2 inmates die per day at Zim's biggest prisons

http://www.zimonline.co.za/

by Simplicious Chirinda Thursday 09 October 2008

HARARE - At least two inmates die everyday due to hunger and disease at two
of Zimbabwe's biggest jails, a grim statistic that a local prisoner's rights
group said on Wednesday illustrates the dire conditions in the country's
badly overcrowded jails.

The Zimbabwe Association for Crime Prevention and Rehabilitation of the
Offender (ZACRO) said conditions in prisons across the country had
deteriorated over the years with the Zimbabwe Prison Service (ZPS) out of
cash to buy drugs to treat HIV/AIDS and tuberculosis, rampant in jails
because of overcrowding.

The ZPS neither had money to buy enough food for inmates and in some cases
even failed to raise cash to pay for pauper burials for those who succumb to
disease and hunger in jail, ZACRO national director Edison Chiota told
ZimOnline.

At the two worst affected prisons - Chikurubi and Harare Central - inmates
were sometimes given only a meal a day, ZACRO said.

Chiota said: "There is no nutritional food in all of the country's prisons.
The prisoners just eat in order to survive, especially at Harare Central
prison and Chikurubi prison where the situation is worse because inmates are
sometimes only given one meal a day.

"The two prisons are losing not less than two people a day and to make
matters worse the Zimbabwe Prison Service is not able to provide a proper
pauper burial for some of these prisoners."

ZACRO is a non-governmental organisation involved in protecting the rights
of prisoners while also working to prevent crime through rehabilitation of
offenders and their re-integration into society.

Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa and ZPS boss Paradzai Zimondi were not
immediately available to respond to the group's claims of overcrowding,
disease and death in prisons.

Chiota said a survey of the country's 55 prisons carried out by ZACRO this
year showed that the jails were holding a total of 35 000 prisoners, more
than double their designed carrying capacity of 17 000 inmates.

The ZACRO director said an amnesty granted to some categories of prisoners
by President Robert Mugabe in June appeared to have had little impact on the
inmate overload.

"I can tell you that a cell designed to carry 10 prisoners is usually packed
with 40 people," Chiota said. "The county's jails are designed to carry a
maximum capacity of 17 000 prisoners but a study we did from January to June
this year shows that there are close to 35 000 prisoners in the country's
jails."

With Mugabe's government preoccupied with trying to find money to buy food,
essential medicines, fuel, electricity and for salaries for hundreds of
thousands of its workers, prisons have been virtually forgotten.

More often than not, inmates in many of the country's jails have to survive
on a single meal per day of sadza (a thick porridge made of ground maize)
and cabbage boiled in salted water because there is no money to buy adequate
supplies.

An outbreak of pellagra disease in 2007 killed at least 23 inmates at the
notorious Chikurubi Maximum Security prison. Pellagra is a vitamin
deficiency disease caused by shortage of vitamin B3 and protein.

A parliamentary committee that toured Chikurubi and other prisons in 2006
was shocked to find inmates clad in torn, dirty uniforms and crammed into
overcrowded cells with filthy; overflowing toilets that had not been flushed
for weeks as water had been cut off due to unpaid bills.

The committee said in a report that the conditions in prisons were inhuman.
However nothing much has been done to date to improve conditions due to a
lack of resources. - ZimOnline

Recriminations Traded As Zimbabwe Power-Sharing Process Loses Momentum

VOA

By Blessing Zulu
Washington
08 October 2008

Hastily arranged discussions Wednesday in Harare between ZANU-PF and the two
formations of the Movement for Democratic Change aimed at overcoming the
impasse on appointments to Zimbabwe's next cabinet failed to yield a
breakthrough.

MDC founder and prime minister-designate Morgan Tsvangirai had convened a
news conference Wednesday afternoon at his home in a Harare suburb but it
was called off at the last minute, a party spokesman explaining that a round
of talks had been set.

Reuters news agency meanwhile quoted caretaker Justice Minister Patrick
Chinamasa, lead negotiator for ZANU-PF, which is headed by President Robert
Mugabe, as saying the MDC was to blame for the deadlock because it was
trying to negotiate through the media.

Chinamasa reiterated his position that that intervention by former South
African president Thabo Mbeki, who mediated the process leading to the Sept.
15 power-sharing compact calling for a national unity government, was not
required at this juncture.

But Tsvangirai's MDC formation has said that Mbeki must get involved again
to revive the power-sharing process, which is widely perceived to be
faltering.

Spokesman Nelson Chamisa of the Tsvangirai MDC formation told reporter
Blessing Zulu of VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe that the deadlock over
ministries is becoming entrenched.

Political analyst Glen Mpani said in an interview from Cape Town, South
Africa, that President Mugabe has met resistance to power-sharing from
ZANU-PF hardliners.

Power sharing deal does not provide for people-drive constitution

http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk


Wednesday, 08 October 2008 13:25
BY CLIFFORD CHIRWA
On September 15 a historic power sharing deal was signed in Harare.
Tragically most of those celebrating the event had been bussed in from
faraway places and did not understand what was happening. Even after the
signing of the deal, many ordinary Zimbabweans did not know what was
happening and what it meant for them.
For some it meant that the country would be stuck with President
Robert Mugabe and the deal would set a very bad precedent, whereby losers of
elections can resort to violence and force their way back into power.
This is why the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA) is vehemently
opposed to the September 15 deal. It does not bode well for democracy and is
a betrayal of the long struggle for a better and dignified life.
For a truly democratic society to function, a democratic constitution
guaranteeing every citizen full and equal rights is fundamental. This should
be the starting point for the building of such an ideal society. But the
September 15 deal does not address this truism.
Article 6 states that it is important to acknowledge the fundamental
right and duty of the Zimbabwean people to make a constitution by themselves
and for themselves and be aware that the process of making this constitution
must be owned and driven by people and must be inclusive and democratic and
recognise that the current Constitution of Zimbabwe made at the Lancaster
House Conference, London (1979) was primarily to transfer power from the
colonial authority to the people of Zimbabwe.
In the above clause there is the deliberate use of the phrase, "people
driven" - but the agreement does not provide any clue whatsoever of how it
hopes to achieve this people driven process. It also states that it the
right and duty of Zimbabweans to author their constitution. But at the same
time clearly states that this process will be driven by cherry-picked
politicians, who will also have the power to determine its finality.
In the same Article 6, the MDC and Zanu (PF) make reference to a draft
Constitution which they have already authored and adopted in Kariba on
September 30, 2007. It is this draft which the two political parties are
conspiring to foist on the people of Zimbabwe as the new constitution, yet
it almost the same document that was rejected by Zimbabweans in 1999.
The NCA therefore calls upon the people to treat the incoming
political arrangement as a transitional authority leading to new democratic
elections under a new people driven and democratic constitution leading to
the formation of a new government.
The MDC seems to have changed their minds and are now singing the self
defeating tune focusing on the agreement they reached with Zanu (PF). They
feel that the compromise deal should be given space. We believe this is a
big blow to the struggle for a just society. The struggle has been about the
people and why should the people be abandoned at this stage?
The NCA is opposed to the elite constitution-making process that the
two political parties are proposing and suggests that an All Stakeholders
constitution making process be convened to chart the way to a new
constitution.
The NCA proposes that an All Stakeholders Conference be called and it
should be jointly convened by the Zanu (PF)/MDC transitional government and
civil society. This conference should be fully funded by the government and
attended by enough people to represent all Zimbabweans.
The task of the conference will be to constitute an All Stakeholders
Commission, decide upon terms of operation and time limits, elect a
chairperson and vice chairpersons who can be individuals of high societal
standing.
This commission, which shall be fully representative, should oversee
the Comprehensive Public Participation, Compilation and Dissemination of
Draft Constitution, Production of Final Draft Constitution and Referendum.
This should lead to the Adoption of the new, democratic Constitution
of Zimbabwe.
Finally, elections should be held under the new Constitution and a new
government should proceed to govern under the dictates of a new
constitution.

Politics of fear and food still at work

http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk


Wednesday, 08 October 2008 13:35
BY CHIEF REPORTER
HARARE
Despite the veneer of calmness in Zimbabwe, a dense cloud of fear
still hangs over the country, a human rights report has revealed.
The damning August 2008 report by the Zimbabwe Peace Project (ZPP)
chronicles 21 cases of murder, including the discovery of 18 bodies in the
Wenimbi Dam in Mashonaland East.
The report says incidents of murder, rape, kidnapping, assault,
looting, harassment, and displacement have lessened only gradually in the
two months since the run-off election. Food politics remained in all
provinces.
"With government sources as the main channels of food and basic
commodities, provincial experiences show that the recently launched Bacossi
is fast becoming a new frontier for politically-motivated food
discriminations," said the report. "Access to GSF (government subsidised
food) is reportedly through a very tight and highly centralised vetting
process controlled by an array of political and state actors who include
losing Zanu (PF) councillors, chiefs, village heads, war veterans, Zanu (PF)
youths/militia, Zimbabwe National Army in the case of Maguta, and RBZ
officials in the case of Bacossi."

Delay In Exams Reflects Disarray In Zimbabwe School System

VOA

By Jonga Kandemiiri
Washington
08 October 2008

The Progressive Teachers Union of Zimbabwe pointed Wednesday to the failure
of the Zimbabwe Schools Examinations Council to begin Grade 7 examinations
this week as a vindication of its recent call for all examinations to be
deferred due to disruption during the March-June election period and an
ongoing strike by most teachers.

Grade 7 exams were supposed to start on Monday while Ordinary and Advanced
Level exams were due to begin in the middle of this month. But the
examinations council had yet to provide timetables and examination material
to schools, sources said.

Union officials said PTUZ representatives met with Education Ministry
Permanent Secretary Stephen Mahere on Monday to urge that exams be
postponed. A ministry spokesman said education officials were still
considering the matter.

PTUZ President Takavafira Zhou told reporter Jonga Kandemiiri of VOA's
Studio 7 for Zimbabwe that the exams council was embarrassed to admit it was
unprepared.

Post-election update: July-September 2008

Dense cloud hangs over Zimbabwe: NGO

by Zimbabwe Peace Project Thursday 09 October 2008

REPORT: Zimbabwe Peace Project’s (ZPP) August 2008 report on human rights and food monitoring states that despite the “veneer of calmness” a dense cloud of fear hangs across the country, noting the alarming cases of violence perpetrated during and after June 27.

Particular highlights include the rise in cases of murder which total 21 cases and include the discovery of 18 bodies in the Wenimbi Dam in Mashonaland East province on August 28. Incidents of murder, rape, kidnapping, assault looting, harassment, and displacement have lessened only gradually in the two months since the run-off Presidential election whilst food politics remains pronounced in all provinces.

 

Synopsis While post election violence is reportedly on the retreat having shaded off some of its traditional characteristics, it is however still too early to celebrate. Beneath the veneer of calmness is a dense cloud of fear. The pre-election era mindset is still on the prowl with political targets still clandestinely victimised. Involvement in opposition politics remains a highly risky venture, in fact, a de facto zone “where angels fear to tread”. Tolerance to freedom of expression and diversity of views is yet to take root with frequent reports of people clashing over different opinions on the ongoing inter-party talks two months after the volatile elections. Villagers are at high risk of starvation as state food distribution processes are reportedly heavily politicised, centralised and opaque with too many political actors involved. In some areas, Voter Registration Roll Books for the 29 March and 27 June were reportedly used to vet those who should have access to Bacossi and other related facilities. Also disturbing is that several months after being sworn in, newly elected councillors are yet to officially discharge their duties with most losing councillors[mostly Zanu PF members] reportedly refusing to hand over council stamps and other materials. An unfortunate mood of revenge violence is in the air with some victims reportedly promising to mete punishment on known and suspected violence perpetrators after the Talks while in some areas villagers are reportedly demanding their livestock and property back from base commanders. Incidents in which family, community and church members have clashed over political differences are also reported with a disturbing frequency. Thus while hopes for a political deal between the erst-while political rivals is in the air, lasting inter-generational peace and social justice demands that mechanisms be urgently put in place to ensure social healing. It is also hoped that the political leadership will embark on a robust nationwide campaign for peace and reconciliation.

The Background

In contrast with earlier reports, this August Report is presented at a special time when prospects for a peace settlement between the main political rivals, ZANU PF and the MDC are in the air. With the signing of an MOU on 21 July 2008, hopes for peace and stability scaled new heights with erst-while protagonists under immense pressure to now walk the talk of peace by concluding a political deal that should usher in a Government of national unity. August became witness to protracted high profile inter-party Talks, with negotiators [and in some cases their principals] shuttling between Harare and Pretoria.

With this development, the national psyche became more focused on ensuring that peace and stability prevail, the two main political parties exhorted to publicly condemn the orgy of retributive violence that had visited the nation during the run up to the 27 June run-off. National hopes for peace and stability surged even higher when the political leadership on 6 August 2008 issued a joint communiqué [for the first time] condemning violence. While inter-party negotiation experiences had their “booms” and “recessions”, it was refreshing to note that the nation remained agog with hopes for an immediate political deal.

It is against this backdrop that ZPP in line with its peace-monitoring mandates sought to alert the peace-loving public on how far this national quest for peace and stability has cascaded to all the rural areas of Zimbabwe’s ten provinces, two months after the volatile June Elections. ZPP sincerely hopes that any highlighted gaps between social expectations and provincial unfolding scenarios will serve as a warning shot to the public to remain on high alert for any developments that may subvert prospects for social peace and stability. 

Unfolding Scenarios and Issues

While politically-motivated violence has visibly subsided and shaded off its gross features, its stubborn retreat traits are still manifest. A cursory survey of public statements in both print and electronic media as well as snippets from provincial experiences glaringly show that most  language is yet to be exorcised of retributive inclinations. The pre-election era mindset is still on the prowl, though with less impunity this time. State media coverage remains obscenely skewed in favour of the Zanu PF.

Political tolerance remains disturbingly on the low side with opposition politics to a large extent still de facto zone “where angels fear to tread”. Two months after elections, reports continue to be received about people being assaulted for flimsy reasons such as celebrating the victory of the MDC candidate as Speaker of Parliament, expressing different opinions on ongoing inter-party Talks, or even wearing opposition regalia.

Several months after being sworn in as councillors, most MDC winning councillors are yet to operate as councillors with losing Zanu PF councillors reportedly refusing to hand over council stamps and materials.

Displaced people who took long to return to their villagers after the 27 June Elections, found their homesteads taken over while property including household goods, livestock, poultry, grain, farm inputs and farm yields looted and vandalised. 

An unfortunate revenge mood is in the air with some pre-election victims reportedly promising to mete revenge after the Talks on known perpetrators of violence while some villagers are reported to have started demanding back their livestock and property from base commanders, who as gleaned from provincial reports have since been on the run. ZPP recommends that those aggrieved take recourse to legal channels in their pursuit for justice.

With Government sources as the main channels of food and basic commodities, provincial experiences show that the recently launched Bacossi is fast becoming a new frontier for politically-motivated food discriminations. Access to GSF (Government subsidised food) is reportedly through a very tight and highly centralized vetting process controlled by an array of political and state actors who  include losing Zanu PF councillors, chiefs, village heads, war veterans, Zanu PF youths/militia, ZNA [in the case of Maguta] and RBZ officials [in the case of Bacossi]. Given the state of polarization in the country and the absence of alternative sources of food, extant state food distribution channels have in some cases reportedly fallen prey to unscrupulous elements [especially losing councillors] who are allegedly using the GSF as an avenue to settle their political scores and even make business capital out of the political plight of the starving villagers.

Prospective food beneficiaries reportedly have to meet several strict requirements which among others, include being “righteous” [a euphemism for not being into opposition politics], being on the village register, being in possession of a Zanu PF card, being regular attendants of Zanu PF party meetings as well as being fully abreast with the latest slogans of the Zanu PF.

Provincial reports also refer to the use of the 29 March and 27 June Voter Registration Rolls, practices that are said to have further worsened the plight of starving villagers as non voters were technically left out. In some urban areas, those who want to access subsidized government supplied maize meal and other basic commodities were reportedly required to have their purchase books stamped at Zanu PF Information Centres, which in most cases were houses belonging to senior Zanu PF members.

The social externalities of election violence are reportedly rearing their ugly faces in some urban and rural areas with reported incidents of violence-related dementia, family and even churches members clashing over political differences while in some cases, close relatives reportedly refused to attend funerals of those who belong to the other party. There was also an incident in which a pastor was reported to have refused to pray for those church members who were suspected to have been participating in retributive violence. Though these incidents were isolated, they signal the need for robust post election social healing processes.

In a yet another isolated but indicative of how unscrupulous individuals can take advantage of political lawlessness to commit unethical practices, a man and woman [known opposition members] were reportedly forced to have sex without condoms while the perpetrators watched and cheered them. The fact that the July Report also carried a story of this nature is a worrisome development, particularly so in this era of the HIV and Aids pandemic. Thus although statistically insignificant, an incident of this nature has ripple effects. In fact, it amounts to sentencing the political victims and society at large to death by one stroke. How these victims are silently coping with these social experiences and scars should indeed be cause for concern to the caring public.

Cumulative Human Rights Violations by August 2008

By August, a cumulative total of 18 734 incidents had been recorded, an increase of 5.2 % from their July cumulative level of 17 815. The table below illustrates these cumulative scenarios in violations since the month of January 2008:

Cumulative Human Rights Violations Table

	January	February	March	April	May	June	July[1]	August	TOTAL
Murder	0	0	7	26	47	78	15	21	194
Rape	1	1	4	4	1	4	12	4	31
Kidnapping/abduction	3	7	5	149	85	133	44	16	442
Assault	163	178	219	767	704	793	470	279	3573
Theft/looting	14	6	8	80	64	98	61	42	373
Malicious Damage to Property (MDP)	20	12	38	345	214	141	66	35	871
Torture	6	2	6	157	60	102	38	21	392
Unlawful Detention	18	8	6	125	114	100	15	17	403
Harassment/Intimidation	343	449	475	1484	4288	2125	460	405	10029
Displacement	15	12	23	1219	670	129	114	50	2232
Discrimination	10	10	15	19	32	24	28	26	164
Attempted Rape	-	-	-	-	5	6	7	1	19
Attempted Murder	-	-	-	-	4	2	3	2	11
TOTAL	593	685	806	4375	6288	3735	1333	919	187348734

 

Graphic Representation

PROVINCIAL EXPERIENCES

Manicaland

While politically-motivated violence has lost its pre-election raging features, cases of assaults, harassments, displacements, kidnapping, rape, and even murder were still reported. On 4 August 2008, a suspected MDC member was reportedly found murdered outside Ruura village in Headlands, allegedly after a dispute with members of the militia.

The political intolerance mindset is still evident with members of the opposition commonly referred to as political criminals while some returnees reportedly found their homesteads taken over or allocated to others in what the victims viewed as political punishment.

Politically-motivated food discriminations remain a cause for concern with August reports suggesting widespread malpractices in the allocation of the recently launched Bacossi project as well as the traditional subsidized GMB maize meal distributions. Victims were commonly accused of playing double standards by seeking to benefit from a Government which they rejected at the poll, apparently mistaking a Government program for a party program.

At most food distribution queues, people were reportedly asked to produce membership cards while those whose party attendance records was on the low side risked denial of registration on the Bacossi list. Cases where local businessmen refused to sell basic commodities to known or suspected opposition members or where people were being forced to chant Zanu PF slogans before proceeding to buy a bag of maize were also of concern.

Reports also made reference to incidents of retaliatory violence with some villagers who had their livestock taken to bases during the run up to the 27 June Elections reportedly demanding back their livestock from base leaders while others are reportedly planning revenge on those who victimised them during the run up to the 27 June elections. 

The post election aftermaths are reportedly catching on with some church communities with some members prioritising their political to religious loyalties. On 10 August, a Buhera Central pastor of the Revival Grace Fellowship Church was reported to have refused to pray for a Zanu PF mentally-ill church member allegedly because he had been involved in the perpetration of violence in the run up to the 27 June elections. The victim was also reported to have even stopped the same pastor from praying for MDC supporters.

Mashonaland West

Tolerance to political diversity and freedom of expression remain on the low side with frequent reports of members of the opposition being chided as sell-outs and ordinary people being harassed for expressing different views on the 27 June run-off with incidence spread mainly concentrated in Zvimba East, Nyabira district, Zvimba North, Zvimba West, Zvimba South, Mhondoro Mubaira, and, Hurungwe West.

Cases in which war veterans and youths were allegedly involved in cases of retributive violence are still disturbingly on the high side. On 17 August 2008, war veterans reportedly assaulted around 183 Madhodho villagers allegedly for “failing to attend local Zanu PF meetings” while on 14 August a Jakazi village Salvation Army priest was reportedly assaulted by suspected Zanu PF youths allegedly for preaching politics during church services.

While in the main, base camps have reportedly been disbanded, some are reportedly still operational, one case in point being Mwami base camp in Hurungwe.

Though isolated, there were reports of some farm evictions in the province. In Chegutu East, a group of farm workers on 16 August 2008 reportedly chased away a white farm owner from his Stock Dale Farm allegedly “because they wanted to use the farm on their own”.

In most wards, sworn-in MDC councillors were reportedly not allowed to operate as councillors allegedly because they are “sell-outs”.

Mashonaland Central

While politically-motivated human rights violations are still reported, food politics were the most recurring issues. Food distribution is controlled by ward secretaries, cell chairpersons, youths, war veterans, and losing councillors [who in most cases are losing Zanu PF councillors]. They prepare Bacossi beneficiary lists as well as issuing confirmation letters, a tight system that has reportedly seen several suspected and known MDC members as well as ordinary individuals being denied confirmation letters by village heads, war veterans and chiefs. In some cases Chiefs reportedly refused to sign papers for newly elected MDC councillor to enable them access maize from GMB, although officially it is these sworn councillors who should be in control of food distribution. Though isolated, some RBZ officials were reported to be partisan when distributing Bacossi commodities.

Masvingo

Though now on a lower scale, opposition politics is still treated as a political crime with members commonly ridiculed as sell-outs or assaulted for attending MDC meetings. In areas such as Bikita East, Bikita South, Chivi Central, Chiredzi South, Mwenezi, and Zaka West, people are reportedly yet to recover from the fear of retribution with sad reports of people fearing to attend funerals of their relatives who are on the other side of politics.

Food politics was a pronounced recurring issue in all the constituencies. As reported in other provinces, food allocation is highly politicized and centralized with kraal heads, headmen and Zanu PF losing councillors in one way or the other influencing one’s access to Bacossi, GMB Maguta and agricultural input schemes. Permits to buy subsidized food are mostly issued by members of the Zanu PF while farm implements [ox-drawn ploughs, wheel burrows] are allocated to farmers by members of the ZNA in liaison with kraal heads, chiefs and war veterans. Registers for Bacossi were based on the Voter’s Roll Book for March 29 and June 27 Elections. Reports also refer to cases where RBZ were said to be partisan in food allocation.

Cases of wholesale punishment of areas suspected to be MDC strongholds were also reported. On 1 August 2008 Duma residents were reportedly denied access to GMB Maguta allegedly accused of having voted for the MDC in the 29 March Elections. On 16 August 2008 residents of Maemura in Bikita East were reportedly chased away from Mushandirapamwe Garden allegedly because the Garden “belong to Zanu PF” and accordingly should benefit first and foremost Zanu PF members.

By end of August, reports of politically-motivated evictions were still received. On 26 August 2008, a widow from Bushmed Farm was reportedly evicted by war veterans allegedly for her continued involvement in MDC politics. At Dalwich Farm property worth millions belonging to Mr. Machirori was reportedly destroyed on 7 August by Zanu PF youths while on 28 August 2008 plot holders in Dzivarasekwa were forced to donate contributions for Zanu PF victory celebrations threatened with threats of plot withdrawals upon failure.

As reported in other provinces, a revenge spirit is in the air. On 15 August, a Zanu PF activist from Mupepeti village of Chivi South was reportedly viciously attacked by suspected MDC supporters as revenge for their perpetration of violence in the run up to the 27 June elections, losing two teeth in the process.

Midlands

Some areas of Zvishavane, Gokwe, Chirumanzu, and, Mberengwa West remained steeped in the pre-election era retributive mindset with some people reportedly still accusing and assaulting others for being MDC, wearing opposition T shirts, reversing the gains of independence, and, for refusing to donate for ZANU PF celebrations.

Equally disturbing were increased reports of people fighting over differences of opinions on inter-party Talks as well as frequent reports of teachers still being accused of teaching opposition politics in classes.

Involvement of war veterans in post election retributive violence is still visible with reports that some war veterans were on 16 August 2008 moving around in Zvishavane Runde threatening Chikore villagers while in the same area, a Zanu PF losing councillor of ward 4 was on 7 August 2007 reported to have refused to hand over council stamps and materials to sworn in MDC ward councillors.

The social aftermaths of election violence were also reportedly threatening social relations in some communities with reported cases of families that have broken down because of political differences. In Kwekwe, a Silobela man reportedly divorced his wife allegedly because of deep-seated political differences, the wife being a Zanu PF loyalist while the husband was an MDC activist. The marriage has reportedly collapsed.

Being one of Zimbabwe’s drought-hit provinces, food politics emerged a recurring issue in its August Reports with reported incidents of people being forced to produce Zanu PF party cards in order to access subsidized GMB maize, people being denied registration either on the Bacossi or agricultural input schemes for “not being seen at Zanu PF meetings”. As was experienced in other provinces, common perpetrators remain losing councillors, headmen, Zanu PF youths and war veterans.

Mashonaland East

Cases of kidnappings and harassment have disturbingly remained visible. In Murewa North, MDC supporters were on 14 August 2008 reportedly kidnapped and forced to attend party meetings and chant slogans by youths. In Mutoko North, villagers from Mandeya, Hunhu, Tsiko, and Kabaya were reportedly fined $20 for not attending Zanu PF Celebrations, with threats of eviction upon failure.

The province was also witness to cases of gross forms of violence. In Chi’ono village, a Murewa South man was reportedly murdered at his homestead by suspected Zanu PF youths.  The case is reportedly still under police investigations.

As in other provinces, food politics features as a recurring issue in most reports with incidents of people being chased way from basic food queues by youth leaders, people being denied offer letters by kraal heads, as well as people being denied registration because they “failed to contribute for Celebrations”. Generally, the Bacossi project is viewed as a party program with food discriminations still pronounced in Murewa South, Mudzi West, Goromonzi Mudzi, Mudzi South and West, and Mutoko North.

Harare

Although post election violence is no longer openly perpetrated, traces of the pre-election mindset are still evident with reports of assaults arising from different views on ongoing inter-party Talks, or for wearing MDC T shirts while references to members of the opposition as sell-outs are reportedly still common. On 25 August 2008 MDC legislators were reportedly harassed and intimidated at Quality International Hotel by ZRP with Chipinge East MP accused of beating up a war veteran in his constituency. In Zengeza East, a man was ordered to move from the house he was leasing by his landlord, reportedly for ‘wearing MDC T shirts.

Cases where MDC political meetings were reportedly disrupted by police were still received. On 23 August 2008, an MDC meeting in Mufakose was disrupted by police officers on the basis that they “did not notify the police of the meeting”

The heckling in parliament was also related to the violence that the country had experienced.

Matabeleland North

In comparison with other regional provinces, Matabeleland North emerged the most politically volatile with a record of 60 cases of violence mostly featuring assault and harassment.

With traditional supplementary sources of food under ban, drought-hit Matabeleland North became victim to food politics with Binga, Umguza and Lupane among the most frequently cited areas.

As reported in other provinces, there were reports of newly sworn-in MDC councillors being denied right of control over maize allocation, practices that led to some losing Zanu PF councillors using the Bacossi facility to settle political scores. In Lupane, Sikali 11 villagers were on 22 August 2008 reportedly denied registration in Phase 11 Implements Programs allegedly because they “turned down the Zanu PF by voting for Tsvangirai”.

Political tolerance is yet to take firm root with reports of some Lupane West MPs refusing to work with MDC councillors while losing councillors were reportedly refusing to hand over  council stamps and other materials .

Matabeleland South

While politically-motivated violence is generally on the low side, politically-motivated food discriminations remained visible with losing Zanu PF councillors reportedly as chief perpetrators.

As in Matabeleland North, newly sworn in councillors are yet to discharge their duties in wards under their jurisdiction. In the Gonkwe village of Gwanda, a losing councillor on 10 August 2008 reportedly refused to hand over documents and ward stamps to the winning councillor, Headmen were reportedly under orders of war veterans not to introduce newly elected MDC Councillors. In the Mtshabezi village of Gwanda, villagers were on 13 August 2008 reportedly directed not to attend meetings coordinated by MDC Councillors. Although matters of this nature have been brought to the attention of DAs, their interventions are yet to be witnessed.

Bulawayo

As in July, the province emerged the least politically volatile province, however with food discrimination as its main challenge. Food distribution channels are tightly controlled, prospective food beneficiaries expected to have stamped their purchasing books at a Zanu PF Information Centre, reportedly a house belonging to a senior Zanu PF member in the region.

PROVINCIAL REPRESENTATION OF REPORT FINDINGS

August Acts Spread by Provinces

ACTS	Midlands	Bulawayo	Mat. South	Mat. North	Masvingo	Manicaland	Harare	Mash. East	Mash West	Mash Central	TOTAL
Murder	0	0	0	0	0	2	0	19[2]	0	0	21
Rape	0	0	0	0	0	1	3	0	0	0	4
Kidnapping/Abduction	2	0	0	3	1	5	3	2	0	0	16
Assault	64	3	5	13	22	55	40	33	25	19	279
Theft/Looting	2	0	0	2	9	8	6	6	6	3	42
MDP	7	0	0	0	8	9	2	1	0	8	35
Torture	0	0	0	6	0	11	1	0	2	1	21
Unlawful Detention	2	0	0	5	1	0	2	2	4	1	17
Harassment/Intimidation	52	10	6	29	62	43	75	59	42	27	405
Displacement	3	0	1	2	10	15	6	5	5	3	50
Discrimination	0	0	2	0	7	8	1	0	0	8	26
Attempted Rape	0	0	0	0	0	2	0	0	0	0	1
Attempted Murder	0	0	0	0	0	1	0	1	0	0	2
TOTAL	132	13	14	60	120	159	139	128	84	70	919

 

 Graphic Representation

 

 

 Salient Observations

· Acts spread still maintain their July stubborn retreat characteristics, having dropped from their July level of 1333 to 919 by August. Incidents of murder, rape, kidnapping, assault, looting, harassment, displacements, and MDPs remain statistically visible, two months after the run off.

· While violence patterns reflect a significant shift to lesser forms of violence, loss of 21 lives, 3 cases of rape, 16 cases of abductions and 35 cases of MDPs should be viewed with concern particularly because they are occurring at a time when the political leadership are engaged in protracted inter-party unity talks. The political leadership should be strongly exhorted to sell the message of peace to their grassroots structures.

· Of the 901 gross cases of violence reported, incidence density is most concentrated in Manicaland with 159, Harare with 139 and Midlands with 132.

· As in July, harassment and assaults remain the topmost frequently committed political offences with most incidents occurring in Harare, Mashonaland East, Masvingo, Midlands and Manicaland.

· Consistent with past trends, the Matabeleland region remains in the low violence zone with incident records as low as 13 in Bulawayo, 14 in Matabeleland South and 60 in Matabeleland North.

Concluding Remarks August incidents spread strongly suggest that the war against politically motivated violence is far from over.

 

 Gender-Victim Analysis

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

   Observations

· While there is a gross victim toll drop from its July level of 1385 to 1053 by August, this decrease was largely attributed to major victim toll declines in the Zanu PF [98] and the State [7].

· The MDC victim toll [688] remained significantly high constituting 65% of the gross victim toll. Victim toll density is still heavily skewed against the MDC. 

· Consistent with past trends, high victim tolls continue to be recorded in Harare Metropolitan, Masvingo, Manicaland and Mashonaland East with least victim records in the Matabeleland provinces.

· There are more of male victims than female victims in both Zanu PF and MDC, however with the number of MDC female victims still disturbingly high, in fact twice  the Zanu PF male victim toll and 5 times higher that the Zanu PF female victim toll.

· As was the case in July, the State–victim toll continues to decline while the victim toll of the Unknown [260] remained disturbingly high, constituting 25 % of the gross victim toll. That the Unknown victim toll remains high points to the still widespread nature of victimisation.

Concluding Remark Victim toll distribution strongly indicates that the bulk of the victims are from the MDC camp. Consistent with trends since March 2008 the ZANU PF victim toll maintained its sharp decline streak.

Gender-Perpetrator Analysis

 

 

  Observations

· While the perpetrator toll record points to a 62 % drop from the July level of 2218 to 1385 by August, it is instructive to note that the decline is not across the board. This perceived significant decline was mainly due to sharp decreases in the number of MDC perpetrators.  Zanu PF perpetrator record remains disturbingly high across both sexes.

· Of the gross perpetrator toll of 1385 recorded in August, 1194 of these [86%] were Zanu PF perpetrators with 108 [8%] being MDC perpetrators.

· Perpetrator density also remained disturbingly heavy in Harare Metropolitan [319], Masvingo [199], Mashonaland East [173], Midlands [170], Manicaland [150], Mashonaland West [120] and Mashonaland Central [117], perpetrator records that are not surprising at all in view of their traditional hotspot history.

· While perpetrator toll remains significantly on the low side in the Matabeleland provinces, the Matabeleland North perpetrator record was disturbingly way above the toll records of other two provinces.

· Although the Zanu PF perpetrator toll had a 60% drop from its July level of 1991 to 1194 by August, Zanu PF perpetrator toll remains incomparable to the MDC perpetrator figure of 108. The MDC perpetrator figure is 9% of Zanu PF perpetrator figure. Statistically implied here is that two months after the elections, Zanu PF remained on the lead on the perpetrator race.

· Also trite is to note that while males remain the main perpetrators in both the Zanu PF and the MDC, the Zanu PF female perpetrator figure [195] is 181% higher than the gross MDC perpetrator figure of 108. Perpetrator proclivity within Zanu PF is still disturbingly high across genders.

Concluding Remarks While gross perpetrator toll appears to be on a declining course, it is still too early to celebrate as the perceived declines are not across board. While the number of MDC male and female perpetrators has significantly declined, the number of Zanu PF perpetrators across both sexes remained on an ascent route, two months after the elections.

FOOD DISTRIBUTION ANALYSIS AUGUST 2008
HARASSMENT	Masvingo	Harare	Manicaland	Mashonaland East	Mashonaland West	Mashonaland Central	Bulawayo	Matabeleland North	Matabeleland  South	Midlands	TOTAL
Forced to attend political meetings	0	1	0	0	1	0	0	0	0	0	5
Ordered to produce party card	0	2	0	0	2	0	0	0	0	5	9
Ordered to take off party regalia	0	1	0	0	0	0	0	0	0	2	4
Forced to chant party slogans	0	0	0	0	1	0	0	0	0	0	1
Ordered to denounce one's party	0	3	0	20	0	0	0	0	0	0	23
Summoned to meeting	0	0	0	2	1	0	0	0	0	0	3
Other	0	0	0	4	0	0	2	0	0	38	44
TOTAL	0	7	26	5	0	2	0	0	0	48	88
VIOLENCE
Abduction/unlawful detention	0	0	0	0	0	1	0	0	0	0	1
Sexual violence	0	0	0	0	0	0	0	0	0	0	0
Malicious Damage to Property (MDP)	0	0	0	0	0	0	0	0	0	0	0
Physical Attack	1	0	0	0	0	0	0	0	0	1	2
Grievous bodily harm	0	0	0	0	0	0	0	0	0	0	0
TOTAL	1	0	0	0	0	1	0	0	0	1	3
DISCRIMINATION
Denied access to GSF	00	5	32	1	41	25	0	8	0	0	112
Denied seeds & fertiliser	5	0	0	0	1	0	0	0	1	1	8
Denied tillage support	0	0	0	0	0	0	0	0	0	0	0
Denied Agricultural Credit	0	0	0	0	0	0	0	0	0	1	1
Denied food loan	0	0	0	13	0	0	0	0	0	0	13
Denied food relief	0	5	1	0	0	0	0	0	0	0	6
Denied food aid	0	0	6	0	13	0	0	0	0	0	19
Denied to buy maize	16	0	0	10	0	0	0	0	3	0	29
Denied irrigation	0	0	0	0	0	0	0	0	0	0	0
Denied Education Assistance	0	0	0	0	0	0	0	0	0	0	0
Denied Medical Assistance	0	1	0	0	0	0	0	0	0	0	1
Other	10	2	5	1	0	0	2	0	3	9	32
TOTAL	31	13	44	25	55	25	2	8	7	11	221

 

Food Distribution Sources

Source	Masvingo	Harare	Manicaland	Mashonaland East	Mashonaland West	Mashonaland Central	Bulawayo	Matabeleland North	Matabeleland South	Midlands	Total
GSF[3]	33	3	32	23	41	25	0	8	5	42	212
NGO[4]	0	5	6	3	5	0	0	0	0	1	20
FBO[5]	0	0	0	0	0	0	0	0	0	0	0
Other	9	2	6	0	9	0	2	0	2	11	41
TOTAL	42	10	44	26	55	25	2	8	7	54	273

 

Observations

· Food politics remains pronounced in all provinces however with least violations in the Matabeleland regions.

· GSF is the main source of food in all provinces, with the main traditional supplementary sources of still under an imposed indefinite suspension.

· As shown on the August ZPP Victims-FMR[6] table, victims of food discriminations remain MDC [198 Victims] in comparison with Zanu PF [71 Victims]. The food-Victim record of the Unknown [at 118] is also course for concern underlining the possibility of indiscriminate food discriminations.

· 51% [198] of the gross 387 Food-Victims were MDC while 71[18%] were ZANU PF Food-victims, a trend that is in consonant with descriptions in provincial reports pointing to widespread denials of known and suspected opposition supporters to register for subsidized GMB food, Bacossi, People’s Shops, basic commodities, agricultural inputs[fertilizer, tillage support, food loan, agricultural credit] allegedly on the basis that they did not vote in the 27 June Run Off, that they did not appear on local political meeting registers, fail to produce Zanu PF party cards, fail to chant party slogans, among others.

· Evidently clear on the ZPP Perpetrator-FMR table, is that as in July, Zanu PF remains statistically the main perpetrator with 344 [94%] of the total 366 food-perpetrators being Zanu PF members, with 3 [0.008%] being MDC-Food- Perpetrators. As further gleaned from the table, the Zanu PF female Food-Perpetrators [at 57] are even 19 times higher than the MDC gross-Food-Perpetrator toll.

Concluding Remarks Politically motivated food discriminations remain a major cause for concern. The highly centralized nature of state distribution channels is highly prone to political abuse by unscrupulous party members. The fact that losing councillors remained in control of food distributions had a significant contribution to the continued visibility of food discriminations. The ban on food relief agencies needs to be lifted urgently to avert a potential food catastrophe in the ten provinces, most of which are currently reeling under one of the worst droughts in years.

TENTATIVE PREDICTIONS AND THE WAY FORWARD

While post election violence has since June been on the decline, the war against politically motivated violence is far from over. The pre-election mindset is still disturbingly widespread in most public speeches and writings. Members of the opposition are still labelled sell-outs. A revenge mood is also in the air. A robust political reorientation program is needed to cleanse society of the pre-election era mindset. In the absence of this, political tolerance and peace are at high risk of becoming a mirage.

The noble goals of the Bacossi program are at high risk of being subverted and diverted from original focus. Food distribution networks are too politicised, opaque and highly centralized. There are too many actors involved in food distribution processes with losing councillors [mostly Zanu PF members] usurping the food distribution control roles of newly sworn-in councillors [mostly MDC members]. The risk of politically-motivated discriminations will remain high as long as Voter Registration Roll Books for the 29 March and 27 June continue to determine access to Bacossi and other related facilities. A more professional, transparent and non-partisan system should be put in place to ensure impartiality in the distribution of food. 

Once the suspension on humanitarian NGOs is lifted, food agencies must be given enough space to enable them undertake their gap- filling roles

Post election violence left society disturbingly polarized along political lines. The re-integration, rehabilitation, and social healing of Victims of Violence recommended in the July Report must be pursued with vigour. Reference has been made to cases of violence-induced dementia, threats of revenge after Talks, as well as politically-motivated frictions within churches, families, and communities.

ZPP, as is the case with all peace-loving Zimbabweans, fervently hopes that the MOU would be consolidated into a political deal that should usher in a Government of national Unity. The right to peace, justice and security is our fundamental and cherished right which should be jealously guarded by all peace loving Zimbabweans. – ZimOnline

Military leaders 'major beneficiaries' of fiscal excess - World Bank

http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk


Wednesday, 08 October 2008 13:31
NEW YORK - The Mugabe regime continues to balk at permitting the MDC
to take control of key ministries, including that of finance, even though
observers are in agreement that Zanu (PF) has in recent years presided over
economic degradation on a grand scale.
A recent United States Institute of Peace (USIP) briefing, economist
Raymond Gilpin concluded that the Mugabe government's "failure to uphold the
rule of law created chaos and uncertainty, which eroded business confidence,
led to the misallocation of resources and depressed economic output."
Corruption burgeoned under Mugabe, says Gilpin, and was evident for
example in allocation of prime crop land confiscated from white farmers to
ruling party members and allies with little or no experience in agriculture.
He said politics and economics were "very closely intertwined in
Zimbabwe. Bad governance has fostered a culture of impunity and helped
reinforce the political and economic muscle of the regime's leadership. This
group has become deeply vested in the status quo. They have demonstrated a
capacity to do whatever it takes to maintain their privileged positions,
which guarantee unfettered access to wealth and power - at the expense of
the vast majority of Zimbabweans."
Gilpin said Mugabe's "very close relationship" with Zimbabwe's armed
forces had "exacerbated the fiscal pressures" in the country, and resulted
in the state spending a lot of money on the security sectors, and reducing
spending on sectors such as health, education and job creation.
According to Bernard Harborne, Lead Conflict Specialist at the World
Bank, Zimbabwe's military and its leaders have been "major beneficiaries" of
government "quasi-fiscal excesses."
"Substantial transfers and subsidies are made to keep them loyal and
in check. This fiscal drain has reinforced the regime-focused nature of the
military and cultivated a culture of entitlement," Harborne says.
He adds that fiscal reform in Zimbabwe will have "profound
ramifications"
for the country's armed forces.
Gilpin says the "paradox" in Zimbabwe presently is that certain people
in the country are getting rich directly as a result of the chaotic state of
the economy.
"Wherever you have economic policies that impose controls on currency
and trade, those with access to the levers of power are able to use that for
their benefit. They control trade; they impose premiums on currency
transactions. Those are the people who are making the most money. The few
who have access to political power use that to derive vast economic
benefit."
The effect of this, Gilpin explains, is that Zimbabwe's dollar
continues to weaken and inflation rises, "meaning that the ordinary
Zimbabwean earns less every day for the same amount of work, and their
savings - particularly if it's in local currency - is devalued on an ongoing
basis." - VOP

Zanu (PF) - Renegades from day one

http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk


Wednesday, 08 October 2008 13:24
'It is clear that Zanu (PF) was never a revolutionary party, but a
band of opportunistic power-seekers'
BY TENDAI RUBEN MBOFANA
Is the self-righteous Zanu (PF) the revolutionary party that it wants
the world to believe? It has dangerously and mischievously touted the
revolutionary flag for so long that some people actually believe it.
In the on-going series to expose Zanu (PF) for who they really are, it
is essential that the party's early activities are highlighted.
In late January 1969, leaders of seven liberation movements met in
Khartoum, Sudan, at a conference organised by the then Soviet Union. These
movements were the Front for the Liberation of Mozambique (Frelimo),
Zimbabwe African Peoples' Union (Zapu), South West People's Organisation
(Swapo), African National Congress (ANC) of South Africa, Popular Movement
for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), PAIGG of Guinea and Cape Verde, and
MOLINACO of the Comoros.
These groups became partners, called 'the natural allies', and were
the authentic liberation movements of Africa - guided and united by a
genuine desire for independence and their struggle against colonialism and
neo-colonialism, imperialism and exploitation of man by man.
They were opposed to tribalism, regionalism, divisionism and
racialism, insisting that the enemy was not necessarily white. But Zanu (PF)
was not part of this grouping. They opted to join hands with the late Jonas
Savimbi's National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (Unita).
This grouping had nothing to offer the people of their countries and
played the race card to gain support. This is the only ideology that Zanu
(PF) has had to offer the people to this day; witnessed by their obsession
with anti-British, anti-America and anti-White propaganda, without
proffering any solution to Zimbabwe's economic problems.
Independence was not their genuine goal - but power. Unita even
proceeded to launch a civil war after Angola's independence from Portugal,
against the MPLA government - the same way Zanu (PF) threatens war if its
grip on power is under siege.
The only reason these renegade groups acquired assistance from China
was that the formation of the alliance of authentic liberation movements
occurred shortly after the Sino-Soviet split, and the Chinese were more than
willing to sponsor and train these groups, in order to stifle Soviet
influence in Africa. They were, and still are, pawns in China's imperialist
agenda.
Frelimo once commented that the main motive behind Zanu (PF) splitting
from Zapu was driven purely by power-hunger, and it (Zanu (PF)) 'represented
dangerous divisions and tribal secessionist tendencies'. Frelimo viewed Zanu
(PF) members as 'racialist and undisciplined.'
How then did a well-meaning, authentic liberation movement as Frelimo
end up assisting a party that they regarded as disgraceful, instead of its
fellow natural ally - Zapu?
Zanu (PF) does anything to gain and retain power, even to the extent
of forging strong links with Israel during those years. Actually, at one
point part of the expenses of running Zanu (PF)'s Dar es Salaam (Tanzania)
offices were paid for by the Israeli embassy in that country.
Zanu (PF) forged a partnership with a government that was very much
similar to the Rhodesians whom they claimed to be fighting. Of course, Zanu
(PF)'s alliances were exploitative and 'marriages of convenience' for the
sole purpose of attainment and consolidation of power.
Even after Zimbabwe's independence, Zanu (PF) quickly abandoned its
Chinese sponsors and started eating in the same plate as the former
colonisers. That is why today the targeted sanctions imposed by the West on
Mugabe and gang are mainly to do with their assets and investments in those
counties.
Only after he was jilted by the West did Mugabe start talking about
'looking east'. It is clear that Zanu (PF) was never a revolutionary party,
but a band of opportunistic power-seekers.

Deadlock! Government 'partners' bicker over posts

http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk


Wednesday, 08 October 2008 13:33
BY CHIEF REPORTER
HARARE
Bickering and accusations between Zanu (PF) and the MDC over the
distribution of key cabinet posts is holding back the implementation of the
unity government outlined under the September 15 power-sharing deal.
On Monday, the two sides traded accusations over the deadlock amid
intense bickering over cabinet posts. Mugabe has offered the opposition a
number of ministries they feel are second-rate, including Infrastructure
Development and Prisons and Correctional Services, but Morgan Tsvangirai,
who is set to become the Prime Minister of the new unity government, is
holding out for the meatier portfolios, like Finance, Home Affairs, Foreign
Affairs, Local Government and Information.
Mugabe's spokesman George Charmba said a meeting between Mugabe,
Tsvangirai and leader of the breakaway MDC faction, Prof Arthur Mutambara at
State House on Saturday ended in failure because of differences over how to
share two key ministries, Finance and Home Affairs.
But MDC spokesman Nelson Chamisa said on Monday: "There is a deadlock
on the allocation of all key ministries. Considering the fact that it is now
exactly 21 days after the signing of the global agreement, the cabinet
deadlock calls for the urgent help and assistance from SADC and AU as
guarantors of the deal to unfreeze the impasse."
A senior Zanu (PF) official told The Zimbabwean that the MDC was
making "unreasonable demands".
The MDC says it has to take control of Home Affairs so that there is
fair share of powerful security ministries given that the MDC has already
agreed to Mugabe having control of the army and the Central Intelligence
Organisation.
The MDC says the deal leaves sweeping powers in Mugabe's hands,
including the power to declare war and, dissolve Parliament.
Under this deal, Mugabe retains the power to appoint the police
commissioner-general, who has massive powers under the Police Act to
override the minister.
The present Commissioner-General, Augustine Chihuri, along with all
other service chiefs, have vowed they will not serve under nor salute Prime
Minister-designate Tsvangirai.
There are simmering divisions in Zanu (PF) over the surrender of the
Home Affairs ministry, which many fear could be used by the MDC to jail
prominent officials who led the crackdown on the opposition that killed 131
people under transitional justice.
The 84-year-old iron-fisted leader has come up with all sorts of
excuses, including an incredible claim that the Home Affairs ministry was a
Zapu portfolio reserved for a former Zapu appointee as terms of a
power-sharing agreement signed between Zanu and Zapu in 1987. Curiously, all
Home Affairs ministers of recent times from Dumiso Dabengwa, to John Nkmo to
Kembo Mohadi are all ex-ZIPRA combatants.
On top of Home Affairs, the MDC is also demanding the powerful Finance
ministry so as to effect central bank reforms. The central bank has been the
chief culprit in fuelling inflation by printing cash to bankroll Zanu (PF)'s
patronage networks, taking over many traditional functions and
responsibilities of the Finance ministry, which has allowed the government
to bypass constitutional requirements for legislative control of public
money.
Western donors have made it clear that no rescue package will come
Zimbabwe's way unless there is a new independent central-bank governor and
the institution reverts to its traditional role.

Why the Zimbabwe deal is deadlocked

http://www.politicsweb.co.za

Eddie Cross
09 October 2008

Eddie Cross writes that Zanu-PF are indulging in a last orgy of plunder

Today it's the 8th of October - nearly 4 weeks since the SADC brokered deal
was signed. It's now 7 months since the March elections took place and both
Zanu PF and Robert Mugabe were soundly beaten by the MDC. Yet we still do
not have a government and Zanu PF continues to behave as if they had the
right to control the State and to make all key decisions. No Minister is in
office legally at this moment of time yet they continue to drive government
vehicles and draw their salaries. Many continue to work in their old offices
as if nothing has happened.

Just as was the case in Kenya, the Party that should have taken over from
the incumbents has been forced by regional pressure to concede a compromise
deal that is proving to be unworkable. If the experience of the past 4 weeks
is anything to go by, we have learned that the SADC brokered agreement is
most likely to produce a dysfunctional government that simply cannot make
the decisions required on a daily basis to resolve our many problems. It is
also clear that Zanu PF does not have any intention of meeting their
obligations in terms of the deal and is not in the slightest way concerned
about the rapid collapse of Zimbabweans society and the economy.

The economy now slides to a halt leaving millions of people without an
income and no access to even the most basic necessities, schools close their
doors and Universities are unable to function. While preparations for the
next cropping season are simply non-existent and water and electricity
supplies dwindle, while poultry, pig and dairy farmers watch their stock
starve and die; Mugabe and Mbeki fiddle and procrastinate.

Since the signing, of course, we have had the ANC coup in South Africa.
Unlike the Zimbabwe process there was no quiet diplomacy involved in that
operation! In four days, the ANC very publicly, recalled Mr. Mbeki, forced
him to resign and appointed a new (not elected) President. Mr. Mbeki and his
supporters in the ANC have subsequently embarked on a political guerrilla
war and might shortly announce they are forming a new alliance grouping to
oppose the ANC in elections in early 2009.

I was asked by the staff in our factory what was happening and I said that
the two bulls in South Africa were fighting and were not interested in the
cows next door - even though the Zimbabwe cow was ready for some sort of
consummation of the agreement. They understood that analogy immediately and
saw that this was what was now holding up progress.

Someone else came to me and asked, in real sincerity, why was Zanu PF
delaying the process of forming a government? They were right in that final
part - they are filibustering this deal very effectively and it has nothing
to do with the fundamentals or power sharing. The question of why is not so
easy to determine. One ambassador told me that in his view it was quite
simple - they wanted time to loot the store before they handed over the
keys. And that they are doing - in great style with millions of dollars in
hard currency leaving the country daily for safe refuge elsewhere.

The other part, of course is that they know that the formation of a new
government - the resumption of government by Cabinet selected on a
democratic basis (in so far as the deal recognises the outcome of the March
elections), marks the end of years of luxurious living, access to foreign
exchange on special terms, power and influence and protection from the reach
of law enforcement agencies.

The MDC has appealed to the region and the African Union several times in
the past two weeks for the mediation to resume and for help with the issues
that remain. Each time that Mbeki has looked likely to come to the country,
Zanu PF have said 'no, we do not need his help, the issues that remain are
insignificant', and Mbeki has taken them at their word and stayed at home.
An easy decision when you think that he is trying to pick up the remains of
his life and to rescue what is left of his part of the ANC.

But the consequences of this delay in the consummation of the SADC deal are
very serious. In an unstable world where markets are collapsing and rescue
efforts are under way on a scale not seen since the 30's in the last
century, the double impact on South Africa of not only the collapse of the
ANC Alliance but the collapse of the Zimbabwe deal, could put southern
Africa into a tail spin. The Rand may have gone through the 9 to 1 barrier
today and looks set to perhaps hit the lows of several years ago. Inflation
is already too high and global commodity prices are falling rapidly.

The Zimbabwe economy, in my view, is now as close as it has ever been to
real collapse. Companies simply cannot carry on under these circumstances. I
spoke with a young civil servant today about her salary. She said she was
paid $13 000 in local currency credited to her account at a building
society. That is about US$1,50 at the street rate. Even so she had not been
able to draw the money out and was virtually working for nothing.

Hunger and starvation now stalks the land - even those in employment are
going without food for days on end. The flood tide of refugees going to
South Africa is worse than ever and if allowed to continue will create
mayhem in South Africa shortly. The MDC is ready to tackle all these
problems and has well advanced plans to do so, but it cannot move one
millimetre without the formation of a government headed by the new Prime
Minister.

There is little we can do about this filibustering operation by Zanu PF -
that is the task of regional power brokers. If they do not come to the party
and break the deadlock, the whole thing will collapse in an ignominious heap
and further punish the reputation of Africa and African leadership. We can
ill afford that at this point in our history.

Eddie Cross is MP for Bulawayo South and the MDC's Policy Coordinator. This
article was first published on his website October 8 2008

Children sell themselves for food

http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk


Wednesday, 08 October 2008 13:34
BY PINDAI DUBE
MBERENGWA
Young children have turned to prostitution in a desperate bid to get
food and money.
Schoolchildren as young as 12 have been seen at Mataga Growth point
and Musume Business Centre in Mberengwa in the Midlands Province.
Some girls who spoke to The Zimbabwean said they had been forced to
become prostitutes because the district was facing starvation.
"The truck drivers give us 20kg bags of mealie meal after sleeping
with them. There is nothing we can do because we need to get food and if we
don't, we will die of hunger," said one 15-year-old.
She said her parents had died of HIV/AIDS. Through prostitution, she
was able to feed her two little brothers.
A 13-year-old told The Zimbabwean that she goes to school during the
day and sleeps with bus drivers and conductors at night. They give her
Z$3,000 every night.
A local councillor, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said he had
instructed bar and club owners as well as business owners in the two
business centres to stop schoolchildren from their entering their premises,
but they had ignored him for fear of losing trade.

Banks fleece customers with "astronomical" charges

http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk


Wednesday, 08 October 2008 13:34
BY CHIEF REPORTER
HARARE
Excessive bank charges and penalty fees are stinging low-income
earners, a central bank inquiry into banking and credit card fees has found.
Some struggling Zimbabwean families pay as much as Z$20,000 to
Z$50,000 for getting bank statements, while charges for dishonoured cheques
range between Z$100 and Z$50,000. There are also hefty charges for penalties
such as late credit card payments and account overdrafts.
Charges for internal transfers range from ZD100 to Z$30,000, while
chequebooks range between Z$650 and Z$11.4m.
The findings have prompted the Reserve Bank to order all commercial
banks this week to immediately keep their charges down.
RBZ Governor Gideon Gono ordered banks to immediately roll back the
charges or risk having their banking licences cancelled.
In a press statement, Gono described the charges as "astronomical and
unjustifiable". He ordered the reimbursement of excess charges billed
between September 1 and October 4 this year.

Commercial banks revert to old charges

http://www.herald.co.zw

Business Reporter

SEVERAL banks have reverted to their old bank charges following a directive
by the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe.

The move came after some banks increased their bank charges by between 50
percent and 1 000.
Commercial banks among them, CBZ, Barclays, Kingdom, NMB Bank and others
were charging $500 to $6 000 for Real Time Gross Settlement transactions
while charges for bank cheques ranged from $5 000 to $51 520 per
transaction. ATM withdrawals were ranging from $75 to $1 000 per
transaction.
Banks had increased their charges citing the increase in printing costs and
other operational cost that they incur when providing services to their
clients.
Officials from Stanbic Bank, Barclays and ZABG said they have reverted to
the old charges following the RBZ directive.
RBZ said in a statement that high bank charges were eroding confidence in
the banking sector since development is detrimental to financial stability
and economic development. It also said no increases in bank charges beyond
the maximum charges directed should be implemented without the central bank's
approval.
"Every banking institution is directed to reimburse all customers who were
from September 1 and to October 4 charged amounts in excess of the directed
limits contained herein by no later than October 15."
Members of the public applauded the scrapping of the new bank charges saying
it has come timeously, and "stopped the broad-day robbery by the banking
sector."
"My salary for September was gone and I have nothing left in my account due
to the increase in bank charges", said a lady who refused to be named.
Dadirai Kanengoni of Chitungwiza said she was confused on what to do as she
has to be an account holder but at the same time she had no money to meet
the bank charges.
"We appreciate the central bank for being considerate to account holders by
ordering all banks to review their charges downwards unless after approval
to do otherwise," said Mr Funwell Chimombe of Harare.
"There reached a time in July when, with my bank, the daily maximum
withdrawal limit was equivalent to an ATM balance inquiry charge and you
would find one was afraid of inquiring for his or her balance, due to fear
of losing the next day's limit to service charges.
"It is hence a positive development that banks reduce their charges in line
with directed maximum charges.
"We also call upon the central bank to maintain a firm grip on the banking
sector as this where our livelihoods revolve," he said.
Last week the central bank scrapped all electronic transfers, as part of
efforts to rid the market of illegal foreign currency dealings.
However, a Stanbic Bank official said the move to close internal transfer
"will hit us badly," as they earned commissions from the system.
"Internal transfers have always been there and they benefit customers of any
bank as they will enjoy convenience," said the official.

We have lost our Ubuntu

http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk


Wednesday, 08 October 2008 13:24
BY CATHERINE MAKONI
I was working late last night in my office on Selous Avenue when
something happened, something that is symptomatic of the serious decay in
this country.
A woman was screaming for help. Although this is not unusual in the
area due to the prevalence of thieves, we ran out of the office to look. It
appeared to us that thieves were pursuing the woman, shouting as they went
after her. Her screams alerted other office workers who called out for her
to run towards the light.
We were relieved to see an armed police officer who had been checking
the nearby Beverley Bank ATMs for cash emerge and run towards the screams.
He stopped short when the woman emerged under the lights being accosted by
three police officers.
"Why are you hitting me? Why are you hurting me? What have I done?"
She asked, clutching her handbag to her chest.
The officers continued to attack her without making an arrest as her
would-be rescuer watched helplessly before following them into the night.
Security guards returned to their posts, muttering that she was
probably a prostitute. The implication being that she deserved the abuse.
No-one questioned the inappropriate behaviour of the police who take an oath
of office where they swear to uphold the laws of the country. If someone is
suspected of committing an offence, he or she should be arrested and taken
into custody. The woman was not resisting arrest so there is no
justification for their violence.
We felt guilty for keeping silent when we should have spoken out. We
stood back when we should have stepped up and stepped in. We were relieved
that it was not us and we were safe. We felt sorry for the woman but that
was not enough to compel us to act.  We were afraid that the lawless louts
would turn on us. We were afraid perhaps of the inconvenience, so we
sacrificed the woman to her doubtful fate.
Our response is part of Zimbabwe's problem. We all know what's wrong
and what's right but no one is willing to do what it takes for the common
good. The shelves are empty, but as long as I am managing to put food on my
family's table, who cares that my neighbour's children are going to bed
hungry?
As long as I can access cash through various means, who cares that
someone has been spending days and nights outside the bank waiting to
withdraw their paltry money. We look at them, we feel sorry, we despair but
we are relieved that it is not us standing in the baking sun as we go about
our business. We do not intervene. We do not speak out when we should.
Hatisisina hunhu. We have lost our ubuntu; that which makes us members of
the human family.
I hope as the Prime Minister and his two deputy prime ministers are
inspecting their swanky new offices in Munhumutapa Building, they are
thinking of ways of healing our community and restoring our values.