The ZIMBABWE Situation Our thoughts and prayers are with Zimbabwe
- may peace, truth and justice prevail.

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      Angry Mugabe flies out after Sadc snub

      10/8/02 2:39:33 PM (GMT +2)

      Staff Reporter

      PRESIDENT Mugabe left the Angolan capital, Luanda, in anger last week
after his regional allies turned on him and denied him the chance to be next
year's chairman of the Southern African Development Community (Sadc),
according to the latest issue of The Sunday Times of South Africa.

      The newspaper said other regional heads of state told Mugabe the way
he was going about land reform made him unfit to be a future chairman of
      Mugabe was next in line to be deputy chairman of the body, a position
which would have made him chairman a year later.

      In a lengthy article in yesterday's issue of the government-controlled
Herald newspaper, Professor Jonathan Moyo, the Minister of State for
Information and Publicity, claimed Zimbabwe had voluntarily handed over the
Sadc vice-chairmanship to Tanzania.

      He said the government's priority now was to "attend to our economy
through increased agricultural productivity to consolidate the gains of The
Third Chimurenga".

      But The Sunday Times said all pre-summit documentation had billed
Mugabe as the new deputy chairman of Sadc, who would take over leadership
from Angolan President Jose Eduardo dos Santos in 2003.

      But, instead of going through the motions of electing him, heads of
state who were meeting at the annual Sadc summit, told him the image of the
regional body would suffer in his hands.

      The newspaper said the decision was conveyed to Mugabe by Malawian
President Bakili Muluzi, on Wednesday. Due to Zimbabwe's internal and
external battles, it was not the correct time for the country to be talking
on behalf of Sadc, Muluzi is reported to have told Mugabe. He did not
protest as it was clear that the other leaders supported Muluzi's view,
in-siders said.

      Mugabe was to deliver the closing address at the two-day summit on
Thursday evening, but instead left for Harare that morning.

      A few hours later, he flew to Maputo to attend the 10th anniversary
celebrations of Mozambique's peace agreement between the Frelimo government
and former rebel movement, Renamo.

      After private consultations before the start of the summit on
Wednesday, most regional leaders agreed that allowing Mugabe to lead Sadc
would jeopardise the region's development projects and the organisation's
future, as Sadc is almost entirely dependent on Western donors, The Sunday
Times said.

      During the meeting on Wednesday, Botswana's President Festus Mogae
asked Mugabe why television news reports showed white farmers packing their
possessions if Zimbabwe was only expropriating surplus land, the newspaper

      Mugabe said the reports were not correct because all the farmers still
had houses.

      "The leaders who spoke made it clear that they support the principle
of land redistribution. However, nobody said they supported the way in which
it was being carried out," one Sadc official said.

      One minister told the newspaper: "They were not hostile, but were very
firm and made it clear that they would not calmly tolerate what was going on
in Zimbabwe any more."

      President Thabo Mbeki is said to have contributed very little to the
      At the meeting where he was stripped of the prospect of chairing the
regional body, Mugabe said he had discussed land reform with former British
prime ministers Margaret Thatcher and John Major.

      Both had undertaken to sponsor the land reform programme but the
current British Prime Minister, Tony Blair, had sabotaged the process,
forcing the Zimbabwean government to act on its own.

      The newspaper said other Sadc heads of state decided to announce that
it had been Zimbabwe's decision to decline the position and offer it to
      The newspaper alleged that Sadc was also heading for a showdown with
the European Union over Zimbabwe.

      The two groups are scheduled to meet in Copenhagen, Denmark, to
discuss co-operation, but the EU has indicated it is not prepared to have
the meeting if Zimbabwe is part of the delegation.
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ZIMBABWE: Opposition seeks UN investigation of rights abuses
JOHANNESBURG, 8 Oct 2002 (IRIN) - Opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai wants
the United Nations to investigate alleged human rights abuses in Zimbabwe.

Tsvangirai told IRIN on Tuesday that the Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC) was hoping a UN investigation would "stop the carnage, the violence
and human rights abuses that are taking place in the country".

When asked what kind of intervention the MDC was seeking, Tsvangirai said:
"It is clear that the [political] crisis is deepening and we want the UN
Security Council to consider the matter. What we want is to stop the
violence against the people, we want a UN Security Council investigation
into the matter."

Tsvangirai lost the March presidential elections to President Robert Mugabe.
However, the MDC has rejected Mugabe's victory as fraudulent, claiming the
poll was rigged in Mugabe's favour and that opposition supporters were
intimidated or prevented from voting.

The United States and the European Union imposed sanctions against
Zimbabwe's ruling elite after the March poll, while the Commonwealth
suspended Zimbabwe's membership.

"We are seriously considering contacting the [UN] Human Rights Commissioner
to put the matter before the [Security] Council. We will be moving on that
issue very shortly.

"We believe that there's not just the humanitarian crisis with regard to
hunger [about six million people require food aid until March 2003], but
regarding ethnic cleansing that is taking place, the selective application
of the law and serious and deliberate displacement of people, especially
farm workers. The human suffering has gone beyond just a question of hunger,
there have been serious abuses," Tsvangirai alleged.

A spokesman for the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights in Geneva told
IRIN that the office "on its own cannot initiate an investigation" and would
have to have a UN mandate based on a request.

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MDC calls for UN intervention in Zimbabwe

      October 08 2002 at 06:40AM

Harare - Zimbabwe's main opposition leader on Monday called on the United
Nations to intervene over the country's political crisis, charging that
President Robert Mugabe's government threatened stability in the region.

"The Mugabe regime is now clearly bent on exporting anarchy and instability
to the region and this constitutes a clear threat to international peace and
stability," said Morgan Tsvangirai, leader of the Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC).

In March Tsvangirai lost to Mugabe in presidential elections whose result
the MDC rejected, claiming the vote was rigged in Mugabe's favour, and that
MDC supporters were intimidated from voting.

Tsvangirai said at a meeting to discuss constitutional reform that the only
way out of the crisis was a re-run of the elections.

Constitutional reform was a prerequisite, he said, but only as the product
of "a legitimate government working together with the legitimate
representatives of the people and the democratic forces in the country."

It was time the UN through its Security Council helped to find "an
internationally guaranteed lasting peace to the Zimbabwe crisis," Tsvangirai

The US and the European Union (EU) imposed sanctions against Zimbabwe's
ruling elite after the March poll, and the Commonwealth suspended Zimbabwe -
a member-country - from its meetings.

For more than two years political tension between the MDC and the ruling
Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (Zanu-PF) has seen scores of
mainly opposition supporters killed. - Sapa-AFP
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Daily News

      Sadc commended for seeing light at last

      10/8/02 3:05:16 PM (GMT +2)

      THE strident tone in which the official government spokesman tried to
gloss over the decision of the Southern African Development Community (Sadc)
's decision to deny Zimbabwe the deputy chairmanship of the group smacks of

      The government in Harare seems desperate to deny that the Sadc summit
in Luanda decided Tanzania, and not the increasingly politically leprous
Zimbabwe, should assume the deputy chairmanship.

      That post would ensure that Zimbabwe becomes the Sadc chairman at the
next summit in 2003. The attitude of the other 12 members, according to the
government spokesman in Harare, was that they saw no undesirable political
      economic repercussions flowing from that eventuality.

      That would have been absolutely amazing. Most member-states have
suffered the economic contagion of Zimbabwe's isolation by the international
      Some have protested that, as a result of Mugabe's racist, violent and
often illegal land reform programme, his iron-fisted treatment of dissent,
including political parties and the independent media, they have endured a
severe decline in tourism.

      Others have seen a sharp decline in new foreign investment because of
their proximity to the political powder-keg that is Zimbabwe. Most must have
decided that not acting to show Mugabe how harmful his policies are would be
      Sadc solidarity to potentially ruinous lengths.

      The rest of the Sadc members were bound to lower the boom sooner or
later on Zimbabwe. Closer allies such as Namibia and Angola, whose troops
joined Zimbabwe in the misadventure in the Democratic Republic of the Congo
persuaded others to put off any precipitous action until now.

      But, in the end, a sense of enlightened self-interest must have
prevailed. Even in the dubious cause of maintaining African unity, was it
worth following your friend into penury?

      This is Zimbabwe's destiny, if Mugabe clings stubbornly to his "Go to
Hell!" response to the loud calls around the world for Zimbabwe to come to
its senses.
      Zimbabwe, because of its anti-people policies, launched amid much
bloodshed in the 2000 parliamentary election campaign, has had a love-hate
relationship with most Sadc members, particularly South Africa, Botswana and
      After that violence, some members campaigned for a change in the
chairmanship of the powerful organ on politics, defence and security, then
held by Zimbabwe.
      Just as vigorously, Mugabe mustered all his political skills to resist
this onslaught on what he must have seen as one of his most prestigious
posts, as an elder statesman of the region.

      But the others would have none of it. He eventually had to relinquish
the position, which was taken over by Mozambique.

      Mugabe's wings had been clipped, but he still enjoyed a modicum of
support among some members, notably from the increasingly Mugabe wannabe,
Sam Nujoma of Namibia.

      But perhaps, for his detractors, the recklessly juvenile speech at the
World Summit on Sustainable Development in Johannesburg was the last straw.
In that speech, he stoked the fires that eventually led to his humiliation
in Luanda last week.

      The bigger political picture, ignoring the arguments about whether
Zimbabwe withdrew its claim to the deputy chairmanship voluntarily, or was
kicked out on its ear, is that Sadc has at last seen the light.

      Most people in Zimbabwe had given up on Sadc as an effective and
active player in the democratisation stakes in the region.

      Zimbabweans have been particularly disillusioned with South Africa's
Thabo Mbeki and Mozambique's Joachim Chissano.

      Their domestic policies seemed in tune with the aspirations of the
people of Zimbabwe as expressed in their decision to reject Zanu PF's draft
constitution in 2000 and their decision to reject many Zanu PF Members of
Parliament in the elections in the same years. Yet when it really mattered,
the two leaders would not lend their full support to policies, domestic or
foreign, which would rein in Mugabe's excesses. This latest decision by the
group, whatever Mugabe's spin doctors say of its origins, is to be
commended. Sadc has at last seen the light.
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Daily News

      NCA urges Zimbabweans

      10/8/02 2:48:28 PM (GMT +2)

      By Pedzisai Ruhanya

      THE National Constitutional Assembly (NCA), yesterday urged
Zimbabweans to confront President Mugabe's government in order to usher in a
new democratic dispensation in the country.

      Its chairman, Dr Lovemore Madhuku, said there was consensus among
political parties and civic organisations to have an election re-run after
last March's election controversially won by Mugabe.

      Speaking at a constitutional reform meeting attended by more than 500
people in Harare, Madhuku said Zimbabweans should be more united than before
in order to stop the current human rights violations in the country.

      He said: "We have to confront the regime in order to have democracy.
It should be noted that a new constitution will result in an election re-run
and an accountable government."

      Madhuku said that the NCA would soon announce how it intends to defy
unjust laws in the country in order to have a new democratic constitution.

      Wurayayi Zembe, the president of the Democratic Party who represents
political parties in the NCA task force, said it was sad that Mugabe talked
about the country not returning to former colonialists yet he used a
colonial constitution.

      "Mugabe is not serious and this talk about returning the country to
former Rhodesian rulers is nonsense. If he hates colonialism so much why is
he using a colonial constitution to govern this country?," Zembe asked.

      He said the only way to solve the current political crisis was to
unite and fight for a new constitution that represents the wishes of all
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Daily News

      Beef industry collapsing

      10/8/02 3:49:02 PM (GMT +2)

      From Energy Bara in Masvingo

      THE Zimbabwean beef industry faces imminent collapse as more than 200
000 head of cattle, worth billions of dollars, have been lost in Masvingo
province alone by commercial farmers in the past two years. The losses were
as a result of cattle rustling and death due to a critical shortage of

      Mike Clark, the Commercial Farmers' Union regional spokesperson, said
the national herd had been heavily depleted and the country might be forced
to import breeding stock in the next agricultural season to save the
industry from collapse. Clark said of the 400 000 head of cattle in
Masvingo, more than half were lost through rustling and death related to a
shortage of grazing. "The breeding herd has to be imported if the beef
industry is to be saved from collapsing," Clark said. "In fact, the country
will soon be importing all agricultural products such as eggs, beef, butter
and wheat because the whole commercial agriculture industry has been
destroyed through the land reform programme."

      Clark said the outbreak of such diseases as foot-and-mouth had also
contributed to the collapse of the beef industry, as most fences across the
country had been destroyed. In Masvingo, an outbreak of foot-and-mouth
disease was reported in the Save Valley Conservancy and rural Sengwe. This
was attributed to the uncontrolled movement of cattle by the new settlers
and the breaking down of controlling fences. He said there were no vaccines
to treat the cattle while no measures had been put in place to control the
movement of livestock. Meanwhile, commercial farmers in Masvingo have said
they are not preparing any land for cropping this season because of the
tension prevailing on the commercial farms. "We cannot talk of planting any
crop because the situation is terrible. We are appealing to government to
engage in serious discussion with farmers in order to resolve the problems,"
Clark said.
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Daily News

      Police accused of harassing farmers in Matabeleland

      10/8/02 3:13:59 PM (GMT +2)

      From Sandra Mujokoro

      THE eviction of farmers in Matabeleland province has taken a new
dimension with reports that police are harassing farmers. Police, together
with the National Land Task Force Committee, last week stepped up the
eviction of white commercial farmers, both with and without section 8

      Last Wednesday, the national task force on land and the provincial
land task force met and resolved to suspend negotiations with the farmers
until they have all left their farms. The national committee, led by the
chairman, deputy police commissioner Godwin Matanga, said it wanted the new
farmers to move onto the land before the rains. According to a report from
Justice for Agriculture (JAG), an elderly couple from the Gwayi area, Jimmy
and Ruth Chatham, both 76-years-old, sustained injuries to their arms after
being manhandled by police officers during eviction. A Lupane district
council vehicle allegedly arrived on their farm on Wednesday with four
uniformed police officers and the rest in plainclothes. They broke into the
yard, loosened the wire to the fence post and took the Chathams' three

      The couple were then allegedly handcuffed, put in the back of the
vehicle and taken down the road, only to be returned and told to pack their
suitcases. The couple's son, Aubrey, and Jimmy's brother, Dave, were also
evicted despite having been issued only with preliminary notices (Section
5). The police allegedly told them the papers they had meant nothing to

      Buck deVries of Gwayi was given just two hours to get off his property
and was told to report to Dete police station, which he did. While there,
the police allegedly verbally abused him for some time before he returned to
his son's homestead. On Mike Woods' GlenCurragh Farm in Nyamandlovu, war
veterans and settlers allegedly went into the workshop area and took
handcuffs and pepper sprays.

      They then proceeded to search the scouts' homes for weapons. The
scouts were told not to return to the fenced area and all staff were
expected to get paid and leave. JAG also reports that David Olds, whose
mother Gloria and brother Martin were killed by suspected war veterans,
received neither Section 5 nor 8 but was threatened with arrest if he
remained on the farm. Meanwhile, three farmers arrested last Monday for
contravening Section 8 orders, Leefie Cahill from Shangani and Julius and
Enerst Rosenfels from Marula, have been released. Cahill and Julius were
released with no bail while Enerst was released on $4 000 bail. He will
appear in court on 30 October.

      Other farmers evicted on Thursday evening include Clive Biffen of
Inyati, L Cummings, Piet Van Den Berg, Ian Erasmus, and a Bowan, all of
Matetsi. Also affected were Trevor Kendall from Gwayi, Keith Keogh and Peter
Hubert from Nyamandlovu and Beitbridge farmers Bengi Kawood, who was given
five minutes to vacate, Ian Ferguson and Digby Bristow. Others are Tony
Debois, Deon Steffa, Gert Oosterhuizen and Rob du Preez. The farmers join 29
other commercial farmers from the Matabeleland region who have so far been
evicted from their properties since the crackdown began last week.




I Michael Anthony Clark of Umbono Ranch, Mwenezi, make the following statement on behalf of the Mwenezi farmers in my capacity as Chairman of the Mwenezi Farmers’ Association:


This morning, October 7, 2002 at about 8.30am I received a telephone call from Ernel Wartington of Sonop Ranch. He said that the District Administrator, (DA) Mr. Zvondove and the Officer in Charge of the Mwenezi Police Station, Inspector Moyo had visited him. The DA had given him 2 hours to vacate his property, failing which he would be prosecuted.


Wartington and many other Mwenezi farmers whose Section 8 notice’s 90-day eviction period had expired have co-operated by volunteering to the Police Station several weeks ago. Warned and Cautioned statements were made and they have been remanded on bail to return to court on November 15th.


Wartington was informed that if he failed to comply with the DA’s order he would be arrested and charged under the same charge he is awaiting to be heard in November. He would therefore be charged twice for the same offence.


At the time of writing the team had visited the following farms, all of which are subject to the above bail conditions:


Sonop                                    Ernel Wartington

Alternberg                             Kemp Landman

Limburgia                              Tommy van de Venne

La Pache                                Tim Evans

Kayalami                                Keith Knowles

Quaggapan                           Ron Hawkins

Bubye River                          Hennie du Plessis

Malumba                               Christine Langenhoven

Kalahari                                 Corrie Cornelius












Signed…………………..                                                                                                                                  October 7, 2002


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World News Daily


White-farm land-grab set for Namibia
192 properties listed for Zimbabwean-style confiscation

Posted: October 8, 2002
1:00 a.m. Eastern

By Anthony C. LoBaido
© 2002

SOSSOSVLEI, Namibia - Following the lead of neighboring Zimbabwe, the
government of Namibia has announced a plan to confiscate white-owned farms.

President Sam Nujoma recently released a list of 192 farms to be
confiscated. Among them are 99 farms owned by German nationals and another
91 owned by white South Africans. There are 350 foreign-owned farms in
Namibia. The total land area covered by these 192 farms is four times the
size of Luxembourg.

Namibia is a Marxist nation once part of apartheid South Africa. Its
government is led by the Southwest Africa People's Organization, or SWAPO,
which was trained and funded by China in its war of liberation from white
rule. Namibia was known as Southwest Africa until 1990, when the apartheid
regime handed over control of the nation after a 15 year "Border War"
against the Soviet Union and Cuba. Much of the land problem in Namibia
stretches back to the tribal rebellions of the Nama and Herero between 1904
and 1907, which sent scores of black tribesmen out of their ancestral lands
and created cheap labor for German colonial farmers.

Inklings of a campaign to confiscate white-owned Namibian farms began at the
World Summit on Sustainable Development last month. It was then that Nujoma
railed against the West - particularly British Prime Minister Tony Blair -
and announced his endorsement of Zimbabwean dictator Robert Mugabe's policy
of killing white farmers and confiscating white-owned farms in that troubled
nation. Nujoma blamed Blair for the trouble in Zimbabwe, saying the British
leader failed to "bankroll" Mugabe's land seizures from the "British

"The landless majority of our citizens are growing impatient by the day,"
Nujoma told the last SWAPO congress. "If those arrogant white farmers and
absentee landlords do not embrace the government's policy of willing-buyer,
willing-seller now, it will be too late tomorrow."

Nujoma, much to the consternation of liberals in the UK, has, along with
Mugabe, threatened to expel all homosexuals from his country, ban homosexual
tourists and has purged the Namibian government's broadcasting network of
foreign films he believes are "corrupting" and bringing "a bad influence" on
Namibia's youth.

Kobus Dippennar, a white Afrikaner Namibian farmer from Windhoek, told
WorldNetDaily that he is afraid Namibia will turn into a "living nightmare."

"When my country, Southwest Africa, fell to the SWAPO terrorists, I
mistakenly believed that the communists would learn the error of their ways
and seek a just peace for all Namibians," Dippennar said. "I was wrong.
Nujoma is turning into a megalomaniac, just as Mugabe is.

"I will say this: Nujoma is right about the foreign, especially Hollywood,
films. They are disgusting. What has happened to the American people? Isn't
it sad that it takes a communist or Muslim dictator to stand up to the filth
coming out of Hollywood?"

Asked why the two southern African strongmen place so much emphasis on
agricultural land reform, Dippennar, who fought with the South African
Defense Force in the Border War as a special forces reconnaissance operator,
was resolute.

"Ours is an age of industrialization and hi-tech," he said. "Agriculture in
Namibia is not a vital part of the economy. I believe the answer can be
found in the fact that Nujoma and Mugabe received their political
indoctrination from China. The Maoists in China were agrarian reformers.
Thus they created, through the export of Maoism, the likes of Pol Pot,
Robert Mugabe and now, it seems, our president, Sam Nujoma."

Nujoma has changed the constitution of Namibia to allow himself to serve
another term in office, lasting till 2004. He recently had made noise about
serving beyond his already unconstitutional third term. Nujoma purged his
most likely successor, former confidant Hage Geinbog, a moderate "reform
minded" Cabinet minister.

When scores of black Namibian communal farmers marched against SWAPO
demanding land reform, Nujoma placed the communal farmers' leader, Gabes
Shihepo, into the Cabinet as the deputy minister of information and
broadcasting, thus effectively ending the communal land protests.

Obstacles to land confiscation

For now, Nujoma lacks the "secret police" apparatus and paramilitary youth
militia - as Mugabe has raised up in Zimbabwe - needed to carry out his
planned land seizure. His plan to disenfranchise Namibia's "arrogant white
farmers" faces other speed bumps, as well.

Since Nujoma came to power in 1990, only 7 percent of commercial farmland
has been turned over to black farmers. At that rate, it will take until 2070
to get 50 percent of Namibia's farms into black hands. Beginning in 1996,
the SWAPO regime annually appropriated $2 million toward a "willing
seller-winning buyer" strategy aimed at acquiring white-owned commercial
farms. However, only 33 percent of those monies have actually been spent.

Nujoma has appropriated several white farms in the Otavi region for his own
personal use via loans from the Agricultural Bank of Namibia.

Franz Keppler, a German tour guide working in Namibia and a retired German
army officer told WorldNetDaily that Nujoma "has not been a radical land
reformer because his main tribe of support, the Oshiwambos of northern
Namibia, never had their land confiscated by the Afrikaners or the Germans.
Rather, it was the Portuguese who took away their land in southern Angola.

"After the Portuguese sent the Oshiwambos packing out of southern Angola,"
Keppler continued, "it was the German colonial soldiers who gave them food,
protection and land in Namibia. Perhaps these people have a soft spot for
Germans in their hearts, or at least their ancestors did."

Another chink in the armor of Nujoma's land-reform activity is the fact that
the Herero tribe has found a political home in the Democratic Turnhale
Alliance, which is SWAPO's main opposition in the government. The DTA gets
most of its financial support from rich white farmers. In the late 1980s and
early 1990s, the DTA carried almost 40 percent of the popular vote in

Up to now, Nujoma's land reform "mission" has been a dismal bust. He has
complained loudly that the white farmers are out of line in asking $25 per
hectare for their farmland. In 1999, out of 142 white farms put up for sale,
only four were actually purchased. In 2000, more than 125 white farms were
put in the market. Only 15 were purchased. As of last month, only 118 farms
in total have changed hands at a total cost of just over $10 million.
Another $10 million recently was appropriated by SWAPO to buy land for
"landless people."

An Internet website that lists "Namibian farms for sale" now - for obvious
reasons - states, "Sorry, there are no properties available at this time."

Yet, the largest obstacle is Namibia's bilateral treaty with Germany
(Namibia's former colonial ruler until World War I, when South Africa, then
controlled by the British Empire, took control of the territory), which will
make confiscation more difficult than the blitzkrieg farm theft in Zimbabwe.
This accord, called the "Protection of Investment Agreement," was signed in

The agreement states that the SWAPO regime must offer market value to all
German farmers if their lands are taken away. (When Rhodesia declared
independence from the UK in the 1960s, no such agreement was set up.) Most
of Namibia's white German farmers have German passports.

As for the future, Claus Van der Mere, a German national and white Namibian
farmer, told WorldNetDaily he is "fearful, hopeful yet realistic."

"The handwriting is on the wall. One might say that if Nujoma confiscates
all of the German owned farms, he will ruin the national budget. But look at
Mugabe. Zimbabwe is in total ruins and nobody give a damn about any
government budget," noted Van der Mere.
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Daily News

Leader Page

      War veterans now see the light

      10/8/02 3:01:30 PM (GMT +2)

      AFTER 30 months of chaos in which three national elections have led to
150 murders, hundreds of thousands of homeless people and 6,8 million people
needing food aid to survive, I never ever thought I would find even one
complimentary word for the men and women who call themselves Zimbabwe's war

      For it is you, the men and women who led to the birth of Zimbabwe, who
have done your master's bidding for the last 30 months.

      It was you who went onto the farms and chased away the growers of
      It was you who held the all-night pungwes (meetings) to supposedly
re-educate the people of Zimbabwe.

      It was you who began the crippling of our economy, when you demanded
compensation, pensions, gratuities, school fees and then blood money.
      It was you who went into our schools, hospitals and clinics
threatening and terrifying teachers, doctors and nurses.

      You chased them away, you fired them and you ordered them to vote for
your master.

      It was you, the veterans, who fought for freedom and democracy, who
spawned and nurtured this terror, taking away the very things your comrades
died for.
      Have you, the war veterans of Zimbabwe, at last seen sense?

      Many amongst your ranks saw the light two years ago, understood the
nature of this so-called Agrarian Revolution and found the courage to say
they wanted nothing to do with it.

      Many of Zimbabwe's real war veterans saw through the treachery and
recognised the face of evil. They formed the Zimbabwe Liberators' Platform.
      Now, 30 months later, it seems that the rest of the war veterans are
at last beginning to see that they have simply been used and off-handedly
paid off.
      Zimbabwe's war veterans, on Thursday 3 October 2002, finally admitted
that they were just pawns in this mayhem and said, for the first time in 30
months, that they were ready to expose the "Agrarian Revolution" for exactly
what it is - the most infamous political con ever pulled off in our country.

      "The government should value those brave war veterans who led the farm
invasions and assist them.

      "We will ask why we fought for the land if it (reform) is not
transparent. Those people who were given the job of administering the land
exercise at
      district and provincial levels have not done so."

      These words were said by an aggressive, angry Patrick Nyaruwata a few
days ago.

      He was responding to pressure from his colleagues who are fed up of
watching the politicians and leaders getting the succulent meat and
drumsticks of Zanu PF's agrarian cockerel while they are left to squabble
over the bones from the carcass.

      Senior officials in the war veterans' association are very unhappy
that they are being left out in the cold as the spoils of Zimbabwe's farms
are being shared out.

      Now that they can see the fields and combines, the dams and houses,
the swimming pools and gardens being given to their masters, they seem to
have finally realised that they have been used and are going to be the
ultimate losers.

      War veteran Agrippa Gava says that his colleagues who have been
occupying farms since 2000 are now being removed to make way for the chefs
and he accuses district and provincial land committees of operating under
unclear circumstances.

      He talks about bribery and corruption in the land distribution, while
his colleague, Endy Mhlanga, says a national land audit will now be carried
out to expose the massive fraud.

      It is a tragedy it is that the war veterans have taken this long to
see the light, but now they must look into their hearts and do the right

      I hope they don't change their minds, that they will not be silenced
and that they will act with great speed before it is too late for us all.

      Zimbabwe is heading down the slippery slope faster than ever before.
Weather experts are talking of El Nino's effects all over the world.

      Massive floods in many European countries have already been seen,
drought has plagued Australia and Papua New Guinea and almost all of
southern Africa is dogged by famine and starvation.

      Zimbabwe's war veterans must now delve into their store of resilience
and find courage.

      They must blow the whistle long and loud. They must say that the
Agrarian Revolution has not empowered the masses, but enriched the
      They must join their colleagues in the Zimbabwe Liberators' Platform
and demand that the people with the knowledge, expertise and capital be
allowed onto our farms to save us all from starvation.

      Nyaruwata, Mhlanga, Gava and their colleagues have an onerous burden
on their shoulders now.

      Zimbabwe is starving, there is no maize or wheat, no bread or sugar,
no oil or salt.

      There is no petrol, diesel or gas, no foreign currency and no way of
earning any.

      The time is now for Zimbabwe's war veterans to get onto their knees,
beg our forgiveness and do the right thing.
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      Some NGO Food Distributors to Halt Operations in Zimbabwe
      Peta Thornycroft
      8 Oct 2002 14:29 UTC

      The Zimbabwe government has told some non-governmental organizations
involved in food distribution to stop operations. Aid workers have been told
they could be arrested if they continue to distribute food without being
registered with the government.

      Britain's well-known charities Save the Children and Oxfam learned in
a newspaper advertisement in the state-controlled press that they have to be
registered before they can continue to operate.

      As food donors, their registration must be done through the U.N. World
Food Program. The Zimbabwe government has turned down applications by some
charities that the WFP included in its list presented to the government,
including Save the Children and Oxfam.

      Those organizations said they are appealing the decision, and had sent
all their financial statements and other records for scrutiny by the
government, as required.

      Both say they are continuing to operate, but are aware that they could
be stopped at any moment. They have been involved with Zimbabwe's poor since
independence in 1980.

      The WFP says it needs at least 14 organizations to assist in
delivering food to people who are beginning to die of starvation in some of
the driest parts of southern Zimbabwe.

      The social welfare ministry will not comment on the situation. But the
government says it is drafting new legislation to regulate non-governmental
organizations in Zimbabwe.

      Political analysts say this legislation is intended to control access
to foreign funds by human rights groups.

      University of Zimbabwe political scientist John Makumbe says the
government will use the new legislation to try close down human rights
organizations, particularly the Amani Trust, which monitors political
violence. He says the new law will also be used against various charities
that were distributing food, particularly those from Britain.

      Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe regularly accuses Britain of
supporting the opposition Movement for Democratic Change.

      The World Food Program has had its own share of problems in trying to
acquire and distribute food to rural communities where it is most needed.
Sources in the aid community say the Zimbabwe government had, until a week
ago, blocked the WFP from expanding its capacity to deliver food to more
areas. In addition, the government recently rejected a U.N. initiative to
help the private sector import more food.

      The United Nations estimates that more than 6.5 million Zimbabweans
are in need of food aid.

      The aid groups say they are reluctant to speak out in public, not
wanting to jeopardize their ability to provide food for the hungry. One
agency spokesman said the situation in Zimbabwe is "urgent," and there is no
time for bureaucratic delays.
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Corruption And Public Confidence in SADC Region

Agencia de Informacao de Mocambique (Maputo)

October 8, 2002
Posted to the web October 8, 2002


Public confidence in government commitment to tackle corruption is low in
the SADC (Southern African Development Community) region, and the public
generally regards the governments as vulnerable to corruption, according to
UN expert Ugi Zvekic.

In a paper given to a Maputo forum on "Transparency and Corruption" on
Tuesday, Zvekic, who is a senior expert with the UN Office for drug control
and crime prevention, said that political will to deal with corruption has
been shown by the recent adoption of the SADC Protocol Against Corruption.

"Without exception, each member state in the region has professed
determination to tackle corruption within their own countries, but in some
states this has yet to be translated into anything more than tokenism", he

Zvekic listed the "corruption prone sectors" as law enforcement,
procurement, customs, employment and delivery of some basic services (such
as water, electricity and pensions).

One bright spot in his paper was the claim that perceptions of corruption
are out of line with experience of corruption. Thus surveys showed that
perceptions of government corruption were four times higher than actual
experience of corruption in Namibia, and 40 times higher in Botswana.

"These discrepancies suggest that perceptions may be shaped more by news
media reports of a small number of high profile incidents, of the accounts
of friends or neighbours, or an overall low level of confidence in the
ethics of the public sector, than any direct personal experience", said

However, Namibia and Botswana are generally regarded as among the least
corrupt of the SADC states. Zvekic admitted there was a much higher level of
direct experience of corruption in Zimbabwe.

As a result 62 per cent of Zimbabweans believed that all, or most, of their
public officials are involved in corruption: this compares with 48 per cent
in South Africa, 40 per cent in Malawi and only 20 per cent in Namibia.

(These figures come from the "Afrobarometer" surveys, and no survey using
the same methodology has been done in Mozambique.) Zvekic stressed that
"public perceptions will remain part of any standardised methodology, as
citizen input provides an important measure of anti-corruption efforts and
trends. Once the gap between the perception of corruption and any direct
experience of it decreases, it will present an indicative measure in itself
of the levels of success and effectiveness of anti- corruption policies,
programmes and interventions".

Zvekic noted that whereas some countries are setting up operationally
independent anti-corruption agencies, others prefer specialist
anti-corruption units within existing criminal justice structures.

He stressed that neither approach will be successful "without a well
functioning, efficient and non-corrupt criminal justice system".
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Mugabe's Rantings: a Self Indictment

Zimbabwe Standard (Harare)

October 7, 2002
Posted to the web October 7, 2002

Mavis Makuni

BRITISH Prime Minister Tony Blair, who has been made the focus of President
Mugabe's rantings at the Earth Summit in Johannesburg and the United Nations
General Assembly in New York recently, was only 27 years old when our soon
to be octogenarian head of state assumed power in 1980

Blair, who is now 49 years old, only came into power in Britain in 1997 when
his new Labour Party defeated the Conservatives in a general election five
years ago

But, despite a 30-year headstart in terms of chronological age and a 17-year
lead as head of state and government, Mugabe does not have anything to teach
the younger Blair in the departments of human dignity and statesmanship

Mugabe may not be aware of it, but his obsessive scapegoating of the British
Prime Minister for his failure to address the land question until he was
jolted by the resounding "No" vote in the February 2000 constitutional
referendum amounts to self-indictment

It is tenuous for Mugabe to claim that his inertia vis-a-vis the land
problem for a full 20-years after independence was Blair's fault. He should
explain why he did not make this issue a priority when the no-nonsense
Margaret Thatcher and her successor John Major were at the helm in Britain.
How clever is Blair to be able to thwart Mugabe's programme in the short
time he has been prime minister?

Moreover, it is transparently irrational to claim, as 'the strongman' is
fond of doing, that the British have anything to do with the anarchy that
Mugabe has unleashed since he decided that land reform was the only rallying
call he could make so as to extend his hold on power

Another method Mu-gabe is fond of using to unwittingly shoot his own
argument down is his resort to undignified harangues and bombast at
international gatherings during which he claims to be defending Zimbabwe's
sovereignty. How can a country's sovereignty be threatened by mere criticism
of its leader's conduct on specific matters?

Other nations regularly take such criticism in their stride. These include
Britain and the United States which Mugabe is fond of blasting at every

Mugabe becomes more belligerent and paranoid by the day because he knows
that the only thing threatened by the training of the spotlight on his
disregard for the rule of law and his dictatorial tendencies is his
incumbency as head of state

Because of this, his voice is bound to become more shrill and irrational as
he tries desperately to raise the tempo of the ill- conceived and
ill-advised Mao-style propaganda campaign, fashioned by his rabble-rousing
information junior minister, Jonathan Moyo

Despite being caught in a time warp, Mugabe and Moyo appear to believe that
the totalitarian methods of indoctrination that failed to turn the Chinese
masses against westerners 50 years ago will somehow work in an environment
where information technology has so vastly improved that the world has truly
become a global village

Just how rooted in the past and how bankrupt of fresh ideas Mugabe and his
"propaganda expert" are is demonstrated by their faith in the possibility of
this totalitarian approach working in the 21st century

When Mugabe refers to Tony Blair as the "gangster of London", or members of
Blair's cabinet as "gay gangsters", he is plagiarising terminology used
about 50 years ago when anti-Americanism was Mao's favourite battle cry

Lyndon Johnson, who took over as US president after the assassination of
John F Kennedy, was routinely lampooned in the Chinese media as the "bandit
president" and the word gangster was used to characterise America and its

Chairman Mao knew that his revolution needed enemies, hatreds and a sense of
constant danger to maintain its momentum. It was by maintaining this
heightened sense of urgency that the masses could be exhorted to make
sacrifices and be ready to continue swallowing an enforced diet of communist
party dogma

Mao and other despotic leaders favoured using waves of anti-American
propaganda because they knew it would be impossible for their citizens to
check the veracity of the wildly unrealistic allegations made against these
external enemies

Mugabe appears to believe in the efficacy of this approach, hence his choice
of Blair as the external enemy to be blamed for interfering with Mugabe's
revolution. Noteworthy is the fact that whenever he embarks on any of his
paranoid tirades against Blair, the Zimbabwean 'strongman' never gives
specific examples of what Blair has done or said to cause the latest

Believing the totalitarian fallacy that if repeated often enough a lie will
be accepted as the truth, Mugabe appears to be at his wits' end because the
people of Zimbabwe who have ready access to information about foreign events
(including Blair's utterings), are immune to his exhortations

At least when Mao-Tse-Tung embarked on his anti-American campaign he could,
initially, point to the brutality, corruption and incompetence of the
Chiang- Kai-Shek regime to whip up national fervour and resentment

Mugabe's dilemma is that whenever he becomes more vociferous in his
pontification against Blair and the west, he is actually raising the
decibels against his own and his party's dismal track record. His attempt to
identify Blair as the enemy responsible for his and Zanu PF's failures over
the past 22 years can only elicit derision and sarcastic shoulder-shrugging
from the populace

It may also be the reason why Tony Blair usually never bothers to comment on
the idiotic accusation levelled against him

The British Prime Minister may also believe in the Biblical exhortation
never to "answer a fool according to his folly lest ye be like him"

The main thing to tamper Zimbabweans' incredulous eye-rolling at the old
man's increasing eccentricity is the fact that millions of dollars of tax
payers' hard-earned cash are spent on this self-defeating and futile

But when all is said, Tony Blair comes through as a dignified, mature and
humane statesman while the Zimbabwean president, who should have mellowed
with age and experience, projects himself as a bitter, insensitive, raging

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Resettled Farmers Causing Accidents

Zimbabwe Standard (Harare)

October 7, 2002
Posted to the web October 7, 2002

Parker Graham

Several accidents which claimed several lives along Masvingo-Beitbridge
highway were largely blamed on newly resettled families, police have

Masvingo provincial police spokesperson, Inspector Learn Ncube, said some
naughty resettled people in Chivi, Mwenezi and up to Beitbridge were cutting
the fence along the highway letting wild animals and livestock loose on
roads thus causing accidents

"People cut and steal the fence on both sides of the Masvingo-Beitbridge
highway letting the livestock loose. Police will not hesitate to prosecute
those newly resettled families caught cutting the fence," said Inspector

He called on resettled farmers along the highway to desist from cutting
fence on the road sides saying such actions were counter productive

"Such actions are causing serious accidents and deaths," said Inspector

In July, 11 people died on the spot when a Cross Boarder Association kombi
overturned in Chivi when its driver lost control while trying to avoid
hitting a donkey which had strayed onto the highway

A month later, three people travelling in a Mazda perished near Ngundu halt
when their vehicle hit a donkey

Commercial Farmers Union (CFU) Masvingo Provincial Vice Chairman, Mike Clark
, said besides the cutting of the fence, the haphazardly resettled people
were using snares to trap wild animals and cattle

"Cutting of fence along Masvingo-Beitbridge highway has become so
rampant,"said Clark.
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Christian Science Monitor

Venezuela and Zimbabwe: Democracy on the brink

By Dennis Jett

GAINESVILLE, FLA. - Robert Mugabe and Hugo Chávez have something in common.
The president of Zimbabwe and the president of Venezuela are both leading
their countries to ruin. While Zimbabwe's friends are helping to send it
over the edge, Venezuela's friends could help avert a catastrophe and pull
the country back from the brink.
In order to stay in power, Mr. Mugabe and Mr. Chávez are destroying their
countries' economies, undermining their democratic institutions, and
promoting deep divisions within their societies that could lead to civil

In Venezuela, Chávez would like to install a Fidel Castro-style government.
To do so, he is intimidating the press, subjugating the judiciary, and
ensuring the irrelevance of the Congress. In Zimbabwe, Mugabe is using the
same tactics. But while Chávez exploits the division between Venezuela's
rich and poor to gain support, Mugabe prefers using racism.

He is seizing farms owned by whites without paying any compensation. While
he claims he wants to give the land to poor peasants, much of it winds up in
the hands of his family and friends. His wife, Grace, personally threw out
the owners of the 2,500-acre estate she coveted. Others have also benefited
from the takeovers. For instance, the head of Zimbabwe Broadcasting
Corporation was rewarded for his loyalty with a 1,500-acre farm.

In the past, Zimbabwe was the breadbasket of the region. Lack of rain and
Mugabe's policies ended that and now half its people are facing starvation.

As one official at the US Agency for International Development observed
recently: "If I had to list five things that a government could do to turn a
drought into a famine, the Mugabe government is doing all of them

Remarkably, the reactions of the regional political organizations in these
two situations could not be more different. The African Union (AU), which
recently replaced the Organization of African Unity (OAU), has done nothing.
Perhaps that is an improvement, as the OAU actually endorsed Mugabe's
attacks on the opposition and his fraudulent election last year by declaring
the voting legitimate. But the AU may yet turn out to be little better than
the OAU in supporting democracy, as one of its very first acts was to refuse
to admit the president of Madagascar to the group. His crime: unseating a
long-term incumbent in elections that were free and fair.

The leaders of the AU are currently touting a new program, the New
Partnership for Africa's Development or NEPAD, in the hopes of attracting
more aid from wealthy countries. One of the NEPAD's selling points is that
it includes an African peer review mechanism that will supposedly help
ensure good governance. Mugabe no doubt takes heart in the fact that the
peers doing the judging would be the corrupt rulers of Libya, Sudan,
Liberia, Mozambique, and others. African leaders have also blocked any
serious consideration of Mugabe's tyranny by other groups like the
Commonwealth countries and the Southern African Development Community.

In Venezuela, the situation is grave, but not hopeless, thanks to help from
the Organization of American States (OAS). Venezuela's largest union and
largest business organization have called for mass demonstrations and a
national strike in mid-October. In response, Chávez has urged his supporters
to take to the streets to defend his "revolution." Many of the poor see
Chávez as their only economic hope, while many in the upper and middle
classes think the only thing to negotiate is the date of Chávez's departure.
Such a sharp division makes violence all the more likely.

The OAS, with the help of The Carter Center and the UN Development Program,
are nonetheless trying to promote a dialogue between Chávez and the
opposition. A recent mission to the capital, Caracas, by those three groups
came up with a long list of recommendations on ways to achieve some level of
national reconciliation.

The OAS saved Venezuela's democracy last April when it expressed its
disapproval of a coup that had ousted Chávez. The president was returned to
power within 48 hours. It is trying to keep the lid on until a referendum
sometime next year can let the voters decide whether Chávez goes or not.
Even the best efforts of outsiders, however, may not save Venezuelans from
themselves a second time.

. Dennis Jett is dean of the International Center at the University of
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Washington File
07 October 2002
U.S. National Security Document Cites Importance of Africa
(Experts agree on Bush strategy emphasizing development aid) (1630)
By Jim Fisher-Thompson
Washington File Staff Writer

Washington -- President Bush's recently released national security
plan is clear evidence that a stable and democratic Africa remains a
priority goal of U.S. government policymakers, said several noted
Africanists in separate conversations with The Washington File.

According to "The National Security Strategy of the United States of
America," a plan of action issued by the White House on September 17,
Africa is important to peace and security worldwide and will receive
all necessary help from the United States toward its political and
economic development.

"It's a complicated business to get involved in African affairs, but
the continent does need institutional development for cooperation and
the United States can help" by working with regional organizations on
the continent, said I. William Zartman, the director of the Conflict
Management Program at The Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced
International Studies (SAIS) and former director of its Africa

With the war on terrorism the U.S. government's chief foreign policy
priority, the Bush strategy paper emphasized that America can never be
secure while economic hardship and political unrest abound. In a
preface to the plan, President Bush said, "Poverty does not make poor
people into terrorists and murderers. Yet poverty, weak institutions,
and corruption can make weak states vulnerable to terrorist networks
and drug cartels within their borders."

According to the paper, in Africa, "promise and opportunity sit side
by side with disease, war, and desperate poverty. This threatens both
a core value of the United States -- preserving human dignity -- and
our strategic priority -- combating global terror." Therefore, it
says, the U.S. government "will work with others for an African
continent that lives in liberty, peace, and growing prosperity."

The section of the Bush strategy plan entitled "Work With Others to
Defuse Regional Conflicts" cites three key "interlocking strategies"
for U.S. policymakers:

-- working with countries "with major impact on their neighborhoods,
such as South Africa, Nigeria, Kenya, and Ethiopia;

-- coordinating with European allies and international institutions,
which is "essential for constructive conflict mediation and successful
peace operations"; and

-- aiding Africa's "capable reforming states and subregional
organizations," which "must be strengthened as the primary means to
address transnational threats on a sustained basis."

For former Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Herman
Cohen, the focus on Africa in the national strategy paper is "a
pleasing development, but not a great surprise." He said, "It's good
he [Bush] stressed the development aspect because Africans are making
serious attempts to reform, although Africa is not a source of
terrorism like other regions of the world."

The former U.S. Ambassador to Senegal said, "Africa suffered terrorist
attacks [on U.S. embassies in Kenya and Tanzania in 1998], but these
came from outside" the continent. "I can't think of a single instance
where there was an anti-American terrorist attack coming from Africa
itself. And there were no Africans in these groups, al Qaeda or what
have you, even though 50 percent of Africans are Muslims -- and devout
Muslims at that."

Cohen, who now runs his own international consulting firm, said,
"African nations are cooperating with U.S. authorities on the war on
terrorism and are making the kind of political and economic reforms
that attract investors. So it's only natural that this administration
sees Africa as worthy of the type of development assistance that
enhances trade and investment."

In economic terms, the national security strategy outlined U.S.
government assistance to the continent that includes:

-- expansion of favorable trade provisions in the amended African
Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA), signed into law by President Bush
last August;

-- ensuring that World Trade Organization (WTO) intellectual property
rules are "flexible enough to allow developing nations to gain access
to critical medicines for extraordinary dangers like HIV/AIDS,
tuberculosis, and malaria";

-- stepping up development assistance in the form of the new
multi-billion-dollar Millennium Challenge Account, 50 percent of which
will go to eligible African nations that President Bush said "govern
justly, invest in their people, and encourage economic freedom"; and

-- proposing an 18 percent increase in U.S. contributions to the
International Development Association (IDA), the World Bank's fund for
poor countries, and the African Development Bank (AfDB).

Brett Schaefer, Africa specialist for the conservative Washington
think tank The Heritage Foundation, noted: "From a national security
standpoint, the administration's recommendations are quite consistent.
They are trying to focus on reducing conflict and instability within
Africa, which is a large priority. And they want to work with their
European allies to achieve those objectives, especially if there is a
need for peace operations."

On the latter point, Schaefer said, "Africa, as important as it is,
obviously is not a place where America would seek to station vast
amounts of troops. So the administration is trying to multiply its
impact by working with other nations such as the regional powers it
mentions in the strategy."

SAIS's Zartman said the security paper's focus on coordinating with
"European allies" is "absolutely on target, especially concerning the

"It is time we worked with France to get over their part and our part
of the 'Fashoda complex,' where they see any American activity or
presence in Africa as an attempt to kick them out and where we see the
French as leftover colonialists. We have got to discontinue this
spitting war that has hurt us too much," Zartman declared.

On the report's call to strengthen "Africa's capable reforming states
and subregional organizations," the SAIS scholar said, "I think the
most important reform proposed for Africa over the last decade was the
CSSDCA, or the Conference on Security, Stability, Development and
Cooperation in Africa, otherwise known as 'the Kampala Document.' It
was the most important blueprint for change on the continent and
deserves our support."

While CSSDCA has become somewhat fragmented, Zartman said, a part of
its "spirit -- that intervention by a group of states into the affairs
of another state can be justified because of gross humanitarian
violations -- has been taken up by the new African Union (AU)," the
successor to the Organization of African Unity (OAU).

This came about, the scholar explained, because CSSDA was modeled
after the 1975 Helsinki Accords, whose emphasis on human rights
eventually contributed to the downfall of the Soviet Union. Like
Helsinki's "baskets" of issues, CSSDA has a number of "calabashes," he
explained, adding, "Interestingly, the development calabash seems to
be pretty much replicated in NEPAD [New Partnership for Africa's

The White House security plan singled out the AU for mention, saying,
"The transition to the African Union with its stated commitment to
good governance and a common responsibility for democratic political
systems offers opportunities to strengthen democracy on the

This "is an appropriate move," said Cohen, because, "the AU, as well
as grassroots efforts like NEPAD, are making a genuine attempt to
understand why African development has been lagging. They have
discovered that that includes bad economic policies that have to be
reformed and also that good governance and democracy have been
lagging, which are needed to encourage investments."

The brainchild of leaders like Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo
and South African President Thabo Mbeki, NEPAD is as much a guide for
development on the continent as it is a plan of action. Assistant
Secretary of State for African Affairs Walter Kansteiner recently
praised the program saying, "At the core of NEPAD's theology . is a
notion that good governance is not only expected, but good governance
is going to be required."

Kansteiner said, "That's a different perspective than what we've seen
in the past, and we think it's an important one -- we embrace it

Former Assistant Secretary Cohen called these African efforts "very
encouraging because it is not just the U.S. telling them what to do,
but it is the Africans themselves recognizing that they have a problem
and moving to correct it."

With that in mind, the security plan's focus on the African Growth and
Opportunity Act was also a good move, Cohen said, because "if you look
at some of the trade statistics since AGOA started [two years ago],
the countries that are doing best in terms of economic growth are the
ones benefiting from AGOA. For example, South Africa is exporting BMW
cars [to the U.S. market]."

This means that "a lot of South African workers and their families are
doing better now because of AGOA," Cohen said. And, he added, "I
personally believe that is what Africa needs -- more revenue from
trade so that wealth can be created for governments to provide more
social services and infrastructure like clean water and electricity."

Heritage's Schaefer agreed with Cohen on AGOA, noting, "All in all,
the trade act has been a very large success for the continent as far
as exports are concerned." The Africanist disagreed, however, on the
importance of the newly formed AU. "I'm a little skeptical of the AU,"
he said. "It seems to be a repackaging of the old organization in new

He added: "The promises sound great, but it [AU] has been reluctant to
chastise one of the most horrific abusers of his own people on the
continent -- [Zimbabwe's President] Robert Mugabe. This lapse seems to
be a bright neon arrow pointing to the weakness of the organization,
and that is African nations seem to be very reluctant to chastise each

In general, Schaefer said, "I think the president has actually put
quite an emphasis on Africa over the past year or so. Secretary [of
the Treasury] Paul O'Neill went over there for an extended trip; Bush
announced the Millennium Challenge Account [50 percent of which will
go to Africa, and] he announced the HIV/AIDS and water initiatives,
both of which are targeted at Africa. So it was natural that Africa
got the mention it did in the security paper."

(The Washington File is a product of the Office of International
Information Programs, U.S. Department of State. Web site:

      This site is produced and maintained by the U.S. Department of State's
Office of International Information Programs ( Links to
other Internet sites should not be construed as an endorsement of the views
contained therein.

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    New farmers have potential to expand export base in Zimbabwe


      Xinhuanet 2002-10-09 05:24:50

      HARARE, Oct.8 (Xinhuanet) -- The Chief Executive of Zimbabwe Trade
Freddy Chawasarira said here Tuesday that the government's land reform
program has ushered in new players in the country's agricultural sector, a
development that has potential to expand Zimbabwe's export base.
      Addressing delegates at the 2002 Confederation of Zimbabwe
Industries in Harare, Chawasarira said that the new farmers need to be
quickly integrated into the mainstream economy to ensure ready export
markets for their produce.

      "The ongoing transformation of the economy through the inclusion
of new players in the agricultural sector has the potential to expand
Zimbabwe's export base," Chawasarira said.

      "The new players in agriculture have to be quickly integrated into
the mainstream, thus ensuring that export markets for our agricultural
produce are retained and linkages with local manufacturing industries not
only maintained but also increases," he said.

      Chawasarira said the strategy would ensure export of value added
goods and services.

      Chawasarira said a new export development paradigm shift that
reflects and takes into account these developments together with the thrust
of promoting the country's agricultural industrial basehas to come aboard.

      He said the fundamental challenge facing the nation was to
formulate a national development approach that enhanced foreign currency
inflows in order to meet the country's import requirements.

      The government was importing fuel, electricity and food among
other essential needs.

      Chawasarira said a national strategy on export development would
provide a platform for economic growth and the achievement of other key
goals such as employment creation, raising of household incomes, and poverty

      But for these goals to be achieved, he said it was essential that
the country adopted an outward looking stance, predicting itsgrowth on the
development of external; markets and the increased inflows of foreign direct

      He said economic parameters such as interest rates and import
tariffs should be supportive of the drive to enhance the
country'sinternational competitiveness. The country, Chawasarira said,
should also strive to upgrade its manufacturing capacity and to make maximum
use of modern technology to increase productivity andraise standards.

      He added that the government should continue to foster bilateral
relations and negotiate preferential financial, trade and technical
agreements while also developing new markets.

      The two-day congress was held under the theme "Overcoming the
Crisis" and it ended on Tuesday with business people agreeing on the need
for urgent measures to be taken and for greater co-operation between the
business sector and the government to revivethe country's struggling
economy. Enditem
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            Zimbabwe faces exclusion from EU-SADC summit
            October 08, 2002, 17:30

            The EU has joined the US in calling for the exclusion of
Zimbabwe from all formal gatherings between itself and the Southern African
Development Community (SADC). The latest development threatens to derail
consultative meetings convened by western power blocs.

            The annual gatherings are aimed at reviewing development
programmes within the region. First it was the EU's targeted sanctions
against Zimbabwe for its turbulent land reform programme. Now the west is
aiming to enforce "soft" sanctions on SADC as a collective, the reason being
that regional Heads of State have failed to read out a riot act to President
Robert Mugabe.

            A crucial US-SADC consultative meeting, which was due to be held
early next year, has been put on ice by Washington, which insists that
Zimbabwe will have to be excluded in order to allow talks to go ahead as
planned. This is a tough choice facing the regional body, diplomats have
remarked, but SADC has maintained its stance not to succumb to any form of
blackmail by the west.

            The EU, SADC' largest trading partner, says no Zimbabwean
representatives are welcome at the envisaged EU-SADC summit due to take
place in Coppenhagen next month. SADC has nevertheless put a brave face and
has resisted any attempt to isolate Zimbabwe.

            Prega Ramsamy, the SADC executive secretary, says: "If we are
going to participate as SADC in any international event, it will have to be
14 member states otherwise it's not SADC, so this is the point of

            In an effort to revive diplomatic relations with the west, the
SADC secretariat has offered to host both the US and EU consultative
meetings within the region.
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Zimbabwe's white farmers
drop interest for Tanzania
Wednesday, October 09, 2002 .


By  Bilal Abdul-Aziz

Unfavourable environment for investment in the agricultural sector,
particularly infrastructure, has made interested white Zimbabwean farmers
become reluctant to come and invest in the country, the Tanzania Investment
Centre (TIC) has said.
Speaking to The Guardian in Dar es Salaam yesterday, the TIC Information
Officer, Edgar Mbano, said following the current land crisis in the central
African state, some white Zimbabweans had shown interest to invest in the
"Some white farmers from Zimbabwe early this year had contacted the TIC
through e-mail and by telephone asking for possibilities to invest in the
country," Mbano said, adding that since then the contacts had naturally
Mbano said that in an attempt to find out the reason for the decline, the
TIC discovered that investors found it expensive to invest as the country is
plagued with poor infrastructure in most of its rural settings where
agriculture is conducted.
"You know, these farmers have been there for three generations or so. Along
with the key investment on agriculture, they have already installed
infrastructure facilities in the estates there. They did not find it
feasible to come here and start afresh," Mbano said.
He said that according to the current regulations of the TIC applicable to
foreign investors, the farmers could have been accepted in the country since
the door is open for such investments.
Tanzania is one of the countries that have supported Zimbabwe's land reform
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From October 12, there will be a protest vigil outside the Zimbabwe High Commission in London every Saturday from 12.00 – 18.00.


The date has been chosen to coincide with a desperate attempt by the High Commission to improve Zimbabwe’s dire image.  The aim of the vigil is to draw attention to the true facts.


It is clear that the situation in Zimbabwe is deteriorating rapidly.  The threat of starvation is now a reality – especially for supporters of the opposition, who have been denied international food aid by Mugabe’s illegitimate regime.  People are dying of malnutrition and others are being killed, tortured and raped by thugs of the ruling Zanu-PF.


The regime is trying to deny access to rural areas to stop outsiders seeing the extent of violence and intimidation.  But it has failed to stop at least one observer who reports that everywhere he was met by torture victims without fingers, without ears, without lips, with flayed feet bandaged.


The vigil is organised by the Freedom for Zimbabwe Campaign supported by concerned groups and individuals in the United Kingdom and will be maintained until democracy is restored.  It is hoped that it will eventually be extended to an around-the-clock protest along the lines of the anti-apartheid vigil outside the South African High Commission.



PHOTO OPPORTUNITIES:          singing and dancing demonstrators with posters,                                                       flags and drums.

INTERVIEWS:                       arranged with demonstrators and torture victims.



CONTACT:                              Dennis Benton


                                                Tel: 020 7272 1015




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Daily News


      Think beyond elections in Mugabe's Zimbabwe

      10/8/02 4:22:44 PM (GMT +2)


      Story: ZIMBABWEANS may still be wondering why the MDC still takes part
in elections when they are routinely rigged through the government's
unflinching refusal to open up the country for people to make informed
choices about their future. Gone are the days when elections were part of a
strategy to remove President Mugabe from power. He has shown the world that
such a route does not work - at least in Zimbabwe.

      Elections here have failed to provide a barometer of democracy, as a
concept that is widely accepted across a gamut of political creeds. The MDC'
s experiment and experience with elections, as a method of creating an
enduring political culture of competition, has now run its course. While it
accepted that political parties and their supporters learn to participate by
actually participating in elections and that such activities bring about a
healthy, active and knowledgeable electorate, care must be taken to avoid
taking part for the fun of it. Taking part in a race, no matter how
difficult, must trigger a renaissance in national development and must
register specific and measurable outcomes - not a repeat of the same old
story of violence and repression.

      People need alternatives to mesh gears with Mugabe, despite his
increasing reliance on the military to silence patriotic critics. He has
refused to accept that basic political decisions and democracy flourish in a
society where the people are sovereign and autonomous; where the idea of
free and fair elections is firmly entrenched. The votes must carry equal
weight, whether cast by a peasant or a president, to determine an acceptable
outcome and expressed preferences of each citizen. For 20 years, Zimbabwean
elections were marred by severe political apathy. Zanu PF thrived in such a
scenario, winning term after term in office with a minority registered vote.

      When the MDC entered the fray in 2000, the pattern changed. So did
Zanu PF. There was a sudden gush of interest in elections as people felt the
time was right to take part effectively in the selection of the country's
political leadership. The majority felt the urge to register their
collective feeling about a government that had presided over their lives for
two decades. Many died in the process. White commercial farmers were
specifically targeted for punishment and they paid dearly for the assumed
sins of revolting blacks.

      There was widespread disappointment with the outcome and the resultant
social disorder that has driven thousands of young professionals into the
diaspora and left a hungry nation behind. The MDC prepared several dossiers
on the unbecoming conduct of the government and challenged the result.
Nothing happened, except to prove Mugabe's dishonesty and to highlight the
flaws in the electoral system. Up until then, Zimbabweans thought they would
be able to express their preferences accurately, without hindrance and equal
opportunity as they did in the 2000 constitutional referendum. Few realised
they had lost control of the agenda until they saw hordes of militants roam
the countryside, invading farms, setting up militia bases, illegal
roadblocks and declaring no-go areas to fellow citizens and privately-owned
newspapers. The game was up. For two years, the country was plunged into
chaos as the government maintained a vicious campaign against order and
tolerance. Now in our third year since the fiasco began, the crisis remains.

      The MDC participated in every by-election since 2000, again preparing
fresh dossiers highlighting numerous irregularities in the process. Last
week, the party went ahead and engaged Zanu PF in local government
elections. Once again, another dossier has been compiled on the flawed
plebiscite. The government introduced a new strategy to limit the numbers of
voters, physically and through legislation. Mugabe has shown the nation that
he is against a system that promotes discussion, debate and competition
among divergent groups. He hates political parties and pressure groups,
unless they are single-member organisations. Civil society, an essential
prerequisite for any democratic order, was gagged, families were torn apart
and communities pushed to the edge.

      If a citizen is denied a chance to take part in an election or to seek
an enlightened understanding of the politics around a particular community,
then it is unlikely that the marginalisation of the majority in a democracy
will ever be overcome.
      Zimbabwe risks accepting the untenable circle of limited or
non-participation politics, a factor often visible through silence.

      The silence of the majority could mean a loss of control of the
political agenda, a loss of political equality. That could lead to dangerous
times ahead. Now that Mugabe is through with the white farmers, who is next
in line? There are fears through Matabeleland that the "war cabinet" could
be devising ways of dealing with the area. Ordinary villagers say they
anticipate a horrendous scenario in which they could be starved as
punishment for rejecting Zanu PF. They are concerned that food was a
puissant weapon which could be unleashed to break the opposition structures
and ensure forced allegiances to the government.

      They recalled that the late Maurice Nyagumbo and Enos Nkala devoted
their weekends to rural Matabeleland between 1982 and 1985, receiving
surrendered PF Zapu cards and replacing them with Zanu PF identity
documents. The practice only stopped when PF Zapu scooped all the
parliamentary seats in Matabeleland in the 1985 general election. Already
people in urban areas are feeling the pinch. The councils they elected to
run their affairs are under siege, fighting off a range of allegations from
the government. Japhet Ndabeni-Ncube, the executive mayor of Bulawayo,
anxiously awaits the result of a court case in which he is accused of
bribing a voter with $20. Elias Mudzuri of Harare is equally in trouble,
completely unable to breathe under a ton of directives and other forms of
interference in the affairs of the city. Chegutu and Masvingo face different

      Significantly, maize stocks have dwindled to nothing in most towns.
Attempts to bring in supplies from villagers are often thwarted as police
and war veterans mount roadblocks to seize grain from rural buses.
Conditions on the ground offer countless opportunities to tackle the budding
fascism. There can never be a viable substitute for good governance. Urban
workers have already made a statement by banishing Mugabe from towns and
cities. They need to make a follow-up to that.
      Villagers must begin to do something, even if it means camping at each
district council office or at the new councillor's home, demanding to eat
from the same pot.
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