwi said council was operating under very difficult conditions
due to continued economic meltdown in the country and had no other option
but to approve a $7,8 billion budget.

       He said council was forced to increase rates by 500% because the
hyper-inflationary environment was making life difficult for the council in
their day-to-day operations.

      "The 2007 budget has been necessitated by the current rate of
inflation which is around 100% with no evidence that it will recede.
Although the rate of inflation is officially over 100%, your council has
factored an inflation rate of 800% into the draft budget with the sole
desire of lessening the burden on rate payers" Hakutangwi said.

      Lack of funds, he added, had forced the local authority to
suspend vital projects as the volatile economic situation in the country
continues to deteriorate.

      Hakutangwi said the budget would among other things finance
council projects, which include servicing of stands, public lighting and the
construction of the Flamboyant Hotel roundabout, which is intended to reduce
accidents along the Harare-Beitbridge road.

      "The only reliable source of funding for capital projects is
long-term loans from government under the Public Sector Investment Programme
but sometimes it is difficult to access such loans," he said.


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Transparency demands train disaster probe be publicised

Zim Standard

Comment

      THE number of people who perished in the Dibangombe train
disaster last month remains indeterminate despite assertions by the National
Railways of Zimbabwe (NRZ) that put the total figure below 10. But it is
precisely because of doubts about the exact death toll in the horrendous
inferno that the report of the inquiry into the tragedy should be made
public.

      If the NRZ embraces transparency, it will value the need to
place the report in the public domain. Innocent lives were lost in the
tragedy and there are relatives who are still uncertain whether or not their
loved ones were among those who died when the carriages were engulfed in an
inferno following an accident.

      Disclosure of the findings is important for relatives who lost,
or suspect their relatives perished, in the disaster because such an act
will provide a sense of closure to their loss.

      NRZ's general manager, retired Air Commodore Mike Karakadzai,
contends that the findings of the inquiry are strictly for internal use.
That is remarkable and supports the suspicion that the increasing
militarisation of public institutions is intended to prevent public scrutiny
of such organisations.

      NRZ's stance is also unfortunate in that it creates the
suspicion that it has something to hide, yet in other respects disclosure of
the findings could compel the government to prevent further loss of lives -
for example addressing the perennial malfunctioning of signalling equipment
and opening up the railways to more players.

      The findings should not be restricted to NRZ because the
parastatal has an unacceptably high accident rate and it is about time the
public is informed why there are so many train accidents and why they
continue to escalate.

      Whenever there is an aircraft accident, a commission of inquiry
is instituted and the findings are made public. We do not see what's so
special about the NRZ that it should keep under wraps findings of such a
tragedy. The NRZ could only be reticent if it was negligent. But it cannot
cover up its negligence indefinitely. Too many lives are being lost in train
accidents and the public is entitled to know why such a situation should
continue to be tolerated and what specific measures have been instituted to
prevent a recurrence of similar tragedies.

      It is doubtful that less than 10 people perished in the
Dibangombe train disaster. The extent of the disaster and the NRZ's
subsequent attempts to prevent publication of the findings suggest that more
died in the inferno.

      In order for the NRZ to proffer a more convincing explanation,
it needs to explain how many people were on that train to Victoria Falls
when it left Bulawayo, how many boarded along the way to the tourist resort,
how many were destined for Zambia and then how many were accounted for after
the disaster.

      It was some time before help arrived and during the intervening
period it is possible that passengers who were not injured disembarked and
proceeded by other means. But that's just an assumption. One of the reasons
why people prefer travelling by train is because of its affordability. This
assumption would suggest therefore that very few passengers found
alternative transport after the tragedy. In fact, they would have been too
dazed and shocked to proceed with their journey.

      There are a lot of unanswered questions surrounding the recent
train disaster and they will not be allayed by mere declarations that the
inquiry findings are for internal consumption. That only fuels suspicion.

      The causes of perennial problems at NRZ will not be resolved by
sweeping the findings of the inquiry under the carpet. Full disclosure is
required now, not later.


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Progressive media laws, the missing link in fighting graft

Zim Standard

      Sunday View By Wilbert Mandinde

      ON 28 September, the Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA)
joined a global coalition of free expression advocates in commemorating the
International Right to Know Day. On this day our global efforts are focussed
on promoting the right of access to information for all people and the
benefits of open, transparent and accountable governments.

      The right to information can only be effectively exercised and
implemented on the basis of laws, regulating this right in accordance with
international standards. While in southern Africa, South Africa is the only
country which has a law that enables its citizens to access public held
information, MISA acknowledges the advances being made in other countries of
the region to formulate such laws.

      From the onset we wish to state that Zimbabwe's ironically named
Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA), in fact, does
not promote the right of citizens to access information. On the contrary,
the law introduces such extensive limitations to this right that it makes it
near impossible for citizens to access information. Many governments,
non-governmental organisations, media organisations and the United Nations
Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Opinion and Expression have condemned this
law for the extreme restrictions it places on freedom of expression.

      Misa celebrates this day reflecting on the past achievements and
failures of the right to information in Southern Africa:

      It is worth noting that the right to information has gained
considerable importance in recent years among governments and is on the
agendas of media law reform in many countries, and this, is worth
celebrating. There is also a growing awareness and interest among civil
society to join alliances on the call for freedom of information
legislation.

      In many countries the public is increasingly getting aware and
joining discussions on the issue of freedom of information, a development
which was hardly the case five years ago. Therefore the biggest achievement
in southern Africa has been the acceptance and growing awareness of the
importance and indispensability of freedom of information to democracy.

      However, there is still much to be done in creating mass
awareness which will translate into social action.

      The biggest challenge to freedom of information in southern
Africa is governments' leisurely pace towards media law reform.

      While all SADC countries guarantee freedom of expression as a
fundamental right and acknowledge the need for the right to information,
they seem to be in no particular hurry in passing access to information
laws. SADC Heads of State have signed international and regional treaties
committing to freedom of information but have failed to translate it into
meaningful actions that make this right a reality for the people of our
region.

      Perhaps we need to explain what exactly we mean by the right to
know, also referred to as the right to information or freedom of
information.

      The right to know is simply the call to make information held by
public institutions available and accessible to the public. The right to
information is not a mere call for government records, but a call for a more
transparent and accountable governance process, if democracy has to be
meaningful.

      A freedom of information law sets out guidelines, procedures and
parameters on how the public can access information from public and/or
private institutions.

      MISA believes that the right to information must be guaranteed
by a strong legislation and the process of law-making must be participatory
and consultative. For the effective participation of citizens in the
governance and development of their country, they should be enabled to have
easy and timely access to critical information.

      The right to information is a global issue of importance, with
more than 60 countries with laws on right to information, hailed as a basis
for effective participation in governance as well as a potentially powerful
tool for countering corruption.

      In southern Africa where more than 70% of underdevelopment and
poverty is directly linked to corruption, the right to know laws could have
taken more prominence and priority in law reform.

      MISA believes that corruption can never be truly fought without
freedom of information legislation. In fact there is a correlation between
highly corrupt countries with the absence of right to information laws.

      The reluctance or perhaps the failure of governments to enact
and pass legislation leaves more questions than answers; what could
governments possibly be hiding from its citizens? Why are there so many
delays in as far as right to information laws are concerned? Do our
governments have something to hide which such a law will bring to the light?

      In the absence of answers there are two schools of thought on
this matter: either that our governments are highly corrupt or that they are
genuinely ignorant on the merits of such a law.

      The former is not totally presumptuous given the many cases and
evidence of corruption and abuse of power in the higher and lower places of
government. Clearly if these abuses of power and mismanagement of resources
are to the benefit of policy makers then such a law is not in their interest
and they will do anything in their power to block it.

      The latter assumption is that perhaps there is a genuine
ignorance and lack of understanding of the merits and needs of such a law.
In a recent study by MISA, two SADC members of parliament were interviewed
on the need for the right to information law.

      They doubted the relevance of a right to information law citing
that it would interfere with the privacy act. "Why would we pass such a law
if it will be in conflict with the privacy Act?"

      Such views are ill-informed and an obstacle to the passing of
right to know laws which are designed for the greater good of society.
Obviously there are limitations to information that can be accessed under
such a law. Nonetheless, in an open, transparent and democratic society we
should avail ourselves to scrutiny.

      MISA believes that the right to information is fundamental to
the realisation of social and economic rights.

      MISA calls on the people of southern Africa to join the long
overdue call for freedom of information law, because the right to
information is not just about the media - it is about the right to live:

      Without the right to information you will never know what
happened to the money allocated in your community to build a clinic, to buy
medicine, to build a school, to dig a borehole. You will never know how many
government tenders where allocated to whom and why, without information you
will never know why your children are unemployed.

       Crucially, the right to information is envisioned as the
cornerstone of all freedoms - in effect, one cannot fully enjoy or exercise
the right to vote, self-determination or to a clean and healthy environment
or make informed choices without the information that would make those
rights or choices worthwhile. The enjoyment of the other rights and the
choices to be made as to the effective means and ways of doing so will
inherently depend on the availability of information.

      * MISA calls on civil society: trade unions, the churches to
join in the campaign for the right to know, which ultimately is a fight
against corruption and social injustice.

      * MISA is ready and willing to work with SADC governments in
providing technical expertise in drafting the right to information.

      * MISA strongly condemns unjustified delays from SADC
governments and calls for speeding-up processes of passing laws on freedom
of information to information.


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Zanu PF bootlickers stifle Mugabe succession debate

Zim Standard

      Sunday Opinion By Jelousy Mawarire

       LISTENING to Zanu PF political commissar, Elliot Manyika,
telling party supporters that there should be no talk on President Robert
Mugabe's successor, purportedly on the grounds that it is unAfrican,
reminded me of the many instances when Mugabe's cronies have tried to outdo
each other in misleading the ageing statesman that he is an indispensable
part of the political landscape in this country.

      Lately, we have been getting excessive doses of typical
bootlicking speeches by Zanu PF members who owe their political lives,
economic statuses and general personal achievements to their proximity to
Mugabe. They have told us all sorts of fallacies for their support of Mugabe's
continued tenure, which, ironically, has driven the average Zimbabwean into
destitution.

      Some of Mugabe's henchmen have been rewarded with cabinet posts
for uttering blasphemous statements. Some have equated Mugabe to Jesus and
they have been rewarded while others were promoted for simply telling the
old man that he was Zimbabwe's Moses. While these were personal opinions
which are permissible in a democratic society, statements such as those by
Manyika are obscenely dangerous, especially when they are directed at, and
said within earshot of someone desperately trying to entrench himself as a
life president.

      Such statements are also an insult to intelligence, especially
when Manyika tries to drag tradition into his bootlicking antics.
Constitutional governments are not African thus there is no basis for
Manyika to try to stifle discourse and efforts to succeed Mugabe on the
grounds of Africanness or tradition, unless Manyika wants to tell us that
Zimbabwe is an absolute monarchy and that Mugabe will be succeeded by his
children. If we inherited constitutional institutions, then we should be
prepared to live with the dictates and requirements concomitant with the
operations of such political institutions.

      If Mugabe owes his legitimacy to elections, never mind the
blatant cases of electoral frauds since 1980, then it is not criminal for
anyone to start talking of succeeding him now considering that we are only
16 months away from the presidential election. Mugabe's current term expires
in March 2008. Surely any serious would-be president would want to endear
himself with the county's electorate early and now is the time to start
doing so.

      It is sad that dog-like devotion to Mugabe by his cronies have
led Mugabe into some self-indulgence leading him to believe he is the
God-given ruler of this country. More often than not, a lot of dissuading
tradition and moral reasoning has been thrown around to stifle efforts to
replace him. Mugabe himself has tried to bring in issues of morality in
trying to disqualify potential candidates to succeed him.

       In July, he went ballistic on how some people who wanted to be
presidents are "immoral" and have a lot of mistresses in the Avenues area.
But are such personal traits really important if a man knows how to govern,
how to listen to the needs of the people he is leading, if that person can
ensure foreign direct investment, if that person can restore investor
confidence and deal with all our economic woes and restore some semblance of
order and dignity to the way the general citizen is living?

      People like Mugabe and Manyika should just stop fooling the
majority of Zimbabweans by referring to tradition and morality as ways of
dissuading debate on Mugabe's succession. Zimbabwe needs vibrant debate,
wider consultations and intensive brainstorming if we are to find someone
who will repair the damage that Mugabe's misrule has visited on the country.
We are tired of lies aimed at keeping Mugabe in power.

      Everything is in shambles yet people like Manyika want to tell
us tradition bars us from openly endeavouring to rectify the situation by
removing the architect of our problems. Those of us who have had the
opportunity to live outside the country have been lucky enough because we
have learnt to discern misinformation from people like Manyika.

      We should be courageous enough to compare all the losses against
the gains of the early 1980s because of Mugabe's insistence that he alone is
the man up to the task in Zimbabwe and that wisdom was born with his
ascension to power in 1980 and will die with his departure from power.

      We can only do our people a favour by telling them the truth,
which is that Mugabe has out-lived his relevance to this country.


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Zim Standard Letters

Disgusted by Shamuyarira's utterances on Gukurahundi
      I was greatly disturbed by the reckless and careless utterances
of Nathan Shamuyarira in The Standard of 1 October 2006 on the sensitive
issue of Gukurahundi.

      Shamuyarira should not downplay the atrocities and justify the
killings by implying that there was a war situation in the country. If so,
can he tell us which Act of Parliament and when it was debated to pronounce
the country was in a state of war.

       Gukurahundi was conceived in President Robert Mugabe's mind long
before independence as a way of consolidating his power. Six months (October
1980) after attaining independence Mugabe signed an agreement with Kim II
Sung of North Korea to train a crack unit that would not fall under army
structures and would report directly to him.

      Enos Nkala followed a month later (November 1980) at rallies in
Bulawayo promising Zapu supporters that Zanu would deliver blows to them. In
August 1981 some 106 North Koreans came to train 3 500 recruits at the
Tongogara Camp which was mainly Zanla-dominated. Zipra recruits were not
allowed to join this crack unit.

      Its formation was questioned by the late Vice President Joshua
Nkomo but was told in a burst of fury to his shock that it was there to
destroy him and his supporters if they ever dared challenge his (Mugabe's)
rule.

      With this background, it's evident that Gukurahundi had long
been in Mugabe's evil deck of cards as Professor Jonathan Moyo would rightly
put it. All he was looking for was an excuse to unleash his killing machine
in Matabeleland and the Midlands which were a threat to his one party state
agenda. This excuse he got by "discovering" two arms caches at Zapu-owned
farms. Like all the other caches to date, this was blown out of proportion
and exaggerated by the State media.

      Repeated efforts by Nkomo to see and confirm the nature and
magnitude of the weapons were in vain, remember Zipra was Russian sponsored
so their weapons would have been easily identified. Arms that couldn't even
fill a pick-up truck were pronounced as enough to take on a whole country
with all its different units.

      Dissidents in the three provinces were a reality, but what I
fail to understand is the fact that a crack unit of 3 500, the ZNA, the CIO
headed by Emmerson Mnangagwa, the Police Support Unit, the Youth Brigade and
the Police failed to contain about 100 (122 surrendered after the Unity
Accord) or so dissidents who didn't have that much resources besides their
hand guns. My reasoning is that they were not after the dissidents in the
first place. Their real agenda was Mugabe's plot to wipe out the Ndebeles.
This, Mugabe clearly stated in April 1983 when he said: "We eradicate them,
we don't differentiate when we fight because we can't tell who is a
dissident and who is not."

      Shamuyarira tries to neutralise and portray the situation as
having been a war between the Ndebeles and the Shonas by saying that, "it
was not the Ndebeles only who were killed in this genocide, but also some
Shona-speaking and European farmers".

      The fact is that more than 90% of the estimated 20 000 people
murdered were innocent Ndebele civilians. Shamuyarira hypocritically tries
to hide behind the fact of protecting the white farmers in the area. How
convenient! Where are those farmers they were protecting then?

      Shamuyarira also misleads us with the lies that, "we killed vana
Gwesela in my province". Richard Gwesela or Otshad as we knew him when he
was a grinding mill attendant in Zhombe in his earlier years is alive and
well down south, and does occasionally visit. Killing one of the many
innocent young men and parading him as Gwesela is not only misleading but
also criminal.

       Shamuyarira further says that, "they were doing their job to
protect the people". What a skewed way of doing it - pregnant girls having
their wombs ripped open in Neshango line in Nyamandlovu area, on 3 February
1983 at Khumbula School in Phumula 5km north-east of Phumula Mission, and
then forcing seven individuals to dig their own grave before shooting them
and burying some of them while they were still alive. As if that was enough,
those that remained were forced to dance on top of the grave chanting Zanu
PF praise songs. What about the massacre at Cewale River of 62 innocent
civilians? Did I mention Bheligwe concentration camp? Who exactly were
Shamuyarira and the government protecting?

      Shamuyarira said there is no need for compensation for the
victims. Can I draw his attention to the government's commitment to the UN
in 1996:"Pursuant to the signing of the Unity Accord in 1987, (the
government) has decided to compensate all families with missing relatives
regardless of whether there were court proceedings concerning the
disappearance . . ."

      Why is the government backtracking on this initiative especially
considering the War Victims' Compensation Act was there for those who
suffered in the 70s war? There are some who couldn't get death certificates
for their breadwinners, meaning that they couldn't claim benefits from
various institutions because the system would not allow them to state the
cause of death. I'm disgusted by Shamuyarira's insensitivity.

      Mandlenkosi Ncube

       Bulawayo

------
      Racism, tribalism: two sides of the same coin
            A recent article described the plight of blacks abroad and
how the author was attacked and left for dead. It was very saddening and
shows us how racism still thrives and how far it goes to justify
discrimination, social discrimination, racial segregation and violence.

            The effects of racism are the same as those of tribalism
which has divided Zimbabwe for a long time and therefore this article may be
viewed as simultaneously addressing both these social evils.

            Tribalism as we know, always sticks out its ugly head in
politics and development issues in Zimbabwe, the highlight being the
disturbances in the opposition MDC.

            I would start by stating that racism is a choice, people
decide to be racist, there is no scientific evidence that shows a
predisposition to be racist. It is simply a belief in the moral or
biological superiority of one race or ethnic group over another or others.

            Racism is destructive. It disempowers people by devaluing
their identity. It destroys community cohesion and creates divisions in
society. It is the opposite of the democratic principle of equality and the
right of all people to be treated fairly.

            Racist attitudes and beliefs are misconceptions about
people based on perceived racial lines and are often founded on the fear of
difference, including differences in customs, values, religion, physical
appearance and ways of living and viewing the world. This includes negative
attitudes towards the use of different languages.

            Racism affects everyone. It damages communities by
limiting the contributions of its members and disrupts peaceful co-existence
and co-operation between groups. It damages individuals by destroying
self-confidence and preventing them from achieving their potential. It is
particularly damaging for children as it hampers social development and
limits educational opportunities. The consequences of racism - social
injustice, a less productive economy and a divided community - are clearly
detrimental, not only for its victims but to society as a whole.

            I rest my case.

             Asher Tarivona-Mutsengi

            University of Texas at Austin

            US

       ---------
            Mugabe has completely lost his 'Ubuntu'
                  I have listened to former US President Bill Clinton
speak at numerous forums but as an African I will always remember his recent
speech at Britain's Labour Party Conference in Manchester on the 27
September 2006.

                  Clinton, being human like anyone else, was never
perfect as President of the US, but today, along with other international
luminaries such as Nelson Mandela or Mikhail Gorbachev, he is among the most
respected and revered former heads of State in the world.

                  In his closing remarks to the speech at the Labour
Party's Conference, soon after speaking about the need to work towards
global equity and eradication of poverty in poor countries such as those in
Africa, Clinton invoked the timeless southern African philosophy of
"Ubuntu".

                  Denouncing global inequity in all its forms, Clinton
urged Labour Conference delegates to meditate upon the meaning of the word
"Ubuntu", which he directly translated to mean, "I am, because you are".

                  It was his plea to the Western world to realise that
for the global North to have all its wealth it's because of other global
citizens, who, albeit, are not sharing the same wealth and well-being
enjoyed in the Western world.

                  I thought long and hard about the applicability of
this philosophy to Zimbabwe. I thought about the nature of a President who
unashamedly declares war on his own people as evidenced by sanctioning of
police brutality upon defenceless workers protesting because they are
hungry.

                  I thought long and hard about a President who
publicly insults his own people calling them all sorts of names (e.g.
"totemless", ugly", "mazitumbu", etc). I thought about the nature of a
President who has no heart or empathy for the plight of his own people.

                  I came to the conclusion that Mugabe is the most
unAfrican person, to have led an African country. He forgets the fact that
for him to be, it's because we are. He thinks his regime is a law unto
itself that the international community must "shut up" and leave Zimbabwe
alone as if we are an island unto ourselves.

                  Robert Mugabe has virtually no "Ubuntu", and neither
does he remotely understand what that philosophy means. Shame on Mugabe!

                   Disgusted

                   Minnesota

                  USA

             ------------

            Getting real on food security

            ZIMBABWE's has over the last five years gone through a
massive agrarian reform exercise. The revolution saw previously marginalised
"black" farmers being moved from their arid soils onto prime farmland.

            One critical element lacking in Africa which Zimbabwe has
now adopted is an "agrarian policy framework". Such a framework is important
for coming up with proper plans for farming seasons, resource allocation,
and political support for agriculture and technical support for those in
agriculture.

            If we are to empower African farmers, we need to start by
giving them access to good land.
            The media can play a pivotal role in improving skills of
farmers through radio and TV broadcasts. Also of importance are farmer
organisations which mobilise resources on behalf of their members.

            Governments also must play a major role in ensuring that
farmers get funding for their projects.

            Without a proper operating framework, the eradication of
poverty in Africa will remain a pipe dream and unless we can accord the
black farmer the status befitting him/her, Africa will remain a net food
importer.

            Munyaradzi Chimwara

            Harare
             ------------------

                  Mugabe's 'storm troopers' cannot escape retribution
                        WITH the President's declaration that the
police were only doing their job, the police have effectively become his
storm troopers.

                         We are now effectively a Police State.

                         But what these foot soldiers do not know is
that they are being used by a regime that is on its last legs. Mugabe is
merely using them as a buffer zone so that Zimbabweans become too scared to
oppose him.

                        He gives them the green light because he knows
that they are blindly loyal to him. Some of the police officers perpetrating
violence do so reluctantly, but this will not save them from jail when the
day of reckoning arrives, as it surely will.

                        They can run, but they can't hide. Their
devotion to Mugabe will cost them dearly one day. There shall be gnashing of
teeth!

                        They can escape to other countries but they
will be hunted down eventually.

                        What they don't know too, is that when the day
of reckoning comes, they are the ones who will be arrested, tried, and
jailed, and not Mugabe, who will likely get amnesty.

                        No amount of "we were only doing our job" will
save them. What they should know now is that their actions are not escaping
notice. They are committing crimes but are being told they are only doing
their duty. The victims of police brutality know the names of the
perpetrators. With the help of witnesses and other victims, their time shall
come as surely as the sun rises from the East.

                        The perpetrators need to be disabused of the
notion that it is a faint possibility that they will be tried. Make no
mistake, they WILL be tried! The dates, names of victims are being
systematically recorded and kept.

                        One more thing, the police have a lot of
informers who know full well who their fellow perpetrators of violence are,
and they are keen to distance themselves by providing information. So to the
police I say, enjoy yourselves while you can . . .

                        We shall overcome!

                        Mwana Wevhu

                         Harare

                   ---------
                        Exposing Zanu PF falsehoods about Gwesela,
dissidents
                          I was a BBC correspondent in Matabeleland in
1987 when the army announced that it had killed notorious dissident Richard
Gwesela during a clash in Lower Gweru area.

                          As most of us now know, it turned out that
the person the army claimed to have killed was not the real Gwesela but an
impersonator. When I heard that Gwesela's body was being displayed at Gweru
Police station, I rushed there to see for myself.

                          I had asked a former Zipra cadre to
accompany me because he knew Gwesela since they came from the same village
in Chief Gwesela's area. The first thing the former Zipra man said to me
when he saw the body of the alleged Gwesela was: "This is not Gwesela. They
killed the wrong guy."

                          I also interviewed people from Lower Gweru,
who knew Gwesela and they all told me the dead dissident was not the
troublesome Gwesela.

                          A few months after the signing of the Unity
Accord between Dr Joshua Nkomo and then Prime Minister Robert Mugabe in
December 1987, Gwesela's relatives spotted him strolling in the streets of
Johannesburg.

                          Every now and then, there are people who say
Gwesela is still alive and living in South Africa.

                          Shamuyarira also lied when he claimed
Gwesela operated in Mashonaland West province and killed Shona-speaking
people living there.

                           According to Max Mkandla, a former Zipra
cadre, Gwesela never operated in Mashonaland although Zipra guerrillas
controlled most of the areas in Mashonaland West province during the war.

                           The Zanu PF so-called dissidents only
operated in Matabeleland and the Midlands because they wanted to give the
impression that they were Ndebeles who wanted to overthrow the government.

                           My fellow countrymen and women, dissidents
existed only in the imagination of Zanu PF leaders and commanders such as
Perrence Shiri and others who were blinded by their hatred of the Ndebele
people.

                          The people of Matabeleland were massacred
not because they backed the non-existent dissidents but because Zanu PF had
planned the massacres in Mozambique before independence.

                          I hope my letter clarifies the confusion
especially in Mashonaland where many people were misled by Zanu PF leaders
about the political situation in Matabeleland. It's not all Shonas who hated
the Ndebeles.

                          In fact, there are many Shona-speaking
Gukurahundi soldiers who saved the villagers by asking them to flee into the
bush to avoid being killed by some of their colleagues. It happened in the
area where I come from. Some 5 Brigade soldiers risked their own lives in
order to save villagers.

                          Thabo Kunene

                          Port Elizabeth

                          South Africa

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