http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Tichaona
Sibanda
10 September 2012
South Africa recently sold weapons worth
$276,000 to Zimbabwe’s defence
forces, according to that country’s latest
quarterly report of the National
Conventional Arms Control Committee
(NCACC).
This is despite the South African government’s pledge last year
not to
permit such sales to Zimbabwe. Justice Minister and chairperson of
the
committee, Jeff Radebe, said then that the government would not approve
permits for the sale of weapons to countries with ‘political
complications.’
The arms sale to Zimbabwe was between April and July this
year, according to
the report which has been extensively published in the
South African media.
During the same period, the South African government
approved contracts to
other countries worth R2.8 billion.
The NCACC
report says contracts with 50 countries were signed, among them
India,
Gabon, the US and China.
The report says the weapons sold to Zimbabwe
fall mainly into the C
category, consisting of support equipment like
teargas.
In the last decade the US and the European Union imposed an arms
embargo
against the former ZANU PF ruling party, in response to Robert
Mugabe’
serious violations of human rights. The police, headed by Augustine
Chihuri,
has on numerous occasions used teargas to disperse peaceful
political
rallies and meetings organised by the MDC led by Prime Minister
Morgan
Tsvangirai.
With South African President Zuma the chief
facilitator in Zimbabwe’s
crisis, political analyst Dewa Mavhinga told us it
was unusual for South
Africa to also be selling arms to the
country.
‘I think their impartiality will come under scrutiny considering
the weapons
have been used mainly to crackdown on MDC supporters. We are
approaching a
watershed election period in Zimbabwe and this is not the time
to be selling
arms to the country,’ Mavhinga said.
http://www.radiovop.com/
By Professor Matodzi Harare, September
10, 2012 - Graduates of the notorious
national youth service have petitioned
the High Court seeking an order
compelling President Robert Mugabe to set
dates for the holding of
by-elections in 38 vacant constituencies.
“From
as far as August 2008, there are parliamentary seats that fell vacant
and
replacements were elected to fill in such vacancies within the time
stipulated by the Electoral Act…Applicant’s members who reside in the
affected constituencies continue to be prejudiced by
non-representation.
"Laws and regulations have been made and continue to
be passed without any
input from their elected representatives thereby
depriving them of their
right to participate in the legislative arm of the
State,” the secretary
general of the Zimbabwe National Youth Service
Graduates Association, Abson
Madusise, stated in his founding affidavit
accompanying his application.
In the application, which is set to send
apprehensions down the spines of
several Zimbabweans who fear a repeat of
the violent actions by the militia
graduates, Madusise cited Zanu (PF)
leader President Robert Mugabe, Movement
for Democratic Change (MDC) leader
Morgan Tsvangirai and the Zimbabwe
Electoral Commission as respondents
including its chairperson Simpson
Mtambanengwe.
Zanu (PF) and the MDC
parties agreed at the inauguration of the coalition
government to avoid
staging by-elections as a measure to safeguard the
stability of the
inclusive government.
However, the pact was torn into shreds last year
when the High Court ordered
the staging of elections in three Matabeleland
constituencies after some
legislators, expelled from the MDC party led by
Professor Welshman Ncube,
petitioned the courts.
In July, the Supreme
Court ordered Mugabe to call for by-elections by the
end of August. However,
the Zanu (PF) leader got a reprieve last month when
High Court Judge
President Justice George Chiweshe extended the period for
Mugabe to fix the
by-elections dates by 1 October.
Mugabe said he needed the time extension
to mobilise and ascertain the
availability of financial resources to stage a
“mini-general election” in
all the vacant parliamentary and senatorial
constituencies in the country
including local authorities.
The
disclosures on the lack of financial resources to fund by-elections
confirms
the abstemious revelations by Finance Minister Tendai Biti, who has
repeatedly cautioned those clamouring for the staging of general elections
that the government’s purse was empty and could only fund a referendum on a
new draft governance charter.
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Tererai
Karimakwenda
10 September, 2012
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai met
with Robert Mugabe for their usual
scheduled Monday meeting, in a bid to try
and unlock the current deadlock
over the Constitution reform
exercise.
The meeting of the Principals reportedly included MDC-N leader
Welshman
Ncube for the first time, causing further confusion in a coalition
government that has stopped functioning and is riddled with
misinformation.
Ncube was last month acknowledged by SADC leaders as a
principal in
negotiations. But ZANU PF had dismissed him, saying the Deputy
Prime
Minister Arthur Mutambara would remain a Principal when dealing with
Zimbabwean business.
The meeting precedes a SADC summit set for
October in a yet undisclosed
location, which the new Troika chairperson
Jakaya Kikwete said would tackle
the Zimbabwean crisis, with hopes of moving
forward.
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai launched his party’s “Yes Vote
Campaign”
for the draft constitution over the weekend and made it clear he
would try
to convince Mugabe and ZANU PF to call a referendum on the draft
charter.
He told supporters at the launch in Harare that it was “improper”
for the
three Principals to exclusively decide on the
Constitution.
Political analyst Professor John Makumbe told SW Radio
Africa that
Tsvangirai launched the campaign before the Monday meeting as a
preemptive
move to try and force ZANU PF’s hand into adopting the Copac
draft, signed
by the negotiators.
“You can’t launch a Yes campaign if
the draft is still negotiable and on the
table. This was a tactical move to
say the Copac draft is final and is now
in the public domain. Tsvangirai
wanted to force ZANU PF to move forward,”
Makumbe said.
Makumbe
explained that the parties now needed to wait for ZANU PF to confirm
to the
chief mediator, President Zuma, that there was indeed a deadlock. He
explained that this was necessary because ZANU PF could present the
impression that negotiations were still taking place instead of a
deadlock.
Makumbe said there should be more openness with the process and
Zimbabweans
should be given more information about what is going on in these
meetings.
Analysts and many civic society organisations continue to
maintain that both
MDC formations conceded too much ground to ZANU PF in key
areas in the Copac
draft.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw
September 7, 2012 in
News
PRESSURE is mounting on President Robert Mugabe from Zanu PF hardliners
and
securocrats to boot out Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) boss
Happyton Bonyongwe from his post ahead of crucial elections expected next
year as the ghosts of 2008 return to haunt them.
Report by Our Staff
Writers
Top intelligence sources told the Zimbabwe Independent this week Zanu
PF
party hardliners and sections of the security establishment want the CIO
spy
chief kicked out because of his links to former Finance minister Simba
Makoni’s Mavambo/Kusile/Dawn party and the late former army commander
General Solomon Mujuru. He is also alleged to have been part of the bhora
musango (anyone but Mugabe) protest strategy during the 2008
elections.
Mugabe suffered a shock defeat in the first round of
polling before storming
back through a vicious campaign of terror and
brutality. Zanu PF for the
first time lost its parliamentary
majority.
Bonyongwe, a retired brigadier, was accused of
supporting Makoni, not
Mugabe. Mujuru, who reportedly recommended Bonyongwe
to become the CIO
director-general, was behind Makoni, something which
former Zanu PF
politburo heavyweight Dumiso Dabengwa recently confirmed.
Dabengwa and
Mujuru tried hard to oust Mugabe in the run up to the 2008
elections.
Senior army and intelligence officers are already being suggested
to take
over at CIO if Bonyongwe goes.
CIO deputy director Daniel
Tonde Nhepera, Isaac Moyo who is the Executive
Secretary of the African
Union Committee of Intelligence and Security
Service in Africa in Addis
Ababa, Ethiopia, and CIO director (external
affairs) Amon Mutembwa, among
others are touted as potential successors.
Brigadier-General Nhamo
Sanyatwa, head of the presidential guard, has also
been mentioned as a
possible candidate for the top intelligence post.
Sanyatwa is reportedly in
China for training on military and intelligence
matters. However, some say
he might not be suitable for the job due to
undisclosed “professional”
reasons.
Although CIO director-internal Andrew Muzonzini and Albert
Ngulube are also
senior directors, they have not been mentioned as potential
Bonyongwe
successors.
“This issue has been there for some time now,
even before the 2008
elections. However, there is renewed pressure to remove
Bonyongwe ahead of
the next elections because of what happened during the
200 polls. Zanu PF
hardliners and some members on the Joint Operations
Command want him to go,”
said a senior intelligence officer. “Because he is
seen as someone who was
part of the bhora musango strategy, there is big
debate whether to continue
with him or not as we go towards the
elections.
His connection to the Mujuru faction and Makoni makes his
case worse.”
Intelligence sources say Bonyongwe’s enemies are trying
to find more ground
to justify their demand for his removal. Those pushing
for his ouster are
also trying to raise the issue of his family’s 5%
shareholding, through
Brinski Investments (Pvt) Ltd, in Interfin Financial
Services Ltd (IFSL),
which owns the troubled Interfin Bank. The bank was
associated with the
Mujuru faction.
Sources also say after
Bonyongwe has been under pressure, mainly since last
year when the
whistleblowing website WikiLeaks revealed he was associated
with Makoni and
the anti-Mugabe lobby during the 2008 elections.
According to leaked
American embassy cables, Zanu PF politburo member
Jonathan Moyo accused
Bonyongwe of “doctoring” reports compiled by the CIO
meant for Mugabe’s
attention, mainly prior to the March 2008 elections.
Moyo told ex-US
Ambassador Christopher Dell at a meeting on March 30 2007
Bonyongwe
supported Makoni, who quit Zanu PF and challenged Mugabe during
the 2008
polls.
“With regard to the CIO, Moyo said Mugabe had received
information that CIO
director-(general) Happyton Bonyongwe had been
conferring with Solomon
Mujuru,” read the cable.
“Furthermore, he
(Moyo) had received information from CIO sub-directors that
Bonyongwe was
doctoring information. Believing Mujuru to be involved with
both military
and CIO dissension, Mugabe had summoned Mujuru.”
NMB managing
director James Mushore, who is said to be a nephew of Mujuru,
met US embassy
officials on February 28 2008 and also indicated that
Bonyongwe and his
uncle supported Makoni’s candidacy.
“Mushore mused about an ideal
scenario under which Solomon Mujuru and CIO
chief Happyton Bonyongwe came
out for Makoni two days before the election,
insinuating Bonyongwe’s support
for Makoni as well,” one of the cables said.
Senior Zanu PF officials
and MPs revolted against Mugabe in 2008 under an
operation codenamed “bhora
musango” in which they canvassed support for
themselves but not their
leader.
Under the 2008 operation, the MPs called for people to vote for them
alone
and not Mugabe. Angered by the president’s refusal to leave power to
the
younger successor despite his declining public support, MPs last year
threatened to resist Mugabe if he called for early elections.
In
2008, Mugabe lost to MDC-T leader Morgan Tsvangirai. He had 43,2 % of the
total votes compared to Tsvangirai’s 47,9% and Makoni who polled 8,3%. The
Mujuru faction and Bonyongwe were widely blamed for that in intelligence
circles. This has led to a renewed whispering campaign against the CIO boss
who has been at the held since he replaced Elisha Muzonzini in
2003.
The security forces, including the army, police and
intelligence services,
are Mugabe and Zanu PF’s pillars of support. Mugabe
and his party, whose
structures have collapsed, rely on the security
agencies and associated
terror to hang onto power. “While many want
Bonyongwe to go, it is a
catch-22 situatio for Mugabe because if he doesn’t
remove him, what happened
in 2008 might be repeated in some ways, while if
he removes him just before
elections that might be destabilising,” a source
said. “It looks like a
damned if does, damned if doesn’t scenario.
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
Water Barometer
24 August-07 September
2012: This update has been made possible by resources
provided to the Harare
Residents’ Trust (HRT) by well-wishers in Harare who
believe in our Vision,
“A Free and Prosperous Citizenry”. To receive
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MAKE YOUR OWN CONTRIBUTION- Circulate
widely.
Comment: Ring fence
Water Account in Proposed 2013 Harare City Council
Budget
The HRT has
received several reports from residents reiterating the need for
the City of
Harare to seriously consider having the water accounts only used
for the
improvement and upgrading of the water distribution infrastructure.
These
sentiments were particularly loud and clear in Mabvuku Chizhanje,
Budiriro
3, Glen Norah B, Kuwadzana Phase 3, Glen Lorne, Borrowdale, and
Dzivaresekwa
among other suburbs. The ring fencing of the water account will
result in
all the revenue collected as a result of rendering water services
to the
residents be chanelled directly to the water services. This will mean
that
money collected from water services will not be used for anything else
except water provision. This development will go a long way in improving
water services infrastructure in Harare. In addition this model will also
improve accountability as all resources chanelled towards water services
would be prudently used by Harare Water Department to provide water to the
citizenry. The HRT urges Central Government, through the Ministry of Water
Resources and Infrastructural Development and the Ministry of Local
Government, Rural and Urban Development to ensure that urban local
authorities ring fence the water account. This would ensure that residents
get value for their money, and transparency would be enhanced. Since
February 2009, the Harare City Council has been fleecing residents of their
money for services which the City fathers rarely provide and the bills were
based on estimates and not actual consumption. Key arguments being proffered
by the majority of residents is that before dollarization in 2009, they paid
for water and after dollarization, they still paid for fixed water and water
consumption but the City of Harare has dismally failed to account for the
money generated. This money could have been used to upgrade the water
infrastructure. Unfortunately, reports from various well-placed council
officials indicate that most of the money generated from water consumption
and charges is being diverted towards payment of salaries and administration
expenses, meaning residents have not derived much benefit from payment of
their water dues to the local authority. Even senior council officials are
frustrated by identified heads of departments who are vehemently opposed to
the ring-fencing of the water account. Water is apparently council’s
cash-cow, allowing them to rampantly abuse resources without investing in
the water infrastructure and water provision.
Sad memories still
conjure in residents minds where nearly 4 000 residents
died during the
cholera epidemic in 2008 while nearly 100 000 others were
affected due to
poor water management systems in Harare, and other local
authorities. The
city fathers have no concrete plans in place or at least
the political
commitment to address the plight of the citizens in the
provision of clean
water in all suburbs of Harare. The HRT encourages all
residents in Harare
to participate in the 2013 pre-budget consultation
meetings that are
scheduled began on Saturday 8 September 2012 and set their
priorities, to be
addressed in the 2013 City Budget. It is imperative for
the residents to
participate in this process and demand accountability from
the City of
Harare rather than be short-changed, and still fail to express
their views.
The HRT demands that the City of Harare puts into motion a
process of
ensuring the water account is protected from being abused, but
that revenue
generated is directed towards expanding, maintaining and
upgrading of the
water infrastructure and distribution network in the once”
Sunshine City of
Zimbabwe.”
Below are key highlights of water provision in various suburbs
of Harare,
excluding western suburbs:
Waterfalls: In the Cheviot area
water normally comes during the evening and
residents fetch water from this
time until 4 am.
Park town –There is no water along 6th and 4th street and
residents are
fetching water from Milford Road since there is no borehole or
any other
water source at Park Town Shopping Centre.
Uplands, Derbyshire
and Shortson- Residents only receive water three days a
week and water
outages are experienced on Fridays and the water is
reconnected on Tuesdays.
The borehole at Derbyshire is dysfunctional.
Hilton Park, Picnic Park- In
this area the residents receive water three
days a week.
Mbare National-
Tap water is running normally but the water is dirty.
Residents experience
uninterrupted water supplies most of the time.
Sunningdale 1 and 2 – There
are no water problems unless there is a burst
water pipe. The people fetch
water from the district office where there is a
burst water
pipe
Borrowdale-Residents in this area are advocating for a common borehole
to
save them huge amounts of money they use to buy water from private
suppliers. Council has not provided residents with their plans to address
the aged water infrastructure in this area.
Hatcliffe-In this area there
are a total of 20 boreholes in this area and
two boreholes needed to be
repaired while two other boreholes are seasonal
boreholes which rely on the
level of the water table.
Mount Pleasant and Avondale-Water supplies have
been erratic and this area
receives water occasionally.
Greendale,
Mandara, Highlands and Chisipite-Water supplies are very erratic.
This is
now the eighth week without water supplies for these suburbs. The
situation
is the same as the last two weeks where water supply is still very
low.
Harare East, Kugarika Kushinga and Tafara –There is no water at all
in
Kugarika Kushinga, Old Tafara and some areas of New Mabvuku which include
Hunyani Street, Chitsere, Honde and all the areas that are found on higher
ground. However, low lying areas such as Chizhanje and some parts of Tafara
and New Mabvuku had low pressure water for four days.
Highlands –The
situation has not changed from the previous state residents
are being
assisted by well wishers as Net One had drilled a borehole at
Runnville
shops in Highlands. Some residents are getting water from their
neighbours
as well.
Chisipite- residents in this community are relying on well-wishers
who are
willing to share your boreholes.
Email: info@hrt.org.zw/ advocacy@hrt.org.zw/ communications@hrt.org.zw/
Mobile:
0772 547 394/ 0772 771 860/ 0772 869 294
Facebook: Harare Residents’
Trust Hrt
Twitter: @Harare Residents
Website: www.hrt.org.zw
Physical Address: 5 Tudor
Gardens, Corner Josiah Tongogara Avenue and Mazowe
Street
http://www.zimdiaspora.com
MONDAY, 10 SEPTEMBER 2012
10:31
A RECENT opinion poll that shows support for Zimbabwe’s
Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) plummeted in the last two years has
thrown the
spotlight on to party corruption and the tumultuous private life
of leader
Morgan Tsvangirai.
Commissioned by US think tank Freedom
House, the poll shows that only 20 per
cent of Zimbabweans openly say they
will vote for the MDC, down from 38 per
cent in 2010, a year after the
former opposition party entered a coalition
government with president Robert
Mugabe’s party. Support for Zanu-PF has
shot up from ′17 to 31 per
cent.
Itai Zimunya of the Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa in
Johannesburg, said: “What we could be seeing is the second wave of a
politics of protest. We thought that with the MDC coming into power they
were going to reform the state. What we are seeing now is that these people
want to own 20 homes and 12 farms too.”
The MDC acted quickly, last
week handing over the names of 12 party
officials suspected of corruption to
the police.
Across the country, ordinary Zimbabweans are seeing
neighbours who were
elected councillors on a pro-poor MDC ticket becoming
rich. “The means are
dubious,” says Mr Zimunya. “People are
disgusted.”
Much has been made of the 47 per cent of locals polled who
refused to say
who they would vote for, evidence – says the MDC – of the
fear that still
characterises Zimbabwe’s political landscape.
But
there are signs the former opposition party is no longer the automatic
choice of techno-savvy urban school-leavers, forced to face up to
unemployment levels of more than 80 per cent and the dizzying wealth of the
Harare elite. For some, Mr Mugabe’s indigenisation programme, cloaked in the
mantra of self-help, is “very seductive”.
Ageing but still a
dignified and talented orator, Mr Mugabe’s public stature
has been enhanced
by his rival’s messy personal life. After a string of
affairs following the
death of his wife Susan in a car crash, Mr Tsvangirai
is due to marry
35-year-old Elizabeth Macheka in Harare on Saturday. But a
woman with whom
the prime minister contracted a 12-day traditional
“marriage” last November
is trying to get a court injunction to block the
wedding. Locadia Tembo is
also claiming £9,400 per month in maintenance. She
says Mr Tsvangirai has
“other sources of income” besides his official
monthly salary, believed to
be less than £2,000.
The MDC leader is unlikely to be replaced before
elections and analysts
insist he is still the most popular official in the
party. But secretary
general Tendai Biti said in an opinion piece last week
the MDC knew it had
to “wake up and work for the support of
Zimbabweans”.
It may not have much time. The Supreme Court recently gave
Mr Mugabe until 1
October to set a date for three parliamentary
by-elections. Zanu-PF
hardliners are now pushing the president to instead
set a date for general
elections – without first holding a referendum on a
new constitution as
stipulated by the coalition deal. Real change, it seems,
is still a long way
off – News.scotsman.com.
http://www.thestandard.co.zw
September 9, 2012
in Local
FORMER Rhodesian Prime Minister, the late Ian Douglas Smith, is
still on the
Zimbabwean voters’ roll, a senior official with the Zimbabwe
Electoral
Commission (ZEC) has confirmed.
REPORT BY NUNURAI
JENA
Speaking at a Universal Periodic Review Implementation Plan of Action
workshop in Kadoma last week, ZEC deputy chief elections Officer
(operations), Utoile Silaigwana conceded that the voters’ roll was in a
shambles.
“The situation is really confusing as a known high
profile people like
former Prime Minister of Rhodesia Ian Smith is still on
the voters’ roll,”
said Silaigwana.
Smith died in 2007. There
were two elections, parliamentary and presidential
the following
year.
Participants at the workshop said if a high-profile person like
Smith could
be on the voters’ roll years after his death, then there could
be thousands
of ghost voters on the roll.
Efforts to
independently verify that Smith was still on the voters’ roll
were fruitless
last week. Register General Tobaiwa Mudede could not be
reached for
comment.
However, Zimbabwe ambassador to Senegal, Trudy Stevenson,
who has been
following the issue of ghost voters in the voters’ roll for a
long time,
said that Smith’s name featured on the voters’s
roll.
“He certainly was on the roll in 2008, so was Lardner Burke! I
got
interviewed over that, and got photos of those pages,” said
Stevenson.
The late Burke was the Minister for Law and Order and
Justice who ordered
President Robert Mugabe’s detention in 1963. He died in
1984 in South
Africa.
The state of the voters’ roll has been a
source of friction between Zanu PF
and the MDC formations who accuse the
former ruling party of taking
advantage of the shambolic nature of the roll
in order to rig elections.
Zanu PF denies the charges.
http://www.thestandard.co.zw
September 9, 2012 in Community
News
CHIPINGE South — Scores of families evicted from Chisumbanje area to
pave
way for the controversial ethanol project are facing serious food
shortages.
BY CLAYTON MASEKESA
Some of the villagers are having only
one meal per day and rely heavily on
the government’s grain loan scheme,
which has proved to be adequate.
Supporters of the two MDC formations
have complained that they were being
excluded from the scheme, which they
said was mostly benefiting Zanu PF
members.
Zanu PF has on several
occasions denied politicising food aid programmes.
Chipinge South MP,
Meki Makuyana (MDC-T) told The Standard last week that
the food crisis was
worsening on a daily basis.
“We have serious food shortages in this
part of the country. Areas such as
Chisumbanje, Chinyamukwakwa and Machona
could be the worst-hit,” said
Makuyana. “People there were evicted to pave
way for the ethanol plant and
they were compensated with 0,5 hectare of land
per family. The land they
were given is not enough to sustain their
families.”
He added: “Some areas are not yet under sugar plantation
but the villagers
were told to stop using that land. In previous years,
villagers would
supplement their food by purchasing maize in other areas
using money from
cotton production. Now that the land was taken, villagers
are now in a dire
situation.”
Arda board chairman, Basil Nyabadza
said they were providing maize to needy
villagers and more was set to
come.
“We have done food distribution in Chisumbanje and more maize
will be coming
in,” he said.
The US$600 million ethanol project
is a joint venture between Arda and
private investors, Macdom and
Rating.
After 20 years the Chisumbanje and Arda Estates would be
handed back to
Arda.
http://www.thestandard.co.zw
September 10, 2012 in
Local
WAR veterans on Friday stormed Minister of Tourism and Hospitality
Industry,
Walter Mzembi’s offices demanding an explanation as to why the
recent
allocation of conservancies to a few politicians was being
resisted.
REPORT BY PATRICE MAKOVA
The former freedom fighters, led by
Joseph Chinotimba, who is himself not a
veteran of Zimbabwe’s war of
liberation, later had a change of heart after
the meeting and pledged to
support plans by the government to broadly
empower communities living along
the Save Valley Conservancy, rather than
individuals.
Chinotimba
is one of the 25 Zanu PF politicians who were recently issued
with hunting
permits and 25-year leases to run the conservancies in a move
which has been
roundly condemned.
Mzembi confirmed that Chinotimba and other war veterans
visited his offices
but he persuaded him to adopt a broad-based approach to
the issue.
“Chinotimba now sees sense in a broad-based approach and
has agreed to go to
Save Conservancy on Saturday (yesterday) together with
Zimbabwe Tourism
Association Chief executive, Karikoga Kaseke to assess the
situation there,”
Mzembi said.
Kaseke said it did not take long
for Chinotimba to agree to the idea of
empowering communities.
He
said Chinotimba was only worried that the hunting permits of the white
owners had expired, hence there were fears that they could go into poaching.
Kaseke said the visit to Save Valley was meant to assess the extent of
damage to tourism in the area.
Chinotimba also confirmed that he
now fully supported efforts to come up
with new policies to deal with
empowerment in conservancies.
“As war veterans, we will listen and
follow whatever policies Mzembi and
Francis Nhema (Environment and Natural
Resources minister) will put in place
as long as they benefit the people,”
he said.
Chinotimba said while war veterans now agreed that whites
should not be
kicked out of the conservancies, there was a need for them to
co-exist with
blacks to avoid suspicions and counter suspicions over who was
responsible
for rampant poaching in the area.
As the self-styled
commander in chief of farm invasions, Chinotimba led a
violent campaign to
forcibly remove whites from their farms from 2001.
Despite owning
another farm in Mashonaland, he now wants to diversify into
conservancies,
claiming that whites evicted his family from the Save Valley
back in the
1960s.
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By
Tererai Karimakwenda
10 September, 2012
Members of the pressure group
Women of Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA) held a surprise
demonstration in Bulawayo on
Monday, to demand the immediate resumption of
the stalled Constitutional
reform process.
WOZA coordinator Jenni Williams told SW Radio Africa that
their members are
tired of the political parties bickering and posturing,
without resolving
any of the key issues that are affecting the daily lives
of Zimbabweans.
“We wanted to send a clear signal reminding the
politicians that we want our
draft. What they have done is like stealing
sweets from someone’s mouth.
They gave us the Copac draft which was not
everything we wanted and we were
ready to put disappointment aside and look
at the positive sides,” Williams
explained.
Regarding the
demonstrations, Williams said they managed to complete five
separate demos
without any interference from the police, who usually disrupt
the
processions using brute force and arresting WOZA members. The group had
not
sought police clearance either, but Jenni said the current laws do not
require this.
She said although the Copac draft is far from what they
wanted in a new
constitution there were enough issues that resonated with
their members to
warrant their support. After years of negotiations, WOZA
members feel the
process must move to the Second All stakeholders Conference
and a
referendum.
“We were disappointed mostly with the issue of
citizenship because there is
such a large Diaspora of Zimbabweans out there
that send money and could
help to develop this country. We want the
Tererai’s of the world to be able
to return and contribute to that
development with their skills,” Williams
said.
She said she did not
agree with MDC-T leader Morgan Tsvangirai, who at the
weekend told
supporters that the Copac draft included issues like dual
citizenship and
devolution. “The citizenship issue was not made clear. It
should have been
clarified much more and we were disappointed with that,”
Williams
said.
She however added that the negotiators should be commended for
having made
“a good start” on the issue of devolution, but did not go far
enough. “They
should have removed the phrase that says Zimbabwe is a unitary
state and
instead used devolved, because Zimbabweans do not want a
centralised state,”
Williams said.
But Williams said they would vote
Yes on the Copac draft because it contains
enough of what they
wanted.
According to Williams, WOZA members will not take part in any
election that
is held without key reforms being implemented first.
http://www.dailynews.co.zw
By Fungai Kwaramba, Staff Writer
Monday, 10 September
2012 10:30
HARARE - An association of youths accused of fronting
Zanu PF’s often
violent election campaigns has gone to court to force
President Robert
Mugabe to call a mini-general election.
In an action
that points to a Zanu PF election strategy, the Zimbabwe
National Youth
Service Graduates Association has lodged an application in
the High Court
demanding that Mugabe and the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission
(Zec) hold
elections in close to 200 vacant parliamentary and municipal
seats.
Mugabe has been demanding an election under the current
constitution but his
coalition partners have resisted the move.
The
by-elections could work in the 88-year-old’s favour if he can show a
sceptical international community that he can hold credible polls without
necessarily adopting a new constitution as demanded by coalition
partners.
Abson Madusise, who claims to be the secretary-general of youth
service
graduates, says in the court application that his organisation has a
nationwide membership prejudiced by the failure to hold
elections.
Mugabe is cited as the first respondent while Zec and its
chairperson
Simpson Mtambanengwe are second and third respondents
respectively.
“This is an application for an order directing the
respondents to comply
with provisions of the Electoral Act in ensuring that
full representative
democracy exists in the country within the legislature,
in particular that
by-elections be held in all constituencies which are
currently vacant,”
reads part of the application.
Section 39 of the
Electoral Act says the President should call for elections
within 14 days
after being informed by the Speaker of Parliament of a vacant
post.
The application lists parliamentary and council seats which are
vacant in
virtually all parts of the country.
“From as back as August
2008 there are parliamentary seats that fell vacant
and no replacements were
elected to fill in such vacancies within the time
stipulated by the
Electoral Act…Applicant’s members who reside in the
affected constituencies
continue to be prejudiced by non-representation."
“Laws and regulations
have been made and continue to be passed without any
input from their
elected representatives thereby depriving them of their
right to participate
in the legislative arm of the state,” reads the
application.
Madusise
does not state in court papers the association’s membership
figures.
But thousands of young men and women were trained under the
national youth
service project which was overseen by the Youth ministry
since 2002.
A damning 2007 parliamentary report and protests by coalition
government
partners led to the closure of the training centres, although
Zanu PF is
pushing for their revival ahead of a watershed
election.
Many of the graduates are now employed in Saviour Kasukuwere’s
Youth
ministry as ward youth officers.
They are planted in
communities countrywide and earn a government salary
campaigning for Zanu
PF.
Churches, civil society and MPs allege that the programme produced
hordes of
violent youths fiercely loyal to Mugabe and Zanu PF.
They
say graduates of the youth training programme, known as Green Bombers
because of their distinctive olive green uniforms, have been used as Zanu
PF’s
shock-troopers.
The youths are not the first to take Mugabe to
court over the vacant seats
though.
Last month, Mugabe had to
approach the High Court seeking an extension of a
deadline set by the
Supreme Court for him to fix a date for the
by-elections. He now has up to
October 1 to gazette the election dates.
This followed a court
application by three former MDC MPs Abednico Bhebhe,
Njabuliso Mguni and
Norman Mpofu.
Mugabe disclosed that he would not be able to comply with
the Supreme Court’s
order compelling him to gazette dates for by-elections
and would need a
month’s extension to mobilise funds.
Finance
minister, Tendai Biti, has already ruled out a mini-general election
this
year, saying the government could only comply with the court ruling in
respect to Bhebhe, Mguni and Mpofu’s former constituencies.
(AFP) – 5 hours
ago
HARARE — An HIV-positive Zimbabwean man who was denied medication while
detained on treason charges last year has launched a legal battle for
prisoners to be allowed access to ARVs, his lawyer said Monday.
In a
landmark case, Douglas Muzanenhamo, who was infected 18 years ago,
wants an
end to the ill-treatment of prisoners who are sometimes denied
access to
medical facilities of their choice and medicine from family while
in
custody.
Muzanenhamo was refused access to the life-prolonging
anti-retroviral drugs
(ARVs) in 2011 after his arrest along with 44 other
rights activists on
allegations of plotting to overthrow President Robert
Mugabe.
The activists had been attending a meeting to talk about lessons from
the
so-called Arab Spring and were accused of scheming to overthrow Mugabe,
who
has been in power since independence in 1980.
"What we are asking
them is that they should take direct and immediate
measures to protect
people with HIV or AIDS in prisons or when they are
arrested," Tawanda
Zhuwarara, Muzanenhamo's lawyer told AFP.
Zhuwarara said the case is the
first of its kind trying to seek dignity in
the treatment of people who are
HIV-positive in Zimbabwean prisons.
In his affidavit to the Supreme Court,
Muzanenhamo said he was kept in
ghastly conditions and was denied permission
to take his medication.
"I was made to sleep on the hard concrete slab in the
cell. It was not just
cold and inhuman but the cells were also filthy and
had human excreta and
dried blood all over the place."
His treatment at
the hand of prisoners worsened his condition, he continued.
"I was subjected
to cold baths and the diet was not appropriate for a person
with HIV. We
were fed with stale bread, black tea, sadza (cornmeal porridge)
and beans,"
he said.
"It was hardly a balanced diet suitable for a person living with HIV
and on
ARVs. There were no fruits, vegetables, milk or peanut butter which
are now
essential elements of my diet."
"The conditions I was placed in
placed my life in real mortal danger. I
cannot fend off infection in the
same way a healthy human being can. My
immune system is
compromised."
Zimbabwe's jails have been condemned by rights groups as unfit
for human
habitation.
http://mg.co.za
07 SEP 2012 00:00 - MAIL & GUARDIAN
REPORTERS
Mega-rich Zimbabwean businessman Robert Mhlanga stands at the
centre of an
opaque network of companies set up to cash in on Marange
diamond fields.
Mhlanga, a retired air vice-marshall, is widely regarded
as a close
associate of President Robert Mugabe and a business
representative of the
Mugabe family, although both parties have denied
this.
The Mail & Guardian recently reported that Mhlanga has been on
a
R200-million property buying spree in South Africa.
The company he
chairs, Mbada Diamonds, and other concerns operating in
Marange have been
accused of remitting inadequate revenue to the Zimbabwean
treasury despite
making "a killing".
The United States and the European Union recently
introduced new measures
that require processors of rough diamonds to
disclose the origin of the
gems, putting a squeeze on companies operating in
Marange.
Central to Mbada's operation is a South African scrap-metal
company, New
Reclamation. Despite its lack of mining expertise, Reclamation
was chosen to
partner Marange Resources, wholly owned by the state's
Zimbabwe Mining
Development Corporation (ZMDC), in a joint venture called
Mbada Diamonds.
Mbada, favoured ahead of several other established
diamond-mining companies,
immediately received a 1000-hectare concession in
the Marange fields.
In October 2009 Zimbabwe's minister of mines and
mining development, Obert
Mpofu, appointed Mhlanga chairperson of the joint
venture, which Reclamation
entered through its Mauritian-registered
subsidiary, Grandwell Holdings.
Grandwell was given the mandate to oversee
day-to-day operations and the
right to market all diamonds
produced.
Although Mhlanga was ostensibly appointed to its board to
represent the
government's interests, the M&G has established that he
has a stake in other
companies linked to Mbada.
Joint venture
deal
These include the mysterious Hong Kong-registered Transfrontier Mining,
which acquired 49.99% of Grandwell last year. The owners of Transfrontier
who would benefit could not be established. However, Mbada's Marange
concession was increased sevenfold after Transfrontier bought into
Grandwell.
Mhlanga's lawyer of more than 10 years, Paul Casasola, a
director of
Grandwell and Mbada, is seen to represent Mhlanga's interests in
both
companies. The M&G was told that Casasola was involved in crafting
the joint
venture – although he insisted that the negotiations "occurred
prior to my
appointment as director at Mbada and Grandwell". He said he was
a director
of both companies but "had no financial interests in
either".
He did not respond to a question asking him whether Mhlanga had
employed him
to work in the companies.
At the time the joint venture
deal was clinched, Grandwell was wholly owned
by New Reclamation. Casasola
said he had "absolutely no relationship" with
the latter.
The M&G
has also established that when a ZMDC team visited Johannesburg to
conduct
due diligence on Reclamation in August 2009, Mhlanga was among the
representatives who met the group. Mhlanga attended the meeting in his
capacity as the chairperson of a South African-registered commodities
company, the Liparm Corporation, which trades in diamonds. He is its sole
shareholder and director.
Share registry documents indicate that
Liparm does not have a stake in the
Reclamation group. Reclamation's lawyer,
David Hertz, said the scrap metal
company "has a commercial arm's length
relationship with Liparm".
Until early this year, Liparm listed
Transfrontier and Mbada Diamonds as
sister companies on its website.
However, the relevant section has been
removed from the site.
In
questions put to him through Casasola, the M&G asked Mhlanga to explain
his role in Mbada, but he did not respond. Mhlanga also did not answer a
question about the nature of his relationship with the Reclamation Group and
its chairperson, David Kassel, a director of both Grandwell and
Mbada.
Vision and growth strategy
Casasola said he would meet Mhlanga
on August 20 to put the M&G's questions
to him, but later said the
meeting did not take place.
Mhlanga is believed to have played a role in
ensuring Reclamation's
acceptance as the ZMDC's partner, ahead of specialist
mining companies such
as Alrosa, Namakwa, Gem Diamonds, SAIIC and Community
Energy. It is thought
the scrap metal company's relationship with Mpofu
dates to when he was
Zimbabwe's industry and trade minister.
In 2008
Reclamation approached Mpofu to acquire a stake in Zimbabwe's ailing
state
steel manufacturer, Ziscosteel. However, Mpofu was reassigned to the
mines
portfolio in February 2009 before the deal was concluded and
Reclamation's
Marange coup followed soon after.
Ironically, the ZMDC team that came to
South Africa to conduct due diligence
"on approved" companies noted that
Reclamation had no experience in diamond
mining. Despite this, it gave the
company the thumbs-up. Allegations are
that Mhlanga and Mpofu's influence
may have been crucial.
"Reclam is not a mining house and is currently not
involved in mining ...
They have no diamond mining as part of their vision
and growth strategy,"
the due diligence report states.
Complicated
mining techniques
Hertz said there was nothing amiss with Reclamation landing
the deal,
because the company "drew on the experience of certain key
executives and
employees who have extensive experience in the mining
sector".
"These individuals were involved in the reopening of the Roberts
Victor
Diamond Mine in Kimberley and the Monarch Gold Mine in Botswana,
which ...
required the utilisation of complicated mining techniques and
methods," he
said. This is an apparent reference to Kassel, whose role in
the two mines
is mentioned on the company's website.
Hertz said none
of the Reclamation executives have a personal relationship
with Mpofu. It
had bid for Ziscosteel but the minister had not influenced
the
outcome.
"The first time a meeting was held between any members of the
Reclamation
Group's executive team and minister Mpofu was in 2009 when the
ministry met
with the Reclamation Group to discuss the then prospective
Marange
transaction," Hertz said. "Subsequent to that meeting, the
Reclamation Group
interacted with the ZMDC and its wholly owned subsidiary,
Marange Resources
(Pvt) Limited."
Allegations of diamond revenue
being diverted into private pockets and
concerns that elements of the
Zimbabwean security forces have control of
diamond companies have resulted
in the US, Australia, New Zealand and
European Union imposing restrictions
on diamonds from Marange.
Repeated efforts to contact Mpofu for comment
were unsuccessful.
http://jamaica-gleaner.com
Published: Monday | September 10, 2012 0 Comments
Tufton
offended by Zimbabwe president's reported comments
Nedburn Thaffe,
Gleaner Writer
A diplomatic stand-off between Jamaica and Zimbabwe seems
to be bubbling
following recent comments attributed to the president of the
African
country, Robert Mugabe, who has been quoted as labelling Jamaican
men
"drunkards and perennially hooked on marijuana".
Minister of
Foreign Affairs and Foreign Trade A.J. Nicholson said yesterday
his office
would be seeking to verify the statements, after which Prime
Minister Portia
Simpson Miller would respond.
But going one step further, Opposition
Spokesperson on Foreign Affairs and
Foreign Trade Dr Christopher Tufton
described the statement as unfortunate
and said if it were found to have
been made by Mugabe, the Zimbabwean
president would have a responsibility to
shed light on his comments, as well
as provide an apology.
"I think
that he should be called on to provide an explanation as to what he
meant.
It's inappropriate and, frankly speaking, rude. He should apologise
to the
Jamaican people," Tufton declared.
"It certainly is in poor taste and
does not generate confidence in the
relationship. It is inappropriate and it
threatens to undermine the
relationship that Zimbabwe and the people of
Zimbabwe have had with Jamaica
and the people of Jamaica over many years,"
Tufton told The Gleaner.
Tufton went on to add that the comments generate
questions as to whether
Mugabe should retain membership in the Order of
Jamaica, which was conferred
on him during a state visit to the island back
in 1996.
"If he thinks that way about Jamaica, then what I would
certainly say is,
why did he accept that award that was offered to him? Now
that he has that
impression of Jamaica, then perhaps he should consider
returning the award
and I have no difficulty with that. He has insulted the
Jamaican people.
"Clearly, he does not place much value on the
relationship that we have,"
Tufton said, while adding that the diplomatic
channels must be utilised to
call for the Zimbabwean president to clarify
his statement.
Yesterday, Nicholson told The Gleaner that the Government
"strongly rejects
the suggestions contained in the news item", while adding
that Jamaica is a
nation characterised by adherence to democratic principles
and the rule of
law.
"Jamaican men and women from all walks of life
have made valuable
contributions to national development and have made their
mark on the world
stage, be it in the field of politics, diplomacy,
medicine, science and
technology, or sports and culture, among many others,"
he said.
"We take immense pride in the acknowledged contribution that
Jamaica has
made to the liberation of southern Africa and are gratified that
nations
such as South Africa and Zimbabwe enjoy the right to choose their
own
destiny," Nicholson said.
In the online article posted on Friday
on a Zimbabwean radio station,
Mugabe, who was speaking during a
distinguished lecture at a university
function, reportedly urged Zimbabweans
never to follow in the footsteps of
Jamaicans whose influence on the country
is all too pervasive.
"In Jamaica, they have freedom to smoke (men are
always drunk) and
universities are full of women.
"The men want to
sing and do not go to colleges (some are dreadlocked). Let
us not go there,"
the African president was quoted as saying.
nedburn.thaffe@gleanerjm.com
http://www.thestandard.co.zw
September 9, 2012 in
Business
THE Ministry of Finance has concluded drafting legislation to
liberate the
Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) of its US$1,1 billion debt in
the last leg of
reforms at the institution.
REPORT BY OUR
STAFF
The legislation is among a raft of measures designed to bring sanity to
the
banking sector.
Finance minister, Tendai Biti, said last week
that he would present to
cabinet the RBZ Restructuring Act in two weeks’
time.
“As long as the debt is there, capitalising the central bank
becomes
academic unless you are going to find US$2 billion that swallows the
US$1,1
billion debt. We therefore have to liberate the central bank balance
sheet
of this debt,” Biti said.
The government would create a
Special Purpose Vehicle to take over the debt.
Biti said the
bifurcation (splitting) of the balance sheet and a new
instrument that would
take over the banks’ indebtedness would make banks
operate without any
hindrances.
Government plans to take over non-performing loans of
banks via a US$1
billion syndicated fund, taking a leaf from Asset
Management Company of
Nigeria, credited for restoring sanity into the west
African nation’s
banking sector. A 10-year bond would be
issued.
A draft bill has been crafted and the ministry is consulting
all the
stakeholders — RBZ, World Bank, IMF and bankers — to have a buy-in
before
the bill is presented before cabinet.
RBZ is constrained
by debt and lost its assets after some of the creditors
obtained writs of
execution to attach the central bank’s assets.
In 2010, government
then moved swiftly to protect the assets by invoking the
Presidential Powers
(Temporary Measures) Act, to protect the RBZ’s assets
from being attached by
various creditors as the bank was incapacitated to
repay the outstanding
amounts.
Biti blasted banks’ voodoo practices, saying the high
interest rates and
huge levels of non-interest income were manifest in the
form of bank charges
and service fees.
He said the time of
talking was over and government would come hard on the
banks.
“Within the course of the next few days, we are going to
come up with
corrective measures that ensure that banks stick to normal
banking
practices, where returns are less than 7%, not the exploitative
returns that
we have seen,” Biti said.
Banks have been accused of
ripping off clients by levying interest rates as
high as 30% at a time
annual inflation is below 5%. They have also been
accused of penalising
clients through high bank charges and service fees.
Bankers argue
that the accusations were unjustified, as there were no
short-term
instruments on the market to set the benchmark interest rates as
well as the
liquidity constraints.
Banking act overhaul on
cards
Biti said major amendments to the Banking Act were on the cards to
completely overhaul the legislation.
In April, Biti hinted that
amendments to the Act would look at oversight,
stress tests, capital
requirements and corporate governance, among others.
He said it was
anomalous for owners to simultaneously be managers in the
banking
sector.
“That has to stop. If you are a shareholder, go and play golf
and let other
people run the bank for you, both at management and board
level,” Biti said
in April.
http://www.newzimbabwe.com
10/09/2012 00:00:00
by The
Grio.com
FOR 17-year-old Abel Gumbo, things couldn’t be better. Only
a few months ago
he was among more than a thousand students at a high school
in Harare. Today
he is rubbing shoulders with future leaders at Atlanta’s
Morehouse College
in the United States.
Gumbo is one of 10 African
students who have been awarded full ride
scholarships to Morehouse,
beginning this year. Everything is being paid for
by billionaire Strive
Masiyiwa, Zimbabwe’s richest man, according to the
2011 Forbes
list.
The telecom tycoon has committed $6.4 million in scholarship
dollars to send
40 African freshmen to Morehouse over a four-year period.
This year’s intake
comprises of two teenagers from Burundi and eight from
Zimbabwe.
“It’s been an experience,” said Gumbo, who is studying for an
undergraduate
computer science degree. “I have left everything behind to
gain an education
in America. Computer science is technologically more
advanced in the States
and I am learning a lot about people from different
cultures.”
“My life has been transformed,” said Prince Abudu, 17, from
Zimbabwe, who is
also studying computer science. “Morehouse has taught me
the spirit of
brotherhood and to strive for success.”
The 10
students, who arrived in Atlanta last month, are the first class of
the
newly-established Ambassador Andrew Young International Scholars
program.
The international scholarships were set up by Capernaum Trust, the
education
arm of Masiyiwa’s Higher Life Foundation.
Higher Life advertised for
students throughout Zimbabwe, Burundi and South
Africa to fill the highly
competitive 10 scholarship slots. More than 500 of
the brightest students
from across the region applied.
A team from Morehouse flew to Zimbabwe to
interview 20 finalists in June.
Ten were selected and the others received
scholarships to a South African
university.
The winners were chosen
on the basis of their high SAT scores, gruelling
face-to-face interviews and
a written essay.
Indeed, Masiyiwa has high hopes for the recipients of the
scholarship. His
vision is to develop young talent to become future leaders
who will return
to work in their native countries.
“My dream is to
become an ethical leader,” said Abudu. “I want to be a
morally conscious
person, who can develop my country through
entrepreneurship and
business.”
Both boys are from modest backgrounds. Gumbo became an orphan
at 10 years
old and Abudu is from a single parent household, where his
mother struggles
to keep the family afloat since his father died in 2004.
What makes them
stand out is they are driven and academically
talented.
“He himself (Strive Masiyiwa) from a very early age, when he
was still in
Zimbabwe, had heard about Morehouse College and had always
wanted to come
here,” said Petronella Maramba, executive director of
Zimbabwe’s Capernaum
Trust, in a recent televised interview with
CNN.
“So when the opportunity was afforded to establish a relationship
with
Morehouse College to further a vision that he’s always had. To develop,
young, bright, orphaned children in Africa,” she said.
“To help them
develop into leaders who are able, after having obtained a
good education in
the United States of America, to go back to Africa and
give back to the
community and develop it further than what’s already been
done in the
past.”
In May Morehouse awarded Masiyiwa an honorary degree of Doctor of
Humane
Letters in recognition in recognition of his philanthropic and
humanitarian
work across the African continent.
http://www.dailynews.co.zw
Monday, 10 September 2012 12:53
HARARE - Dumiso Dabengwa,
leader of the revived Zimbabwe African Peoples
Union (Zapu), has admitted
that his party is going through turbulent times
and struggling for
cash.
So bad is the situation that the party is begging its supporters to
pay
their monthly subscriptions to save it from collapse.
Dabengwa, a
former Home Affairs minister, pulled out of Zanu PF to lead
Zapu, which had
entered into a “unity” agreement with President Robert
Mugabe in
1987.
Ahead of crucial elections, most likely to be held next year, Zapu
has no
offices and is deep in a debt it cannot pay.
Bulawayo High
Court judge Nicholas Ndou last month ordered the eviction of
the opposition
party from offices it was renting and using as its national
headquarters.
He also ordered the auctioning of Zapu’s property to
recover a $15 000 debt
owed to Edson Chemhere Mabudapasi, the owner of the
premises.
Despite reports of the former giant party selling 14 herd of
cattle to save
the situation, Zapu is still in the doldrums, Dabengwa
said.
Dabengwa told party supporters at Magwegwe Hall during a weekend
function to
commemorate Zapu liberation war fighters who died during the
1970s
anti-colonialism struggle.
“I am appealing to you to pay your
monthly subscriptions because as a party
we survive on them.
You need
to look after your party as we used to do during the time of Joshua
Nkomo
when our party used to survive on monthly subscriptions and it used to
be
very strong,” he said.
“I have even tasked our secretary-general who is
overseas to source funds
for us and fortunately he has promised us
something,” he said.
Speaking to the Daily News on the side-lines of the
event, Dabengwa
confirmed that his party was financially
handicapped.
“Subscriptions have not been coming through in a manner we
would have
wanted.
That is why we are trying to have our members pay
their subscriptions in a
proper way as this will go towards assisting us in
running our affairs,”
Dabengwa said.
On the closure of party offices
Dabengwa said: “We got an alternative, a
small place just to operate from as
we look for money to pay our debt. After
we finish paying we can as well
renegotiate with the owner of the building
so that we can go
back.”
“The issue has affected us especially on our communication where
some people
are even calling me on issues that could have been handled by
the
secretariat,” he said.
Dabengwa said the party’s visibility was
affected by lack of resources.
“People are complaining about the
visibility of the party and it is not
easy. We need to have resources. We
need the money, transport to go out
there and that is our challenge,” said
Dabengwa.
Once led by the late Vice President Joshua Nkomo, Zapu was
forced to sign a
unity agreement in 1987 by Mugabe’s Zanu PF following years
of political
strife in Matabeleland and the Midlands provinces where more
than 20 000
people are believed to have been killed by a North
Korean-trained brigade
under Mugabe’s command.
http://www.thestandard.co.zw
September
9, 2012 in Opinion
The Zanu PF position on the draft constitution is, in
short, an attempt to
legalise dictatorship under the guise of constitutional
reform.
REPORT BY PEDZISAI RUHANYA
One can discern that power, class
and ideological struggles are at the core
of the political impasse over the
Copac draft constitution.
The Zanu PF draft constitution proposals
show that not all struggles are
democratic. Some are simply power struggles
meant to retain political
hegemony over the state.
In my view,
Zanu PF wants to maintain and entrench what legal scholar Dr
Alex Magaisa
describes as constitution without constitutionalism. Magaisa
writes that
constitutionalism is meant to limit the powers of government by
law. Those
limitations are usually enshrined in the constitution. The Zanu
PF draft is
an aberration to this principle.
When such limitations are removed,
the very essence of constitutionalism is
undermined. The retention of the
imperial presidency by Zanu PF negates
democratic parlance. One critical
element that Zanu PF wants to maintain is
the centralisation of powers. The
party is opposed to devolution of
political administration of the
state.
Centralisation of autocracy is taking the country back
to the period of
colonisation. For instance, it has been argued by African
scholars such as
Mahmood Mamdani that although Western powers abolished
formal slavery,
colonialism crystallised, formalised on the range of
constraints unleashed
in 19th Century conquest states, only to generalise
them. It is postulated
that from African tradition, colonial powers salvaged
a widespread and
time-honoured practice, one of a decentralised exercise of
power, but freed
that power of restraint, of peers or
people.
Thus they laid the basis for a decentralised despotism which
is what the
Zanu PF leadership has copied in the administration of local and
provincial
governance while the critical levers of state power remains with
the
metropolitan. Decentralisation of despotism as captured by the Zanu PF
draft
does not amount to empowering regional governments to exercise
autonomy in
the administration of national affairs.
The Zanu PF
draft is an affront to critical democratic requirement as
captured during
the debates on the writing of the US Constitution in the
1780s by James
Madison in Federalist Paper Number 51 where it is noted: “If
men were
angels, no government would be necessary. If angles were to govern
men,
neither external nor internal controls on government would be
necessary. In
framing a government which is to be administered by men over,
the greatest
difficulty lies in this: you must first enable the government
to control the
governed; and in the next place oblige it to control itself.
A dependence on
the people is, no doubt, the primary control on the
government; but
experience has taught mankind the necessity of auxiliary
precautions.”
Zanu PF’s opposition to dual citizenship and the
Diaspora vote is
unreasonable but linked to power retention and a focus on
the impending
elections. Thousands of Zimbabweans driven out of the country
by the party’s
bad economic and political policies are being denied their
fundamental
rights on power retention grounds.
However,
it should be acknowledged that Zanu PF has beaten its opponents at
the level
of political strategy and ideological positioning of its
undemocratic views.
For instance, while Zanu PF was negotiating in Copac,
there was a group of
intellectuals led by Professor Jonathan Moyo that was
constantly bombarding
both the electronic and print media on the critical
issues it wanted
captured; power retentions and political dominance.
This could not be
said of the MDC formations and part of NGOs that supported
the process.
These groups lacked the ideological rigour and lacked
consistent
intellectual interrogation of both the process and content.
The MDC
formations should realise that there is no group in society that can
capture
state power without having its own group of coordinated organic
intellectuals; that is agents of class projects.
Thus, if the working
class wants to succeed in becoming hegemonic, it must
also create its own
intellectuals to develop a new ideology.
Moving forward to address
the constitutional impasse, the MDC must go back
to its roots; the people
and engage genuine civic bodies such as workers,
students, ordinary
villagers, women groups and the National Constitutional
Assembly. The party
needs genuine collaborations with these bodies and
mobilise its political
base to confront its problems. The MDC should desist
from co-opting its
democratic partners and work on a mutual basis. The
solution should be found
in these platforms not necessarily the Sadc
facilitation
team.
Pedzisai Ruhanya, is a PhD candidate, University of
Westminster, London.
http://www.thestandard.co.zw
September 10, 2012 in
Editorial
As the nation of Zimbabwe celebrated independence in 1980, the
Tanzanian
president, Julius Nyerere dispensed words of profound wisdom to
our then
Prime Minister Robert Mugabe.
“You have inherited a jewel,”
Nyerere said, referring to the new nation
state of Zimbabwe. “Keep it that
way.”
While the Tanzanian leader spoke metaphorically, a mineral
rush, starting in
2006, should have turned Nyerere’s perceived jewel into a
semblance of
reality. But by the time the Chiadzwa diamonds were discovered,
Zimbabwe’s
image as a jewel had become exceedingly
tarnished.
This happened mainly through failure on the part of
President Mugabe’s
government to satisfactorily manage the national economy
or to generally
administer Zimbabwe’s affairs of state.
One
inexorable symptom of our jewel’s diminishing lustre over the past three
years has been the failure of the Government of National Unity to run our
national affairs without foreign intervention.
This has
resulted in a syndrome of relentless dependence on the assumed
aptitude of
neighbouring countries to solve our political problems. As a
result,
Zimbabwe has assumed the semblance of a political appendage of Sadc,
as it
turns to the regional organisation for solutions to even the most
banal of
our predicaments, especially political.
It is as if the GNU has
abdicated its power and authority to Sadc,
notwithstanding the unmistakable
preponderance of men and women of
extraordinary academic achievement and
discernible political acumen within
its ranks.
While South
Africa, Botswana, Malawi, Zambia and even Portuguese speaking
Mozambique
have benefited from the arrival of Zimbabweans with their
multitude of
talents and skills, when it comes to political decision-making,
Zimbabwe
bows to the assumed superiority of politicians in neighbouring
states. South
Africa, the greatest beneficiary of Zimbabwean academic
qualifications and
professional skills, has become our greatest benefactor
when it comes to
cross-border political maneuvering.
Take the current Welshman
Ncube/Arthur Mutambara power tug-of-war. Our own
government failed dismally
to make a resolute decision on this particular
fiasco; that was until Sadc
came to their rescue in Maputo two weeks ago.
So much for the jewel
that President Julius Nyerere dreamt about.
http://www.thestandard.co.zw
September 10,
2012 in Editorial
Some time mid-last year I sat down with a couple of
long-lost friends for a
cup of coffee in a café in Avondale.
BY
GEOFFREY NYAROTA
Tommy Sithole, former Editor of The Herald was
back in Harare on holiday
from Switzerland, where he is now Director of
International Cooperation and
Development with the International Olympic
Committee. A former director of
the Zimbabwe Olympic Committee, Sithole is
arguably Zimbabwe’s most widely
travelled citizen. He certainly would be my
candidate for the position of
Minister of Sport in any Zimbabwean government
that values relevant
qualifications when making ministerial
appointments.
The third man at our table was Musekiwa Khumbula, a
former officer in the
Ministry of Information at Linquenda House during the
good old days of
permanent secretary of Information, Justin “Soft Guy” Nyoka
and Abbey
Rusike, father of the Rusike Brothers band.
Musekiwa
subsequently became a staffer on The Sunday Mail before he ventured
into
business in his own right.
Now he is a senior executive with Innscor,
where his office in Newlands is a
favourite haunt for MDC and Zanu PF
functionaries alike, as well as for the
totally apolitical.
Back
in the verandah of the café in Avondale, we sipped coffee and chatted
about
many fascinating current events, as well as about developments in our
country over the many years of our separation. Then we simultaneously all
espied former Information Minister, Jonathan Moyo, as he emerged from the
café through a side door.
A regular target of vitriolic attacks
in the independent newspapers,
especially The Daily News, whose predecessor
Moyo banned back in 2003, Moyo
relentlessly churns out verbiage of his own.
He targets those perceived to
be his foes or to be simply unpatriotic, apart
from pursuing issues on
behalf of Zanu PF.
The new Daily News
appears wholly unprepared to forgive the man widely
viewed as a Zanu PF
apologist for banning the original Daily News, of which
I was founding
Editor-in-chief.
Occasionally the newspaper digs up and re-publishes Moyo’s
old anti-Zanu PF
diatribe in order to place his current pro-Zanu PF
dissertations in their
proper political context.
Moyo saw the three of
us; immediately changed direction and made a beeline
for our
table.
Uninvited, he pulled out a chair. After a round of greetings
and an exchange
of pleasantries, the former minister made it patently clear
that he was not
in any hurry to depart. After a somewhat embarrassing
interlude we resumed
our original political discourse, wandering from
subject to subject, with
Moyo assuming an increasingly dominant
role.
“What would you say if you were requested to submit two pieces
of advice to
President Mugabe through me,” Moyo inquired, his gaze fixed
pointedly and
unflinchingly at me.
Without hesitation, I looked
Moyo straight in the eye and responded: “In the
first instance, I would
request the President to appreciate that Zimbabwe
belongs to all of its
citizens; including those who are not members of his
Zanu PF
party.
“Secondly, I would kindly request His Excellency to mount a
platform and
make an unequivocal public pronouncement, enjoining all
Zimbabweans, members
of his own party especially, to desist from engaging in
political violence.
If this presidential pronouncement was repeatedly
broadcast on radio and TV,
while being published in all sections of the
press, it would go a long way
to bring the spectre of pubic violence to an
absolute end, especially if it
was reciprocated by his counterpart, Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai,
president of the Movement for Democratic
Change.”
For good measure, I suggested that Moyo himself could
utilise his residual
influence at the national broadcaster to ensure that
the mandarins at
Pockets Hill appreciate the fact that Dr Tafataona Mahoso
and Messrs Vimbai
Chivaura and Claude Mararike are certainly not the
collective repository of
all useful knowledge about our country. The quality
of dialogue on radio and
television would be enhanced through invitation of
participants other than
the said three.
I never met Moyo again
since that day. So I do not know if the President
ever received my
message.
Talking of Prime Minister Tsvangirai, this week he
experienced an eye-ball
to eye-ball encounter with the wholly devastating
implications of the quote
by English playwright and poet, William Congreve:
“Heaven has no rage like
love to hatred turned, Nor hell a fury like a woman
scorned.”
While he was comfortably ensconced at the 2012 Democratic
National
Convention in Charlotte, North Carolina, in the United States of
America,
Locardia Karimatsenga Tembo, his alleged wife of exceedingly brief
duration
in 2011, seized on the opportunity to inflict maximum embarrassment
on the
person of the Prime Minister.
Not only did Karima tsenga
make a claim for maintenance, which her lawyers
pegged at an astounding
US$15 000, claiming that her alleged husband had
introduced her to a life of
luxury during the two weeks of their
co-habitation. She then proceeded to
institute legal proceedings at the High
Court seeking to prevent the Prime
Minister’s forthcoming wedding to
Elizabeth Macheka from taking place this
week.
Tsvangirai paid an equally mind-boggling US$35 000 by way of
lobola for
Karimatsenga Tembo in November 2011 before dropping her
unceremoniously two
weeks later and engaging Macheka a few months
later.
However strong the temptation, and whatever the advice of
aids, the
Honourable Minister is hereby kindly advised to desist from
engaging in a
sustained public war of words with Ms Karimatsenga Tembo,
especially on the
front pages of Harare’s newspapers.
The only
beneficiary to emerge from such combat is Karimatsenga Tembo — and
the
circulation managers of the newspapers peddling the salacious tales. She
has
little or absolutely nothing to lose. She has already been taken to the
limits of mortal embarrassment.
The Prime Minister has much to
lose.
In any case, it is most certainly below the dignity required of
the office
of Prime Minister to indulge in a public fight with his allegedly
estranged
alleged spouse. It is easy to blame journalists for their marital
trials and
tribulations, but politicians must strive to protect their own
images.
Geoffrey Nyarota, the founding Editor-in-Chief of
The Daily News, is a
journalist and author. He is the CEO of Buffalo
Communication, a company
which publishes magazines.
http://af.reuters.com
Mon Sep 10, 2012 1:30pm GMT
By Nelson
Banya
HARARE, Sept 10 (Reuters) - Zimbabwe's quest for a new constitution
has hit
a snag after the ZANU-PF party of President Robert Mugabe acted to
overhaul
some provisions that would limit presidential powers while
strengthening
those of parliament.
A new constitution is a required
step ahead of elections, which the
impoverished southern African nation must
hold by next year under the terms
of a power-sharing deal between ZANU-PF
and rival Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai's MDC.
The vote raises
fears of a repeat of violence that marred previous elections
and led to
hundreds of thousands of people fleeing to neighbouring South
Africa.
DEADLOCK OVER NEW CONSTITUTION
ZANU-PF's amendments to
the draft constitution - authored by an inter-party
parliamentary committee
- have angered its MDC coalition partners, who say
Mugabe's party is bent on
restoring sweeping presidential powers. The
dispute is likely to further
delay the stop-start constitution-making
process.
The final charter
is likely to be a compromise, since neither party commands
the two-thirds
parliamentary majority needed to pass the new supreme law.
ZANU-PF has
accused the MDC of trying to include measures on voting rights
and executive
authority that could undermine Mugabe's party.
What to watch:
-
Steps by regional leaders, who brokered Zimbabwe's power-sharing deal, to
break the impasse on the constitution.
REGIONAL
BAILOUT?
Finance Minister Tendai Biti said this month Zimbabwe would seek
at least
$150 million in financial aid from neighbours South Africa and
oil-rich
Angola in a bid to plug a $400 million hole in its
budget.
Zimbabwe's economic recovery under the coalition government has
stalled due
to a poor harvest, lack of foreign investment and aid, forcing
Biti to slash
the 2012 GDP growth forecast last month from 9.4 percent to
5.6 percent.
What to watch:
- Will South Africa and Angola come to
the rescue and would such aid give
regional leaders any leverage in
mediating Zimbabwe's political crisis.
ELECTION LITMUS
TEST
Zimbabwe is expected to hold by-elections in 26 constituencies
before the
end of this year, which could alter the balance of power in
parliament and
foreshadow what happens in the general election.
The
vote will also be a test of whether violence-free polls are possible in
a
country where ZANU-PF has faced international condemnation for suspected
use
of death squads to intimidate voters and rigging ballots.
What to
watch:
- Mugabe announcing dates for the by-elections.
PRESSURE ON
BANKS
The central bank has increased minimum capital requirements for
banks to up
to $100 million, a move that could hold back a Mugabe drive to
force foreign
banks to sell majority shares to locals while forcing small,
locally owned
banks to merge.
Empowerment Minister Saviour Kasukuwere
has given foreign banks up to a year
to sell their shares to Zimbabweans.
The central bank also gave banks until
the end of Sept. 30 to submit plans
on how they intend to meet the new
capital thresholds.
What to
watch:
- Bank mergers as they bid to pool capital and meet new
requirements.
MUGABE SUCCESSION
Mugabe, 88, in power since the
country's independence from Britain in 1980,
says he wants to contest
another election and refuses to designate a
preferred
successor.
ZANU-PF officials, many of whom now consider Mugabe a
liability, fear the
party could implode if he dies in office without
settling the succession
issue.
What to watch:
- Will Mugabe
clip the wings of potential successors in an attempt to keep
his grip on
power.
PEACE
WATCH 2/2012
10th
September 2012
The
focus on stopping violence is especially important now as we are fast
approaching elections and we have had
little
indication so far that they will be less violent than the 2008 elections.
National
Healing – First Stop the Violence
In
the first Peace Watch of this series we looked at various stages involved in
national healing: identifying the cause and extent of the injury or
pain, stopping whatever is immediately causing injury and pain,
preventing the causes from restarting, and repairing, i.e.
treating the injury and pain. It was emphasised that these steps for healing
should be taken sequentially, as often the last aspect, repairing, is
what we concentrate on. Right now we need to concentrate on the first three in
the sequence.
Only
when immediate and ongoing injury and pain has been identified and stopped and
its reoccurrence prevented, can society in a deep and meaningful way concentrate
on the fourth step, i.e., the more common view of “healing” summarised in the
word “repairing”. We all want National Healing in the “repairing” sense –
treatment, rehabilitation, integration, atonement, compensation, etc., and all
that this entails [which we will explore in future Peace Watches]. When
we see suffering there is an instinct to soothe and comfort and treat, but this
is in essence “band aid” and misses the obvious point that any treatment done
will be negated if more injury is still being caused. This is not to say we
should not treat those that are suffering, but that it is essential to stop the
cause of the suffering and prevent more. Churches, civil society organisations,
doctors, teachers, therapists have done their bit to promote healing. But no
healing can be successful if the cause of injury and pain persists. Healing a
burnt hand cannot start if the hand is still in the fire. Healing a divided
community cannot start if one side is still beating the other.
Identify,
Stop and Prevent
As
stated in the first bulletin of this series, the focus must be on the pain and
injury caused by party or state condoned or sponsored violence – for the
simple reason that this is the major cause of injury and pain that must be
addressed when we are talking about National Healing. This focus does not
suggest that other forms of suffering such as economic hardship, suffering
caused by health service delivery shortcomings, domestic and criminal violence,
etc., are not important, but in a sense they too are interconnected with the
political situation. It was clear from the GPA signed by the three main
political parties that party- and state-sponsored violence was in mind when
provisions were set out to promote National Healing. It is likely that most
people in the country agree that there was a need for National Healing, but not
enough has been done about the violence causing the suffering. Recent surveys
have indicated that the level of fear of violence in the general population is
high.
Violence
Already Escalating
Already,
monitoring organisations, political parties, newspapers have been reporting
ongoing “low-level” political and state-sponsored violence and, that as
elections talk gathers momentum, this violence has been progressively
escalating. No level of political or state violence is acceptable. It must
stop and its escalation must stop, and measures must be put in place to prevent
any more. It is not the objective of this Peace Watch, in discussing violence,
to cast aspersions on any particular party – we have had enough of divisiveness
and political party conflicts and blaming violence on others, and we need to
take stock as a nation and do what is good for the nation.
The
nation has suffered enough from violence. The incidents listed below have
happened in this country since the first memories in oral and written history.
They escalated to a country-wide scale during the colonial era. They have
reoccurred to a wide extent even in an independent Zimbabwe, in particular
during the repression in the south of country that preceded the 1987 Unity
Accord, and regularly around elections times. The list is not necessary
complete – but all these types of incidents are all too familiar to too many
Zimbabweans and together with any other forms of violence must
stop:
·
Beatings
·
Maiming
·
Killings
·
Rape
·
Looting
·
Arson
·
Destruction
of property
·
Displacement
·
Enforced
disappearances
·
Torture
·
Intimidation.
Stopping
the Violence a Political Responsibility
As
stressed in the last Peace Watch, there is no place for pretence and avoidance.
All political parties and state actors have to acknowledge the violence of the
past, that violence is still happening, and that unless something is done it
will escalate towards the elections. There is an imperative for leaders to see
the violence is stopped:
·
There
is a moral imperative
·
An
imperative to avoid legal and criminal liability
·
An
imperative to leave a good name for posterity.
It is
not enough that politicians make speeches about stopping the violence, and say
they will sign a Code of Conduct incorporating non-violence for elections
[which, incidentally, although mooted well over a year ago, has never seen the
light]. Politicians should not be content with accolades from other countries.
Recognition from outside the country is one thing – it is easier to hide some
unpalatable truths to outsiders. But a father’s abuse of his children cannot be
hidden within the family. Within a nation a politician who unleashes or
condones violence against his own people may retain power through fear, but will
ultimately lose the people’s love and respect. If politicians don’t stop the
violence – it is this by which they will be judged by posterity. It is also in
the immediate interest of politicians to
stop violence now so that if a culture of impunity for political violence comes
to an end they will not have to answer for not having stopped the violence.
Stop
Leaders,
political parties, government ministers, state institutions, the security arms
of government, have a duty to stop:
·
Public
avowals of peace while secretly justifying and condoning violence
·
Political
and state or state-sponsored violence in all its forms
·
Political
parties, their structures, organisers, and followers planning, threatening or
using violence
·
Hate
speech in any form, especially inflammatory language that denigrates and
demonises political opponents
·
Threats
by informal militia and security forces
·
Militant
youth or other groups, purporting to act or suspected of acting on behalf of
political parties, from terrorising potential voters [leaders should also ensure
that these groups are disbanded; “bases” abandoned; forced mobilisation of
youths and “pungwes” stopped]
·
Political
harassment and intimidation through selective detentions, arrests, prosecutions,
etc., by police
·
Selective
immunity from prosecution for violence caused or instigated by any group or
individual
·
Intimidation
of businesses and citizens to supply goods and services to a political party, or
to give up property
·
Using
government money [taxpayers’ money] and the nation’s resources to further party
political ends
·
Using
the state media and broadcasting services to inflame
conflict.
This
list is not exhaustive.
Special
Role of President
The
President has a particular responsibility for stopping the violence and is in a
unique position to do so – by virtue of his constitutional authority, the
respect he enjoys for his role in our national history and as an African icon,
his age and his position as leader of ZANU-PF. Both as President and party
leader his speeches condemning violence are to be applauded. But it is
necessary for him to acknowledge
and stop the speeches and activities of his party and followers in promoting
violence and
to give clear and public instructions for them to stop. It is also incumbent on
him to give clear orders to Ministers – especially to those responsible for
Information, Youth, Home Affairs and Defence – to ensure that all under their
jurisdiction avoid all activities that promote violence. These instructions to
Ministers should also be made public to help ensure compliance from Ministries
at all levels.
Special
Role of Prime Minister
The
Prime Minister must stop portraying himself as the innocent or helpless victim
and take more responsibility for seeing that the Ministries more directly under
his control do their part and, wearing his other hat as party leader, both
acknowledge and stop the speeches and activities of his party and followers in
promoting violence. Again orders to party and Ministries should be clear and
public.
There
is a role that the public, the private media, war veterans, unions, churches,
etc., can play in stopping the violence. There is also a need for cohesive
monitoring of violence and safe publication of reports; and to examine what
sanctions there are or should be put in place against those promoting violence.
Ideas on these issues will be raised in further bulletins.
Veritas makes every
effort to ensure reliable information, but cannot take legal responsibility for
information supplied
BILL
WATCH 42/2012
[10th September
2012]
Both Houses have Adjourned until Tuesday 9th
October
No Date Yet for Ceremonial Opening of Next Parliamentary
Session
Delays in Government and Parliamentary
Business
Delay in Opening of Parliament Parliament had earmarked
24th July for the opening of the next [Fifth and final] Session of this
Parliament. But the President has not
issued the necessary proclamations for proroguing and opening Parliament.
Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission Bill and Electoral Amendment Bill
stalled More than seven weeks after these two urgent Bills were passed by
Parliament on 19th September, they have still not been gazetted as Acts.
Referendums Bill vetoed by Cabinet
The Minister of Constitutional and Parliamentary Affairs, Hon Eric
Matinenga, has been trying to get his proposals for a new Referendums Bill
through Cabinet for over a year now, but has confirmed it has still been stalled
in Cabinet.
Impasse over Constitution This does not look as if it
is heading for a speedy resolution.
By-elections The court-ordered deadline for their proclamation was extended to 1st
October, but still no sign of any preparations.
Straws in the Wind
Are
these delays indications that we are heading for a General Election? Otherwise why the lack of action Who benefits? If President
Mugabe is considering repudiating the GPA and calling a snap election under the
Lancaster House Constitution, this delay would make some sense – because it
would be to ZANU-PF’s advantage for an election to be conducted under the same
rules as the 2008 election.
In Parliament on Tuesday 4th September
Both Houses met on Tuesday 4th September. They then adjourned until Tuesday 9th
October, although Parliament expects that before this date, the President will
end the present session and summon Parliament for the opening of the next
session.
Senate
The Senate sat for only 16 minutes. Following opening prayers
the President of the Senate made announcements, after which the Senate
adjourned. Although there was
a long list of adverse Parliamentary Legal Committee [PLC] reports on the agenda, there was no debate on any of them. This was
no doubt because the Minister of Justice and Legal Affairs has agreed to see
that the statutory instruments concerned are amended and the PLC have said that
if this were done they would withdraw the adverse reports [see Bill Watch 41/2012 of 3rd
September].
House of Assembly
The House of Assembly, by contrast, sat for over three hours, until
5.19 pm.
Securities Bill
The Minister of Finance gave notice that he intends to present the
Securities Bill [gazetted on 10th
August] when Parliament resumes. [Bill available from veritas@mango.zw]
Motions
Two take note motions were considered:
Report on the October 2011 session of the Pan African
Parliament [PAP] This report was presented by Hon Matamisa, one of the five Zimbabwean Parliamentarians who
attended the session. It included
information on the:
· African Court of Justice and Human Rights [2008]
The PAP adopted a resolution urging African governments ”to materialise their political will for an
independent continental court by signing the Protocol creating the African Court
of Justice and Human Rights”. This
court is to be created by merging the current African Court of Human and
People’s Rights, based in Arusha, Tanzania, and the AU’s African Court of
Justice, based in Addis Ababa. The new
court will have jurisdiction in criminal cases. [All three court protocols available from veritas@mango.zw] [Comment: This sentiments behind this resolution differ markedly from
those underlying the SADC Summit’s recent confirmation of a decision to strip
the SADC Tribunal of its human rights jurisdiction.]
· African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Good
Governance [2007]
The PAP President urged PAP members to continue lobbying their
Parliaments for the ratification and domestication of the African Charter on
Democracy, Elections and Good Governance.
Note: Zimbabwe has not
signed either the new African Court of Justice and Human Right protocol or the
African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Good Governance. It has signed, but not ratified, the
protocols for the African Court of Justice and the African Court of Human and
People’s Rights.
Report on the Agreement signed between the Government and Essar Holdings re New Zimbabwe Steel Ltd This report was presented by
the chairperson of the Portfolio Committee on Industry and Commerce, Hon Mutomba [ZANU-PF]. The portfolio committee had investigated
the matter because of concerns over the failure to implement the revival of the
ZISCO steelworks and the resultant imperilling of the jobs of 3000 workers. The report criticised aspects of the
agreement it considered “grossly
unfair” to Zimbabwe, and the way the deal was handled by the Minister of
Industry and Commerce, Professor Welshman Ncube, and his Ministry. Particularly slated was the Ministry’s
failure to consult the Ministry of Mines and Mining Development when that
Ministry’s co-operation was vital to the deal’s implementation. The report’s recommendations include
reviewing the agreement, and proper consultation before future such agreements
are concluded. [Report available from veritas@mango.zw]
MPs from both ZANU-PF and MDC-T contributed to the ensuing debate, criticizing the deal for ”just giving away” valuable national
assets and alleging it was tainted by corruption. Debate was incomplete when the House adjourned.
Refutation Professor Ncube’s MDC party has issued a
strong statement defending him against the allegations and attributing the
onslaught to political opportunism The
statement declares: “We
believe that parliamentary oversight should not be used as a forum for
displaying petty jealousies. Parliamentary privilege should not be abused to
make unsubstantiated accusations against our country’s guests such as Essar. When Hon.
Madzimure says that money exchanged hands corruptly,
one would expect the honourable member to avail that same information to the law
enforcement agencies.” And Professor Ncube himself has announced that, on the same day the
committee’s report was discussed in the House, he took the agreement back to
Cabinet, which approved it and ordered its implementation.
Recent SADC Organ Troika Summit [4th September]
The Troika of the SADC Organ on Politics, Defence and Security
Cooperation met in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, on 4th
September. The meeting was primarily to
receive Mozambique President Guebuza’s report on the
crisis in the Eastern DRC, but the Zimbabwe and Madagascar situations were also
discussed. Tanzanian President Jekaya Kikwete took over the
Troika chair at the August SADC Summit in Maputo; the other Troika members are
President Hifikepunye Pohamba of Namibia and President Jacob Zuma of South
Africa. President Zuma of South Africa,
was unable to be present but was represented by his Minister of Defence. After the meeting President Kikwete was quoted as saying "We wish to see free
and fair elections in Zimbabwe. He announced that
Zimbabwe would be discussed at a further Organ Troika Summit on 7th and 8th October.
SADC Facilitation team visit
President
Zuma’s facilitation team had visited Harare the week before the Dar es Salaam Troika meeting and talked to the three party
negotiating teams, separately on the 28th August and in a joint meeting on the
29th. The MDC negotiators told the
facilitators that there was a deadlock between them and ZANU-PF over the
constitution and were requested to confirm this in writing to President
Mugabe. ZANU-PF said they were waiting
for a principals meeting. [The principals
have still not met since the declaration of the deadlock. Perhaps the announcement of the impending
Organ Troika summit in early October will encourage the principals to meet and
achieve a resolution of the present deadlock.]
Status of Bills as at 7th September
2012
[Bills available from veritas@mango.zw unless otherwise stated]
Passed Bills awaiting Presidential assent and gazetting as
Acts
Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission Bill [sent for assent 31st
August]
Electoral Amendment Bill [sent
for assent 3rd September]
Older Persons Bill
Appropriation (2012) Amendment Bill
Finance Bill
Bill gazetted and awaiting presentation in Parliament
Microfinance Bill [gazetted on
31st August] [not yet available]
Securities Amendment Bill [gazetted on 10th August 2012] The Minister of Finance will present this
Bill when the House next sits.
Government Gazette of 7th September
[copies not available]
No Acts, Bills or statutory instruments were
gazetted.
Veritas
makes every effort to ensure reliable information, but cannot take legal
responsibility for information supplied