SABC
September 12,
2008, 20:45
Amnesty International says the power-sharing deal in Zimbabwe
must not allow
human rights violators to escape justice. The group's
Zimbabwe specialist,
Simeon Mawanza, says nothing should be agreed that
would prevent those
responsible for gross human rights violations from being
brought to justice.
There has been speculation that some security chiefs
in Zimbabwe could still
be held responsible for the massacre of thousands of
people in Matabeleland
province in the 1980s, blamed on the government's
Fifth Brigade.
Zimbabwe's power-sharing deal faces a tough credibility
test to determine
whether it is enough to kick-start the country's emergence
from catastrophic
economic collapse. President Robert Mugabe and opposition
leader Morgan
Tsvangirai agreed to share power yesterday in a pact ending a
deep political
crisis compounded by the veteran leader's disputed and
unopposed re-election
in June.
Analysts say the agreement is only a
fragile first step and will require
former enemies to put aside their
differences and work closely to overcome
scepticism, especially from Western
powers whose support will be vital for
recovery.
Initially the MDC
opposition will be anxious to ensure that it has its hands
on some levers of
power, and that Mugabe is not merely trying use it as
cover to win back
international approval and vital financial aid to rescue
an economy mired in
the world's worst inflation -- over 11 million percent.
Key foreign
donors, who have promised a massive rescue package if democracy
is restored,
are likely to take a cautious approach. The European Union
today welcomed
the deal as a step forward and said it was rethinking plans
to extend
sanctions against Mugabe's government. But it said it needed to
see the
details before making a final decision, as did former colonial power
Britain.
Mugabe will keep his job and head the cabinet under a
power-sharing deal in
Zimbabwe, but the opposition will have more senior
ministers than his
Zanu-PF party. Giving first details of the deal, senator
David Coltart said
Tsvangirai would be prime minister and chairs a council
of ministers that
supervised the cabinet.
The power-sharing deal was
reached under the mediation of South African
President Thabo Mbeki, who said
details would not be announced until a
ceremony on Monday. - Additional
reporting by Reuters
Reuters
Fri 12 Sep 2008, 17:20
GMT
By Cris Chinaka
HARARE (Reuters) - President Robert Mugabe
will keep his job and head the
cabinet under a power-sharing deal in
Zimbabwe, but the opposition will have
more senior ministers than his
ZANU-PF party, an opposition senator said on
Friday.
Giving first
details of the deal reached on Thursday, Senator David Coltart
said Morgan
Tsvangirai, leader of the main opposition MDC group, would be
prime minister
and chair a council of ministers that supervised the cabinet.
The
power-sharing deal was reached under the mediation of South African
President Thabo Mbeki, who said details would not be announced until a
ceremony on Monday.
Coltart, a senior member of a breakaway faction
of the MDC (Movement for
Democratic Change), said Tsvangirai's party would
have 13 cabinet seats, his
group three seats and ZANU-PF 15.
This was
based on votes cast for the parties rather than seats won in a
March 29
election in which ZANU-PF lost control of parliament for the first
time
since independence in 1980.
Tsvangirai won a parallel presidential vote
but pulled out of a run-off in
June citing systematic violence against his
supporters. This allowed
Mugabe's unopposed but widely condemned
re-election, extending his unbroken
rule since
independence.
Zimbabweans are desperate for an end to a crisis that has
destroyed the
economy, hitting the once-prosperous country with the world's
highest rate
of hyper-inflation -- over 11 million percent -- and sending
millions of
refugees into neighbouring countries.
But there was
widespread caution among commentators over how quickly the
deal could end
the crisis or persuade Western powers -- deeply opposed to
Mugabe -- to step
in with massive financial support to aid recovery.
The European
Commission welcomed the agreement, but said it was too early to
say whether
it would release frozen aid.
"At this stage, we are cautiously
optimistic," spokesman John Clancy said.
Coltart said Mugabe would be
chairman of the cabinet but his grip would be
greatly reduced under the
deal, and Tsvangirai, in the new role of prime
minister, would have
substantial but not absolute power.
But some commentators said Tsvangirai
had lost out by compromising on his
earlier demand for full executive power.
They said the deal was fragile.
"The fact that Mugabe remains in power as
head of state and head of
government means the MDC is the one coming into
this deal as a junior
partner," said Lovemore Madhuku, head of the pressure
group National
Constitutional Assembly.
"TSVANGIRAI
SATISFIED"
European Union Aid and Development Commissioner Louis Michel
said, however,
that Tsvangirai had told him he was satisfied.
"I
think that the fact that Mr Tsvangirai tells me that he's satisfied with
the
accord is an important element of judgment for the European Union," he
said.
Investors are already relishing prospects in Zimbabwe if the
economy
improves.
Shares in Zimbabwe-focused investment group LonZim
were up more than 5
percent early on Friday from an all-time low on Thursday
at a time when a
deal had looked difficult.
London-listed shares in
Mwana Africa which operates nickel mines in the
country, also rose 9.8 pct
in the morning.
Coltart, Secretary for Legal Affairs in the MDC faction
of Arthur Mutambara,
said the deal would allow the creation of an inclusive
government which
would initiate a process of constitutional reform lasting
18 months.
This would end with the creation of a new democratic
constitution, including
setting of a date for new elections.
Coltart
said Tsvangirai would be vice chairman of the cabinet. There would
be two
largely ceremonial state vice presidents from ZANU-PF.
In addition,
Mugabe's party would have eight deputy ministers, Tsvangirai's
MDC six and
Mutambara's faction one.
"If the two MDC factions work together, which
they must in the national
interest, they will enjoy a majority in cabinet,"
Coltart said.
There was relief among many Zimbabweans hoping for an end
to their economic
suffering but caution over how quickly the deal would
bring relief.
"For us the details really don't matter. It's the principle
of working
together which is important because the problems we are facing as
a country
require that our leaders work together," said Harare security
guard Lloyd
Ncube.
"Life has become unbearable, and I am happy that
there is some movement of
sorts," he added.
Coltart said most new
opposition cabinet members would at one stage have
been "brutalised on the
instructions of those they will now have to work
with". Tsvangirai himself
has suffered beating in police custody.
Roelof Horne, an asset manager at
Investec, said the deal was a cause for
only whispered celebration. "The
Zimbabwean economy needs more than
peace....the architects of the economic
implosion are still partly in the
driving seat."
South Africa's
ruling ANC, also buoyed on Friday by the dismissal of
corruption charges
against its leader Jacob Zuma, welcomed the deal and
congratulated
Mbeki.
"Not only is the agreement important for Zimbabwe, but has
far-reaching
political and economic implications for Southern Africa and the
entire
African continent," it said.
(Additional reporting by Jeremy
Lovell in London, David Brunnstrom in
Brussels, Serena Chaudhry in
Johannesburg; Mathieu Bonkoungou in
Ouagadougou; Writing by Barry Moody;
Editing by Mark Trevelyan)
Sep 12th 2008 | JOHANNESBURG ALMOST six months after a disputed election—and years into a political crisis
that has left the country on its knees—Zimbabwe’s political rivals finally
appear to have found common ground. On Thursday September 11th, President Robert
Mugabe and two opposition leaders, Morgan Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara,
agreed to a power-sharing deal after many weeks of negotiation. This could be
good news for the millions of Zimbabweans crushed by the weight of the country’s
political and economic crisis. But celebrations are premature. It is far from
clear how Zimbabwe’s political arch-enemies will manage to work together. Details of the agreement will be made public on Monday. An official signing
ceremony has been scheduled in Harare, the country’s capital. But the gist of
the deal appears to rest on Mr Mugabe’s remaining the country’s head of state
while Mr Tsvangirai becomes prime minister. Talks had threatened to collapse
over how executive powers would be divided between the two and who would be in
charge of the cabinet. To break the deadlock, a council of ministers has been
created, to fall under Mr Tsvangirai’s authority, while Mr Mugabe will keep
chairing the cabinet. The exact composition of the government still needs to be thrashed out. But
indications are that Mr Mutambara’s party—a small splinter from Mr Tvsangirai’s
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)—will be allowed to chose one of Mr
Tsvangirai’s two deputies from its own ranks. Mr Mugabe’s ruling party, ZANU-PF,
is said to get just under half of the cabinet’s 31 portfolios and Mr
Tsvangirai’s group 13, with the remaining going to Mr Mutambara’s party. The constitution will be amended immediately to accommodate the provisions of
the deal, but a new one is to be drawn up within the next 18 months, after which
fresh elections should be held. And the power-sharing arrangement is to be
reviewed every year. This is a significant step forward for a country that has been in a
devastating crisis for years. But it remains to be seen how the deal’s grey
areas will be resolved. For now, it is unclear which portfolios will remain
under ZANU-PF’s wings. The ruling party had been pushing to retain control of
the powerful security forces, which dished out the ruthless repression needed to
keep Mr Mugabe in power. But this had been unacceptable to the MDC. Who will
have authority over the Joint Operations Command (JOC), which is believed to
have had de facto charge of running the country since the election in March,
also remains fuzzy. The exact roles of the cabinet and the newly created council of ministers,
and how they will interact with each other, is also key. The MDC, which had been
resisting mounting pressure to settle and said that it would rather have no deal
than a bad one, seems confident that it holds enough cards in its hands to make
this work. But there is a risk that Mr Mugabe, adept at outwitting political
rivals, will still be able to pull many strings and potentially neuter the
opposition’s role. Will this be good enough for international donors to open their wallets?
Zimbabwe badly needs outside help. The central bank has failed to rein in
hyperinflation—now officially over 11m% but in reality probably over 40m%. So
devalued is Zimbabwe’s currency that the bank was forced to announce this week
that it would allow some shops to trade in foreign exchange. Farming and
manufacturing have collapsed, and shortages are crippling. Some 2m people
urgently need food handouts, a number likely to swell to 5m by early next
year. Western governments have said that they would not prop up a government that
did not reflect the results of the election in March, which saw the MDC win the
most seats in parliament. For now, the European Union, which is set to review
its list of targeted sanctions in the next few days, seems to have adopted a
wait-and-see attitude.
From Economist.com
The Telegraph
Ever since Morgan Tsvangirai founded the Movement for
Democratic Change
exactly nine years ago, President Robert Mugabe has
labelled him a "puppet
of the British" who would "never" be allowed to rule
Zimbabwe.
By David Blair, Diplomatic Editor
Last Updated: 8:22PM BST
12 Sep 2008
The very fact that this alleged "puppet" will now become
prime minister -
and reliable reports suggest that his followers will form a
majority in the
new cabinet - marks a humiliating climbdown for Mr
Mugabe.
His 28-year rule has been one long, ruthless quest for
unchallenged power.
Now, Mr Mugabe is being forced to share authority with
an opponent he once
derided.
That is the good news. But many
Zimbabweans are deeply suspicious of
power-sharing governments - and with
good reason. They have been formed
twice before and both turned out to be
sham agreements disguising Mr
Mugabe's dominance.
The first
government after independence in 1980 was a power-sharing
arrangement, with
Joshua Nkomo, the leader of the opposition Zapu party, as
home affairs
minister. He was quickly sidelined and humiliated and the deal
collapsed
within two years.
It was revived in 1987 when Mr Nkomo agreed to abolish
Zapu and rejoin the
government. This proved to be his political death
warrant and he was
immediately eclipsed by Mr Mugabe.
Will Mr
Tsvangirai suffer the same fate? On the face of it, he will have a
far
stronger hand and a better chance of wielding real executive authority,
in
line with his mandate in the presidential election.
Mr Tsvangirai will be
premier and his allies will probably have 13 places in
a 31-member cabinet.
Another wing of the MDC will have three ministers,
giving the opposition a
bare majority of one.
But Mr Mugabe will continue to chair the cabinet.
Meanwhile, officials
believe that Mr Tsvangirai will be in charge of a
separate "council of
ministers". Which body proves to be the more powerful
remains to be seen.
In practice, however, the cabinet has never counted
for much in Zimbabwe.
Its all day meetings in the colonial splendour of the
Munhumutapa building
have served no purpose aside from making ministers feel
important.
Real power has rested with Mr Mugabe alone. When the first
invasions of
white-owned farms happened eight years ago, the full cabinet
gathered while
the president was away at a summit in Cuba. The ministers
decided to stop
the occupations and order the police to clear the squatters.
Unsure of Mr
Mugabe's stance, the police simply ignored the ministers. As
soon as the
president returned, he casually countermanded the cabinet's
decision.
More recently, the balance of power in Zimbabwe has shifted
dramatically.
The generals and security chiefs sitting on the Joint
Operations Command
have, in effect, assumed day to day control of the
government. During this
year's elections, they ensured that Mr Mugabe stayed
in power after his
defeat in the contest's first round and then masterminded
a terror campaign
against the MDC.
The Reserve Bank has become
another key centre of power. As the economy has
succumbed to
hyper-inflation, all notions of proper accounting have gone out
of the
window. Consequently, the national budget is now irrelevant and the
Reserve
Bank simply prints money to keep the government afloat. Every
ministry must
rely on its largesse.
If Mr Mugabe keeps control of the army and of the
Reserve Bank, he will
probably remain the most powerful man in Zimbabwe.
Using these key levers,
he may prove able to contain Mr Tsvangirai and veto
his policies.
But Mr Mugabe is no longer the force he once was. At the
age of 84, everyone
believes this will be his last term as president. Even
in the normal course
of events, this fact alone would lead to a gradual
reduction in his power.
Now that his chief opponent has forced his way into
the government, this
process will be accelerated.
With a majority in
the cabinet - and a narrow majority in parliament - Mr
Tsvangirai has real
political assets. While he has made many mistakes in the
past, he has
recovered poise and focus in the last few weeks. If he plays
his cards
skilfully, he could be the first opposition leader to enter Mr
Mugabe's
government - and eclipse the president.
http://www.monstersandcritics.com
Africa Features
By Clare Byrne Sep
12, 2008, 13:02 GMT
Harare/Johannesburg - Zimbabweans received
with caution Friday news of a
power-sharing deal between longtime foes
President Robert Mugabe and
Movement for Democratic Change leader Morgan
Tsvangirai amid lack of clarity
over who would wield the most real
power.
After nearly two months of stop-start talks between Mugabe's Zanu-
PF and
the MDC on a government of national unity, South African President
Thabo
Mbeki, the mediator, announced Thursday a 'unanimous' agreement had
been
reached.
While UN Secretary General Ban ki-Moon and German
Foreign Minister
Frank-Walter Steinmeier welcomed the deal and South Africa
trumpeted the
agreement as proof that Africans can solve their own problems,
Zimbabweans
were opting to keep the champagne on ice.
'Given the
name-calling and the different ideologies of the MDC and Zanu-PF,
it will be
interesting to see how they will work together. I give them six
months,'
Farai Mutsakwa, 26, a sociology student said in the low-income
Highfields
suburb of Harare.
'I hope they are sincere. I want to start a normal life
again and everyone
to return home,' Harmond Greg, a 36-year-old shopowner,
whose family
emigrated to Britain in 2001 said. 'I can't stomach this life
of suffering.
Even if you have money there is nothing to
buy.'
Zimbabweans have been crossing their fingers that a negotiated
political
settlement will stem the political and economic rot that set in
eight years
ago when Mugabe gave the nod for a violent land reform
campaign.
With inflation running at 11.2 million per cent and food in
critically short
supply, Mugabe has grudgingly accept to work with the
Western-backed MDC to
try to secure much-needed foreign aid and
investment.
But the agreement that sources say emerged from the talks,
where Mugabe
would remain both head of state and head of government and
Tsvangirai become
prime minister, was seen by some, particularly in the
exile community, as a
capitulation by Tsvangirai.
'Tsvangirai is a
coward,' one frustrated Zimbabwean refugee at the Central
Methodist Church
in Johannesburg, a haven for homeless Zimbabweans, said.
'He has to keep
fighting to become president.'
'If Mugabe remains in control of defence
that is not good for Zimbabwe,'
Duncan Kapwanya, a councillor from
Mashonaland East constituency, who fled
Zimbabwe in May after a beating by
pro-Mugabe militia, said.
Around 3 million Zimbabweans are estimated to
have high-tailed it out of the
country over the past decade in search of
safety or work to feed their
families.
But no one in South Africa was
packing his bags for home just yet.
'Maybe after one year, not now,' said
Stephen Bruce, 28, who has lived in
the church for two years. 'We have to
monitor the situation.'
Tsvangirai had been under pressure from Western
powers not to cave in to
pressure within southern Africa, including from
Mbeki, to accept a junior
partnership.
The MDC leader had said only
at the weekend that 'no deal was better than a
bad
deal.'
Johannesburg-based The Star newspaper reported that Tsvangirai had
climbed
down on his insistence to have full control of government on the
basis of
his party's and his victory in March elections.
The MDC took
the most votes in the legislative vote and Tsvangirai won more
votes for
president than Mugabe.
Mugabe later went on to win the presidential
run-off but only after
Tsvangirai withdrew in protest over attacks on his
supporters.
The Star reported that, despite Mugabe's electoral drubbing,
Zimbabwe's
leader of 28 years would continue to chair cabinet which would
continue to
be the prime instigator of policy.
Tsvangirai would chair
a council of ministers that would 'assist' in the
formulation and
implementation of policy. It was not possible to confirm
that separation of
powers.
On other issues, the MDC appeared to have had its way. Sources
and reports
said the parties had agreed to its demands for a new
constitution to be
drafted over 18 months - rather than just a
constitutional amendment.
Reacting to the deal, a senior MDC official,
who did not wish to be named,
said only: 'The outlook is cloudy.'
In March 2006 the MDC held its Congress
in Harare and 22 500 delegates and
guests spent two days working out what to
do to get the process of change
back on track in Zimbabwe. Six months
previously the MDC had experienced a
split in its leadership that had
weakened its structures and undermined itıs
standing in the whole
process.
In addition to electing leadership and resolving to rebuild and
fight on,
the MDC adopted a ³road map² back to democracy. This involved
getting the
planned elections scheduled for June 2010 back to the date
originally set of
March 2008, negotiating conditions for a free and fair
election and then
fighting that election and setting the course to a new
dispensation in the
aftermath.
Looking back now, after the
negotiations concluded last night in Harare, we
can say that nearly all of
those goals were achieved. We got the elections
rescheduled to March, we
negotiated critical reforms, won the subsequent
election and then had to deal
with a fight back by Zanu PF, now desperate to
hold onto power at all
costs.
In the context of an escalating economic and political crisis and
faced with
growing hostility in the region and Africa as a whole, Zanu PF
simply could
not hold its position. They were forced into talks with the MDC
and after
six months of tortuous negotiations under the guidance of President
Mbeki, a
deal was eventually crafted that all parties were able to endorse
albeit
reluctantly.
Final closure came yesterday when Mugabe was
finally compelled to agree to a
compromise put to the talks on Tuesday by the
MDC leadership. There are all
sorts of stories floating about on the deal but
we will not get sight of it
until Monday morning when it is signed at 10.00
hrs in Harare. However I
think we can claim that while we did not get
everything we wanted, the final
arrangement is workable and should be good
enough to see us through the
process that lies ahead.
Under the
agreement both the major parties have no choice but to work
together and on a
consensual basis to resolve the economic and political
crisis that faces the
country. The MDC on balance holds a fine majority in
the new administration
but not enough to allow it to bulldoze its way
through the issues that
confront us. This will not be easy. MDC has seen
many hundreds of its
leadership and ordinary members murdered, tortured,
beaten, raped and their
personal assets destroyed. Now we are required by
this agreement to work with
our tormentors!
Our first task is to put together a new Cabinet to run
the country. With 31
Ministers and 15 Deputies plus a Prime Minister and two
Deputies this is
going to be cumbersome. We had wanted 15 Ministers and no
Deputies. The
present Zanu Cabinet has 58 Ministers and Deputies. We have 18
months to put
together a new Constitution and to start the process of
stabilisation and
recovery.
My own calculations put inflation right
now at 334 million percent it was
3,2 million in June 32 million in July
and now 334 million in August; and
still climbing. On top of this our Cities
have restricted water and little
electricity, fuel is expensive and scarce,
food is almost unobtainable.
Preparations for the next cropping season have
hardly begun and yet another
year of food production has been lost. Half our
kids are not in school and
our hospitals are on strike.
Getting
consensus on the many issues that confront the new government will
not be
easy, implementation will also be difficult. The one great advantage
that we
do have is that everyone is now desperate to change things and get
us back on
our feet. In fact I think we will be surprised when we do start
work at just
how relieved our Zanu PF colleagues will be, to be able to
start to do the
right things.
We have not been idle, a detailed and comprehensive
stabilisation and
recovery plan is in existence and we have plans on how to
deal with the
humanitarian crisis. The international community has likewise
not been
idle they have structures in place and have made arrangements to
respond
to our needs in a significant way.
But in the end this is our
task this was a solution negotiated and
mandated by African leadership, not
the United Nations or any international
group. This was an agreement worked
out by Zimbabweans with the minimal of
outside help or pressure. It is up to
us to deliver a better life to the
Zimbabweans people.
At our 2006
Congress we adopted the slogan ³A New Beginning, a NEW Zimbabwe²
. We are
there. Rather than celebrating we should all be pondering what
could I do, to
make that dream a reality. Itıs our task to do so.
Eddie
Cross
Bulawayo, September 12th 2008
The Telegraph
Zimbabwe's opposition Movement for Democratic Change will gain control
of
the police while President Robert Mugabe will continue in charge of the
military under a groundbreaking deal between the two sides, according to MDC
officials.
Last Updated: 5:25PM BST 12 Sep 2008
The
sources told the Associated Press that opposition leader Morgan
Tsvangirai
broke a deadlock in talks by proposing a new Council of State
made up of Mr
Mugabe and two deputies from his party, and Mr Tsvangirai and
two of his
deputies.
Mr Mugabe, who has governed Zimbabwe since independence in
1980, has made no
statement on the issue. But, addressing traditional chiefs
before talks had
resumed on Thursday, he reiterated that "We will never
allow the
(opposition) MDC to govern this country."
The officials
said the agreement is detailed in a lengthy and complicated
document that
will take all weekend to prepare.
South Africa's President Thabo Mbeki,
the deal negotiator, and Mr Tsvangirai
announced that a deal had been made
last night.
"I am absolutely certain that the leadership of Zimbabwe is
committed to
implementing these agreements," Mr Mbeki told news
conference.
A political settlement would free the leaders to address
Zimbabwe's severe
economic problems - which include having the world's
highest inflation rate
and chronic food and fuel shortages.
The EU
announced that it would reconsider a planned increase in sanctions
against
Mr Mugabe's regime following thte deal.
Mr Tsvangirai's party won the
most votes in legislative and presidential
elections in March, but he did
not win enough to avoid a runoff against
Mugabe. An onslaught of
state-sponsored violence against Mr Tsvangirai's
supporters prompted him to
drop out of the presidential runoff.
Mr Mugabe kept Mr Tsvangirai's name
on the ballot and was declared the
overwhelming winner of a June runoff
widely denounced as a sham.
Much of Mr Mugabe's popularity at home and
across the continent is linked to
his image as a fighter for liberation from
white rule and a proud African
unafraid to defy the West. Mr Tsvangirai, who
lacks Mr Mugabe's
anti-colonial credentials, has said Zimbabwe needs to work
with the West to
overcome its problems.
Foreign investors have been
wary because of the political uncertainty.
Western governments are poised to
help with grants and loans, but will not
deal with Mr Mugabe, who they
denounce as a dictator.
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=3988
September 12, 2008
By Owen
Chikari
MASVINGO - Thousands of MDC supporters marched through the
streets of
Zimbabwe's oldest city, Masvingo, on Friday while singing and
chanting in
support of the deal which was reached Thursday by Zimbabwe's
three main
political parties.
Supporters of the MDC led by Morgan
Tsvangirayi camp moved in vehicles from
Mucheke high density suburb into the
city centre waving placards and
applauding their party leader for entering
into the deal.
The march, which was not sanctioned by the police,
surprisingly went ahead
without any disturbances. Policemen watched from the
pavements but did not
interrupt the march.
Some of the newly elected
MDC MPs joined in the march bringing business
district to standstill in
Masvingo.
"We are happy that Tsvangirayi has been recognised and that is
all we wanted
because he won the election on March 29 ", said one of the
marchers.
The celebrations started around midnight as news filtered in
that the MDC
leader had signed the deal after some of his demands were
considered.
Tsvangirayi had told his supporters that he will not sign any
power-sharing
deal with the ruling party unless he was given some executive
powers.
The deal which is set to end Zimbabwe's economic, political and
social
problems was reached on Thursday in Harare and will be officially
signed on
Monday.
Loice Zvandaziva, a school teacher on strike,
yesterday said that following
the deal she would now go back to
work.
"I now can go back to work because it had become meaningless for me
to go to
work ", said Zvandaziva.
Zimbabwean teachers have been on
strike since the beginning of the third
term on September 2 and had vowed
not to return back to their schools
complaining that their salaries were too
low.
The marchers clad in MDC-T regalia later went to the Masvingo civic
centre
where the Mayor of Masvingo alderman Femias Chakabuda addressed
them.
Although details of the power-sharing deal were still very sketchy
yesterday
it is believed that Tsvangirai will be Prime Minister chairing a
council of
ministers while Mugabe will remain President and will chair
cabinet.
Ordinary Zimbabweans yesterday applauded the deal saying it will
end several
years of suffering.
"At least we can now focus on the
development of the country because we were
sick and tired of failed policies
of Mugabe and his ruling Zanu-PF party",
said Jairos Moyo of
Mucheke.
While it was celebration time within the MDC, Zanu-PF
supporters, especially
those claiming to be war veterans said they were very
cross with the deal.
They accused Mugabe of selling out.
War
veterans had, during the negotiation process, sent a petition to Mugabe
advising him not to relinquish his executive powers.
"We are not
happy with this deal because Mugabe never consulted us as war
veterans",
said s so-called war veteran who requested anonymity.
"Our leader has
sold out and this is the end of the story but we are going
to make it open
to him that he has sold out".
Yahoo News
2 hours,
16 minutes ago
LONDON (AFP) - Britain reacted cautiously Friday to the
agreement to create
a unity government in Zimbabwe, saying it was keen to
see the details of the
deal.
Foreign Secretary David Miliband
said in a statement: "The Zimbabwean people
deserve a lasting democratic
settlement that will bring reform, economic
recovery and
stability.
"We look forward to seeing the full details of the agreement
announced
yesterday by President Mbeki."
South African President
Thabo Mbeki mediated the talks between Zimbabwe's
political
rivals.
Miliband added: "Our overriding concern has always been for the
people of
Zimbabwe. They have suffered too long."
Britain, Zimbabwe's
former colonial master, has been highly critical of
President Robert Mugabe
and his regime.
Mugabe, who has been in power for 28 years, and Morgan
Tsvangirai, the
leader of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC), reached a
power-sharing agreement late Thursday after four days of
tense talks.
Details of the accord will be unveiled on Monday, but a
source close to the
negotiations told AFP that Mugabe and Tsvangirai would
co-lead the
economically depleted nation.
Mugabe to retain
control over Zimbabwe military under deal to be signed on
Monday
Haroon Siddique and agencies
guardian.co.uk,
Friday
September 12 2008 12:00 BST
The historic power-sharing deal agreed in
Zimbabwe gives the Movement for
Democratic Change control over the cabinet
and the police force that has
terrorised its supporters and activists for
years, opposition officials said
today.
But the president, Robert Mugabe,
is to retain control of the military under
the deal, which is due to be
signed on Monday when full details will be
revealed, according to the
officials.
The deal is expected to result in a de facto amnesty for the
military and
Zanu-PF party leaders responsible for their bloody campaign
against
opposition supporters and activists. Their attempt to overturn the
opposition's election victory in March left hundreds dead and thousands
badly injured.
The deadlock in talks mediated by the South African
president, Thabo Mbeki,
was broken when the MDC leader, Morgan Tsvangirai,
proposed a new council of
state made up of Mugabe, two of his Zanu-PF
deputies, Tsvangirai and two of
his deputies, according to two opposition
officials.
Tsvangirai, 56, will be in charge of the cabinet and the
84-year-old Mugabe
will be in charge of the council, which will act as an
overseer of the
cabinet's activities. But Mugabe will have no veto powers on
the council.
The MDC officials told the Associated Press that some
members of their party
were unhappy with the compromises. Tsvangirai had
been demanding that
Mugabe, Zimbabwe's leader since independence 28 years
ago, become solely a
ceremonial president after losing the last credible
election six months ago.
Mugabe has made no statement on the deal, but
addressing traditional chiefs
before talks resumed on Thursday, he had
insisted: "We will never allow the
MDC to govern this
country."
Opposition officials said the deal gives the MDC 16 seats in
the cabinet to
Zanu-PF's 15. Tsvangirai's party will get eight deputy
ministries, Mugabe's
six, and one will go to a breakaway opposition faction
led by Arthur
Mutambara.
One official said the deal included
disbanding Zimbabwe's feared central
intelligence organisation, which like
the police falls within the remit of
the ministry of home affairs, and
replacing it with a smaller national
security authority.
Mbeki, who
has staked his dwindling political reputation on brokering a
deal, said: "I
am absolutely certain that the leadership of Zimbabwe is
committed to
implementing these agreements."
British reaction was muted last night,
with the government waiting to see
the detail. "We are following the
situation closely," said a Foreign Office
spokesman. "We look forward to
seeing the detail of the agreement announced
by President Mbeki this
evening. Our overriding concern is the welfare of
the Zimbabwean
people."
If the agreement results in a real shift in power, it is likely
to unlock
the hundreds of millions of pounds in foreign aid desperately
needed to
shore up Zimbabwe's economy, which is collapsing under the weight
of
hyperinflation that has been a key factor in Mugabe conceding
authority.
Tsvangirai's party won the most votes in legislative and
presidential
elections in March, but according to election officials he did
not win
enough to avoid a run-off against Mugabe. Tsvangirai dropped out of
the June
ballot after his supporters were subjected to a state-sponsored
campaign of
intimidation and violence. Mugabe refused to remove the MDC
leader's name
from the election papers and claimed a crushing victory.
Financial Times
Published: September 12 2008 19:27
| Last updated: September 12 2008 19:27
The deal struck between Robert
Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangirai to share power
in Zimbabwe is fragile and
cumbersome. Mr Mugabe, the man who has presided
over the economic collapse
of the country, and a reign of terror waged
against many of its inhabitants,
will remain head of state. But he will be
forced to share his authority with
Mr Tsvangirai, leader of the opposition
Movement for Democratic Change, who
becomes executive prime minister. The
two despise each other, and may prove
incapable of working together. For
now, however, it is the only deal
Zimbabwe has got.
Each side claims victory, a credit to the negotiating
skills of Thabo Mbeki,
South Africa's president. He has persevered with his
efforts to reach a deal
against the odds. But if each thinks he is in
charge, it could be a recipe
for chaos in government.
Full details
will not emerge before Monday, but Mr Mugabe seems set to keep
control of
the army. That is a huge potential source of instability, because
the
security forces have been at the root of violence against the
opposition.
They have also gobbled an ever-greater portion of the dwindling
state
budget. No stabilisation plan is possible unless they are brought
under
control.
This presents an awful dilemma for the international community,
whose aid is
desperately needed to prevent starvation and stop the
vertiginous collapse
of the economy. What Zimbabwe needs, with annual
inflation running at 11m
per cent, an exodus of some 3m people and a slump
in food production, is a
comprehensive economic programme. It must stop
printing money and curb state
spending - most of it frittered away on
corrupt officials of Mr Mugabe's
ruling Zanu-PF party. It needs a massive
injection of foreign currency. But
that cannot be done if the new government
is not in control.
Nevertheless, the deal must be given a chance.
Immediate tests can be set.
Urgent humanitarian aid is needed and its fair
distribution will be
essential: will Mr Tsvangirai be in charge? Control of
the media by Zanu-PF
hacks must be lifted. Human rights must be restored,
including the freeing
of political prisoners. All can be done quickly.
Reforming the security
forces will take longer.
The best aspect of
the deal is that it breaks the stranglehold of Zanu-PF
over the government.
That is already a humiliation for Mr Mugabe. But he is
a very clever
politician. Mr Tsvangirai has taken a huge gamble to try to
work with him.
His trump card is that only he can bring in foreign aid. It
may not be
enough to persuade Mr Mugabe to cede the real reins of power.
By Violet
Gonda
12 September 2008
Zimbabwe's civil society has said it is
cautiously optimistic about the
agreement signed by the rival political
leaders on Thursday evening. But
Zimbabweans, who have been waiting for a
long time for an end to this
political process, will have to wait until
Monday to find out the actual
details of the agreement. South African leader
Thabo Mbeki, who has been
brokering the talks, said a formal signing
ceremony will be held on Monday
morning.
On Friday Senator David
Coltart said under the deal the two MDC formations
combined would have one
more cabinet seat than ZANU PF. Robert Mugabe would
chair the cabinet, and
Morgan Tsvangirai a Council of Ministers, which would
supervise the cabinet.
A new constitution is expected to be developed within
18 months, preparing
the ground work for fresh elections in the longer term.
Some sources
within the MDC said most of the issues have been agreed upon
except for the
issue of the governors. It is understood there was no
agreement because ZANU
PF had already appointed provincial governors. The
leaders decided to solve
this issue informally.
Meanwhile, many are waiting to see what the
signing will mean to the cause
of democracy and what it will mean for the
various groups that were formed
around the crisis, such as the Crisis in
Zimbabwe Coalition, Women of
Zimbabwe Arise; radio stations like SW Radio
Africa, Studio 7 and Voice of
the People; and news websites like
New.Zimbabwe.com, the Zimbabwe Times and
Zimonline.
Political Analyst
and civic leader Professor Brian Raftopoulos said he is
'cautiously
optimistic' that the deal is a step forward in the Zimbabwe
political
process. However, he said the signing is only the first step
towards a long
hard struggle to roll back the disastrous policies and
authoritarian
policies of ZANU PF.
The analyst believes the outcome of this
transitional period will depend on
the struggles that will take place in the
context of the next few years. He
said a vibrant civil society will be
needed more than ever to ensure the
opening up of the political space. "No
signature, no agreement ever just
signals that kind of a decisive change,"
said Raftopoulos.
The success of the deal also depends a lot on what kind
of powers Tsvangirai
will receive and what kind of message he would send to
the international
community, who have threatened to impose more sanctions on
the Mugabe regime
if the deal does not reflect the will of the people.
Mugabe has spent nearly
three decades of unchallenged leadership, and
observers say it is going to
be a huge challenge as Mugabe is unaccustomed
to sharing power.
The National Association of Non Governmental
Organisations (NANGO) said it
'acknowledges' the announcement of the
political settlement but awaits the
actual details.
Spokesperson
Fambai Ngirande said although there is a collective sigh of
relief that
there is progress, there are still concerns that the focus was
mainly about
power sharing and not creating space for democracy.
He said NANGO will
rally stakeholders in the civil society to, "continue
pressing for
structural reforms to facilitate unrestrained NGO operations,
constitutionalism, social service delivery, transitional justice and
adherence to international standards and norms of rule of law, respect for
human rights and good governance."
SW
Radio Africa Zimbabwe news
IOL
September 12 2008 at
02:48PM
By Cris Chinaka
Harare - Zimbabwe's
power-sharing deal faces a tough credibility test
to determine whether it is
enough to kick start the country's emergence from
catastrophic economic
collapse.
President Robert Mugabe and opposition leader Morgan
Tsvangirai agreed
to share power on Thursday in a pact ending a deep
political crisis
compounded by the veteran leader's disputed and unopposed
re-election in
June.
Analysts say the agreement is only a
fragile first step and will
require former enemies to put aside their
differences and work closely to
overcome scepticism, especially from Western
powers whose support will be
vital for recovery.
"It's going to
be like walking out of a landmine field while carrying
a huge load," said
Eldred Masunungure, a political science professor at the
University of
Zimbabwe.
"The deal will only survive on a lot of goodwill,
commitment and
strategic thinking by all the key players because it can
easily collapse
even on small things and misunderstandings," he
said.
Initially the MDC opposition will be
anxious to ensure that it has its
hands on some levers of power, and that
Mugabe is not merely trying use it
as cover to win back international
approval and vital financial aid to
rescue an economy mired in the world's
worst inflation - over 11 million
percent.
Key foreign donors,
who have promised a massive rescue package if
democracy is restored, are
likely to take a cautious approach.
The European Union on Friday
welcomed the deal as a step forward and
said it was rethinking plans to
extend sanctions against Mugabe's
government.
But it said it
needed to see the detail before making a final
decision, as did
Britain.
Sworn rivals
Mugabe and Tsvangirai have been
sworn rivals for over a decade, and
analysts say they will both have to
demonstrate that they are committed to
working together and sharing
power.
"The real test is ahead, and that's what's going to
determine whether
the international community comes on board to help the
country
economically," Masunungure said.
Right up until
Thursday, Tsvangirai's officials had said agreement was
blocked by Mugabe's
refusal to give up executive powers. The former
guerrilla commander, 84,
said Tsvangirai wanted to strip him of all
authority.
Full
details of the deal have not been released but David Coltart, a
senator for
a small breakaway faction of the MDC, said Mugabe would remain
as president
and chair the cabinet but the combined opposition would have
one more seat
on it than Zanu-PF.
South African President Thabo Mbeki, who
mediated the deal, said
details would not be announced until a ceremony on
Monday.
There is scepticism among analysts about how much real
power Mugabe
has surrendered to Tsvangirai - whom he was still labelling a
Western stooge
just hours before the deal was announced.
"The
fact that Mugabe remains in power as head of state and head of
government
means the MDC is the one coming into this deal as a junior
partner," said
Lovemore Madhuku, head of the pressure group National
Constitutional
Assembly.
Challenge
Political commentator and Mugabe
critic John Makumbe said: "I think
the challenge is on Mugabe to make this
work because he is the one who has
problems with the world, the one with a
big credibility gap.
"Mugabe will be watched like a hawk both at
home and from abroad."
Makumbe said Tsvangirai - a former trade
union leader whose party has
survived a ruthless government crackdown - may
have agreed a less than
desired deal with Mugabe to rebuild the economy so
the MDC can win the next
elections.
"He is young, and if the
international community gives him support and
the economy takes off, the
voters will give him that credit," he said of the
56-year-old
Tsvangirai.
In elections last March, Zanu-PF lost its parliamentary
majority for
the first time since independence from Britain in 1980, but
Tsvangirai's MDC
did not win an outright majority. The balance of power
rests in the hands of
the breakaway opposition faction led by Arthur
Mutambara.
John Robertson, a leading Zimbabwean economic
consultant, said Western
investors would take their time to assess the
political environment and see
the unity government's policies.
"There is not going to be a stampede... and without a change in some
of the
current policies, we are also not going to see much money coming our
way,"
he said.
Analysts say Zimbabwe's economy - which critics accuse
Mugabe of
destroying by seizing white-owned commercial farms and giving them
to
inexperienced black farmers - will get worse without foreign assistance
and
investment.
Robertson said Tsvangirai would have to
persuade Mugabe to quietly
drop or reform some of his radical nationalist
policies, including plans to
transfer control of foreign-owned businesses,
including banks and mines, to
locals.
"The future really is in
how much Mugabe is willing to change," he
said.
Roelof Horne,
an asset manager at Investec shared reservations about
how optimistic to be
over the deal, saying the architects of Zimbabwe's
economic meltdown would
still be partly in the driving seat.
"The Zimbabwean economy needs
more than peace. It needs generosity
from outside and austerity from
within... Unless my expectations are
exceeded, I am afraid the economic road
will be a muddle-through and not a
victory march," he said. -
Reuters
IOL
September 12
2008 at 11:47AM
By Basildon Peta and Special Correspondent
Western donor governments are ready to pour between R11 and R16
billion into
Zimbabwe to rescue the economy after the historic power-sharing
deal, which
Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe and opposition leaders Morgan
Tsvangirai
and Arthur Mutambara signed on Thursday night.
But the deal seems
unlikely to end the desperate economic and social
plight of ordinary
Zimbabweans immediately as the big donors said today they
would wait to see
whether Tsvangirai, leader of the main faction of the
Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC), gets real power in the new government
of national
unity before turning on the financial taps.
Though President Mbeki, the mediator, gave no details when he
announced the
deal last night in Harare, sources said Mugabe would remain
president and
would still chair cabinet. Tsvangirai would chair a new
council of ministers
- from which Mugabe would be excluded - which would
assist in the
formulation of policies, the supervision of government
ministries by the
prime minister and implementation of cabinet policies.
The
relationship between cabinet and the council of ministers remains
unclear
and this is likely to be the focus of concern by Western donor
governments
and investors
Mbeki said in Harare last night that Mugabe,
Tsvangirai and
Mutambara - the leader of the smaller MDC faction who is to
become deputy
prime minister - would meet from today to start forming the
new "inclusive"
government, which would sign the deal in Harare on
Monday.
"The leaders will work very hard to mobilise support for
the people to
recover. We hope the world will assist so that this political
agreement
succeeds.
"We need everybody in the world to support
the agreement by Zimbabwean
people and extend the very necessary assistance
the country will need to
recover from socio-economic
challenges.
"It's made in Zimbabwe, and owned by Zimbabwean
people," said Mbeki.
But one Western diplomat said today on
condition of anonymity: "We are
sitting on the fence. As long as there is no
proof that Mugabe does not
still have real power, we will not activate any
rescue programme. We admire
President Mbeki's persistence in trying to
secure a deal. But we will have
to see how it works in
practice."
Diplomats said that their governments would probably
only react
officially when they had seen the detail of the agreement on
Monday.
United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon was also
fairly cautious,
saying he hoped the agreement would pave the way "for a
durable peace and
recovery in the country and contribute to rapid
improvement in the welfare
and human rights of the people of Zimbabwe, who
have suffered for long".
John Makumbe, Zimbabwean political analyst
and Mugabe critic, said the
agreement was "overdue for the sake of the
nation. We don't know the details
yet, but this is a move in the right
direction".
Zimbabwean political scientist Martin Rupiyah, now
director of Africa
research at Cranfield University said: "There appears now
to be a reluctance
to come out from Zanu-PF, which means there have been
major concessions from
the government side in my view - not only agreeing an
executive prime
minister's role for Morgan Tsvangirai, but maybe a sharing
of security
posts.
"I don't think we are out of the woods yet
in terms of the Zimbabwean
crisis. There are a number of pieces that still
have to fall into place. One
is the role of the military. That still has to
be addressed directly."
But Lovemore Madhuku, head of Zimbabwe's
National Constitutional
Assembly pressure group said the "deal is more of a
capitulation by the MDC
than by Zanu-PF because I believe Mugabe gets to
keep most of his powers,
while Tsvangirai will have some cosmetic executive
authority".
The other main points of the deal are understood to
be:
There will be two deputy vice presidents and two deputy prime
ministers. Mugabe will keep his present two deputies, Joyce Mujuru and
Joseph Msika, while Tsvangirai will appoint one of the two deputy prime
ministers, with the other one coming from Mutambara's splinter faction of
the MDC.
Mugabe will remain chairperson of cabinet, while
Tsvangirai becomes
chairperson of a new "council of ministers" in which
Mugabe will be
excluded. This arrangement was proposed by President Mbeki to
break the
deadlock about who chairs cabinet. Mugabe had insisted that there
be one
cabinet headed by him, with Tsvangirai as the deputy, but the latter
had
refused.
There will be 31 cabinet portfolios with Mugabe's
Zanu-PF taking 15,
Tsvangirai's MDC will get 13, while the remaining three
go to Mutambara's
smaller faction of the MDC. - Foreign
Service
This article was originally published on page 1
of Daily News on
September 12, 2008
The Australian
Jonathan
Clayton | September 13, 2008
MORGAN Tsvangirai may find the tortuous
negotiations with President Robert
Mugabe on a power-sharing deal for
Zimbabwe were the easy part.
He will now be sitting down with men who
have arrested and beaten him and
his supporters and have no interest in
making a success of the new
government.
Mugabe, 84, who is in denial
about the failings of his leadership and the
violence unleashed by his
henchmen, will relish a more grandfatherly role,
modelling himself on Nelson
Mandela -- the man he considers took over his
position as Africa's greatest
liberation hero.
Mugabe, who treats opposition figures like recalcitrant
children, can be
benign on a one-to-one basis -- in contrast to his
henchmen, who control the
security services and fear the new government may
try to pursue them in the
courts.
These men, who have effectively run
the country through the Joint
Operational Command since the elections at the
end of March, have said they
will not serve a man such as Mr Tsvangirai, who
did not fight in the
guerilla war of independence.
Whether the
power-sharing agreement works or collapses will depend largely
on the amount
of power Mugabe will retain and how he uses it.
With inflation at 11
million per cent and the food shelves bare, Mugabe had
to agree to the deal.
If the economic situation improves, he and his
supporters may try to wriggle
out of some of the concessions they made. It
would not be the first time Mr
Tsvangirai, never the sharpest of
politicians, has been duped.
South
African President Thabo Mbeki, the mediator of the Southern Africa
regional
group, has announced that the new government and the power-sharing
agreement
will be unveiled at a ceremony on Monday.
The Times
HARARE, 12 September 2008 (IRIN) - Hope has been
resuscitated among long-suffering Zimbabweans after a power-sharing deal between
President Robert Mugabe and his rival, Morgan Tsvangirai, was announced late on
11 September.
Photo:
Hope in
Harare
The opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), led
by Tsvangirai, and a breakaway MDC faction, led by Arthur Mutambara, have been
engaged in talks with Mugabe's ruling ZANU-PF party since 21 July to end a
political stalemate following the one-man presidential ballot in June, which was
widely condemned as undemocratic.
South African President Thabo Mbeki,
appointed by the Southern African Development Community as negotiator between
the parties, announced in the Zimbabwean capital, Harare: "we have concluded the
negotiations that the parties have been engaged in." He said the agreement,
which he described as "unanimous", would formally be signed on Monday 15
September and the details of the power-sharing pact made public.
"I am
excited, and I have seen hundreds of other people openly show their own
excitement too, since news of the deal started filtering in," a Harare-based
university lecturer in business studies, who declined to be identified, told
IRIN.
"Talk in the streets, in public transport and in pubs has been
about the political settlement, and people generally agreed that the sooner a
meaningful deal was signed, the better for Zimbabweans, who have endured so many
economic and political hardships in the past eight years," he said.
"Zimbabwean politics will never be the same again, and it will not be
‘business as usual’ for ZANU-PF, which is blamed with bringing woes on the
people," he said. Although the lecturer conceded that an economic turnaround
would not happen immediately, "it is definitely coming, and with the taste of
candy."
"The most important thing is that investor
confidence will be restored. There are so many outside investors that have been
waiting for a breakthrough in the talks and are waiting anxiously in the wings.
Local industry had also adopted a wait-and-see attitude, and now things are
starting to shape up, production will resume, shops will be restocked and prices
will go down," he said.
Talk in the streets, in public transport and in pubs has been about the
political settlement, and people generally agreed that the sooner a meaningful
deal was signed, the better for Zimbabweans
He was optimistic that the three parties
expected to form a transitional and inclusive government would set side their
differences and convince the international community to revive economic support
for the country.
Donors want more
But while the
hope for change is palpable, Western diplomats in Harare were far more cautious
over the deal struck.
"As long as Mugabe is in the equation, especially
as head of state, then our position on not providing aid to Zimbabwe will not
change. Our sources in government tell us that Tsvangirai is being brought in to
legitimise the Mugabe regime which has destroyed what used to be a thriving
economy," a European envoy told IRIN.
A senior official with a western
donor organisation said aid would only be resumed if Mugabe, whom they accuse of
human rights violations, was removed.
"The view generally is that Mugabe
is in power after unleashing violence on the population after having lost the
first round of elections. The first round of voting in which Tsvangirai defeated
Mugabe is what most of us regard as the people's true feelings which should be
respected if not then there is little likelihood of aid flowing into Zimbabwe."
Since 2000 Zimbabwe's economy has rapidly declined; one of the region's
strongest economies has shrunk by about two-thirds, with official inflation
estimated at more than 11 million percent, unemployment at more than 80 percent,
and shortages of food, fuel and electricity commonplace.
The UN predicts that by
early next year 5.1 million people, out of a population of about 12 million,
will require food assistance. More than three million citizens are thought to
have left Zimbabwe in recent years in search of employment.
As
long as Mugabe is in the equation, especially as head of state, then our
position on not providing aid to Zimbabwe will not change
Pillian
Sithole, 32, a Zimbabwean psychologist who arrived in Britain in 2003 and has
survived by doing menial work although he has two degrees, is considering
returning to his home country.
"It is too early for us who are living in
the diaspora to say the situation is safe and conducive for us to return because
we are not sure how the new political dispensation will deliver, but I am
convinced that however the situation will unfold, it can only be for the
better," he told IRIN.
"The fact that Mugabe will be working with
Tsvangirai means that there will be checks and balances, and one thing for sure
is that those in ZANU-PF who have brought the economy to its knees were also
getting tired of the malaise they have caused; they desperately want the IMF
[International Monetary Fund] and the World Bank to resume support," he said in
an email.
Even if Tsvangirai was not granted the full executive prime
minister’s powers he was negotiating for, Sithole said, his influence would be
felt in the new government and that would encourage the international community
to work with Zimbabwe in its quest for economic recovery.
He said once
the economy started to recover, enough jobs would be created for those
returning, "because whatever the case, home will remain the best place to be;
most of us are suffering in the diaspora."
John Shereni (not his real
name), a freelance journalist employed by a local newspaper before it was banned
by the government, expressed optimism that the independent media would recover.
"I am sure that parliament, given that it is now almost controlled by
the opposition, and that ZANU-PF is no longer alone in government, will pass
favourable legislation that will make us work without having to look over our
shoulders," Shereni told IRIN.
"All indications point to a turnaround across
the board. I will be able to go to a hospital and find the drugs that I need,
walk into a shop and buy a commodity that I want at a reasonable price, and
never consider working illegally in another country," he said.
Photo:
Antony Kaminju/IRIN
Empty
shelves
Parallel
market currency traders, who made a living by trading illegally in foreign
currency, although concerned that their business would suffer in an economic
turnaround, said they would rather have a political settlement than for the
status quo to continue.
"There is nothing that beats living peacefully
in your own country and for that reason I am happy that our political leaders
have managed to swallow their pride and put the people first," Tonderai Gandiwa,
a Harare-based foreign currency dealer, told IRIN.
"I will not have
sleepless nights over loss of business in the event that the economy goes back
to normal, because I can always go back to my job as a salesperson. In any case,
I have managed to buy some properties that include a house and cars, and these
will be important savings for me."
However, he warned that some of his
colleagues who might not find employment could resort to crime because "they are
now used to easy and quick money."
From: Trudy Stevenson
Sent: Saturday, September 13, 2008 5:04 AM
Extract..
Friday 12 September
Dear
Friends
The Deal is the Big, Big News today, and I am absolutely
delighted that the
Big Men (!) have finally seen reason and come to an
agreement to work
together - or at least not against each other! - so that
we can put an end
to the suffering and start to rebuild our beautiful
country.
The past 24 hours have been very Up and Down for me, and I
thought you might
like to share the bumps for a moment. I took my husband
down south this
week, for a breath of fresh air and to buy some groceries -
very basic
groceries like bread, milk, sugar, cooking oil, margarine,
toothpaste, soap,
etc., so that we can survive. We set off back home
yesterday morning,
stocked up and relaxed. The trip was smooth all the way
to the outskirts of
Harare, when suddenly we were into the fumes and smoke
of the city. I had
not realised how polluted our atmosphere is - it is
disgusting, and we need
to do something about it!
At home, no water -
Welcome Home! We eventually unload the car, pack the
melting marge, etc.
into the freezer and share a whole half chicken and
bottle of wine between
us - the last feast of the little holiday! Then just
as I start downloading
my emails around 9 pm, the cellphone rings - "Come
down to the Rainbow
Towers, they've all signed, there's a Deal!" So I
quickly change and rush
down, to creep into Thabo Mbeki's press conference
just as he is finishing
off, telling the journalists they will have to wait
until Monday for details
of the deal!
We troop up to our negotiators' room, where everyone is
congratulationg
everyone else and trying to get information at the same
time, people are
rushing in and out answering calls on their mobiles and
texting the news to
friends and colleagues - and some of us still can't
really believe it's
true. "OK, here are the signatures, see for yourself"
and I am shown our
original document with the four signatures on the final
section - each party
has one original, so none can cheat!
A late
night, then, after a very long day, and this morning I plug into the
normal
routine - including electricity cut from 9am, just when I was
settling down
to have a proper look at all the emails, news etc. So instead
I set off to
the bank, spying the "Independent" at the robots en route - a
big photo with
"It's a Deal" headline. I decide to lash out for the
historic issue, but on
asking "How much?" am told "7000 dollars." "7000?
But it can't be, I don't
have that kind of money. Let me see." And I look
for the price on the
paper, and sure enough "$7000" is right there in black
and white! "But we
can only get $500 a day from the bank!" I protest. "OK,
then, just give me
15 US" "What? 15 US dollars? But 7000 Zim was only
about 1 US dollar last
week, it can't possibly be $15 this week! Bye!" And
I abandon the idea of
my historic document.
Just down the road I see a Dairibord trolley
selling milk, so pull up, and
same routine: "How much?" "$1000" Oh, but
it's gone up so much since last
week!" "That's our price, madam" "Well, I'll
have to go to the bank, but I
still won't get $1000, so I can't buy milk
today." And I head to the bank.
There I ask the next in line what's the
limit - "Still just $500." So I
queue for my $500, knowing I can't use it
today for anything at all, but
maybe tomorrow - if the prices haven't gone
up again. When I start to
complain to the teller, she immediately
sympathises and says: "But what do
you think about the news?" "Fantastic!"
I reply, and she goes on:" My
mother was one of those forced to vote, you
know, and so she did go, and she
spoiled her paper, but afterwards she just
cried and cried. Yesterday, when
she heard the news, she killed a chicken
and cooked it, she was so happy!"
That was the biggest Up of all, for me
- until I received a photo from my
son in Australia, showing he had hoisted
two Zimbabwe flags and two MDC
flags outside his theatre today, to celebrate
Deal Day! He so wants to come
home to live - and now he is beginning to
believe it will be possible, after
all!
God Bless
Zimbabwe.
Trudy
Moneyweb
Zimbabwe economist warns that we ain't
out of the woods yet.
Felicity Duncan
12 September 2008
18:18
University of Zimbabwe economist Tony Hawkins said that, while the
power
sharing agreement that has been reached between the ruling Zanu-PF
party and
the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) is good news,
it's by no
means a final solution.
Hawkins pointed out that the
Zimbabwean economy is in very bad shape, and
that it's not clear that the
new government will be able to repair it.
"The best case scenario would
be that the agreement works. But the danger is
that there are some tough
economic decisions that have to be made. We need a
new currency, government
spending needs to be cut, we need tighter monetary
policy, higher interest
rates, we need to free the exchange rate, and
liberalise price
controls."
"Basically, all the economic policies the Mugabe government
pursued need to
be reversed, and the question is, will the national unity
government be able
to do it?"
Hawkins also noted that many people
wrongly believe that western powers have
a plan for the rebuilding of
Zimbabwe.
"One of the fictions about Zimbabwe is that the international
community has
got plans to pump money into Zimbabwe. There's been a lot of
talk, but
there's nothing really on the table yet. It'll take them a bit of
time,
these orgs are nothing if not bureaucratic, and it will take time for
them
to get their act together."
"And in any event, they, in
particular the IMF, will say 'how viable is this
government? How viable is a
government with two artificial centres of power
which is what has been
created by Thabo Mbeki? And I think that they might
say this is not going to
be workable."
The details of the power sharing agreement have not been
officially
released, but various sources have revealed the basic shape of
things to
come (see David Coltart on the details of the Zimbabwe
deal).
A constitutional amendment will be passed to set up inclusive
government
which in turn will initiate a process of constitutional reform.
That process
will last 18 months by which time a new democratic constitution
must be
implemented, which will also include a time frame for new
elections.
The inclusive government will have Robert Mugabe as president
with greatly
reduced powers to those he enjoys today. There will be two,
largely
ceremonial, vice presidents from Zanu PF. Morgan Tsvangirai will be
prime
minister and there will be two Deputy prime ministers, one from MDC T
and
one from MDC M.
Cabinet will be chaired by Mugabe; Tsvangirai
will be the vice chair and
there will be a Council of Ministers chaired by
Tsvangirai which will
supervise the work of Cabinet.
In the 31-person
cabinet, Zanu PF will have 15 seats, MDC T 13 and MDC M 3.
There will be 8,
6 and 1 deputy ministers respectively.
Hawkins describes the proposed
government structure as "terribly fragile and
messy", and said that the
proposal suggests that chief mediator Thabo Mbeki
was more concerned about
delivering a compromise than about creating a
durable deal.
Hawkins
pointed out that some critical issues, such as the future of the
current
central bank governor Gideon Gono, whom the opposition wishes to see
replaced. Other contentious issues that the deal doesn't address include the
filling of key posts such as police chief and military chief.
Clearly
the Zimbabwean power sharing agreement is no magic bullet, although
it is
definitely a good start.
http://www.hararetribune.com
Friday, 12 September 2008 14:53
Tribune Staff
The violence that rocked Zimbabwe after March 29 has left
an emotionally
scared and traumatized populace. Previously cohesive family
structures where
shattered and destroyed as families had their bread winners
murdered or
seriously injured leading to paralysis. Rural communities where
the hardest
hit, as the violence was initially confined to the rural areas
with
marauding "war veterans" and Zanu PF youth cutting off all lines
of
communication with such areas.
Ambulances and relief aid was
denied to these areas, as beatings and torture
where freely dished out like
confetti to all persons suspected to have voted
for the MDC during the March
29 elections. Peterson Kwenda (aged 60) was
one of the victims, shot in the
leg by the Zanu PF MP for Magunje Frank
Ndambakuwa in April 2008, at the
height of the government orchestrated state
violence that has to date led to
the deaths of more than 100 supporters and
activists of the MDC.
Zanu
PF youth led by the armed Ndambakuwa came for Peterson around 3am while
he
and his family were asleep. They proceeded to set the grass thatched
kitchen
alight and that's when Peterson woke up, after hearing the terrified
cries of
his 26 year old daughter. He then rushed to the burning kitchen to
try and
save her from the inferno. He was then shot in the leg by Ndambakuwa
who fell
to the ground.
The property and belongings inside, that had taken a
lifetime for him to
acquire in a country where the economy is in total
shambles was lost.
Ndambakuwa was in the company of Lovemore Banda and Joel
Zvikwenyauswa, as
well as other Zanu PF supporters he failed to identify in
the night.
Peterson managed to hide in his cattle kraal where the
perpetrators could
not find him and they left for their base. The following
day Ndambakuwa was
seen in the town of Karoi at a ZANU PF meeting at Karoi
Primary school
waving his weapon and boasting to all that he had killed an
MDC supporter.
A report was filed with the police at Chidamoyo who then
wrote him a letter
enabling him to seek medical treatment. Chidamoyo Clinic
had no resources to
deal with Peterson's injury and in turn referred him to
Karoi District
Hospital. The hospital was not adequately resourced and could
not deal with
the injury also and had to transfer him to
Harare.
Ambulances sent to fetch him at the hospital were returned to
Harare empty
handed by members from the state security agency, the CIO and
"war
veterans". A plan had to be launched that had him smuggled from the
hospital
into a waiting truck, after nightfall transporting him to a private
clinic
in Harare. Unfortunately the delay in him reaching medical assistance
was
too late and blood clotting had led to the wound being
gangrenous.
The medical staff were left with no option but to amputate
his leg below the
knee. He was then released from the clinic and only
returned two weeks later
for review, only to be told that a small piece of
bullet shrapnel that had
not been identified during his initial visit was
still lodged in his knee.
It had caused the remaining section of his leg to
be gangrenous again and
they then amputated the leg from the hip
downwards.
Like the majority of rural dwellers Peterson Kwenda heavily
relied on
subsistence agriculture to survive. He has a 50 year old wife and
6
children, the youngest aged 9, who all look up to him as the breadwinner.
A
difficult life awaits him upon his return to his communal place a
month
before the first rains and preparation of land for the 2008 - 2009
farming
seasons. Prior to the shooting he provided for his family and now it
is the
other way round.
All things having been said and done he has to
live with the painful fact
that the men who shot him, Frank Ndambakuwa is
still a free man (who is now
one of our new parliamentarians) having faced no
prosecution for the
shooting and various other serious violations to human
rights he has
committed to date. Peterson on the other hand is faced with the
audacious
task of rebuilding his burnt out home and continuing with a
shattered life
with no property , six children to feed and only one leg to do
it on.
My question to you is should this man Ndambakuwa be allowed to not
only walk
free but be part of our legislature as a member of parliament?
Irrespective
of what deals are signed by our leaders evil men like this must
face justice
and help Peterson seek compensation. It is our duty to see to
that.
http://www.radiovop.com
Harare - THE Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions
(ZCTU) has lambasted
Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) governor Gideon Gono over
his move to
legalise retail in foreign currency, saying this was a "war on
the working
population in Zimbabwe".
A day before
the historic power sharing agreement between Zanu PF and
the two MDC
formations was announced, Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ)
governor Gideon Gono
announced that he had licensed 1000 retail outlets and
200 wholesalers to
sell goods in foreign currency.
Addressing a gathering in Harare on
Thursday, ZCTU President, Lovemore
Matombo Matombo said Gono's move would
impact negatively on workers.
Said Matombo: "Gono is supposed to
monitor money supply and interest
rates - he is not doing that. He is now
registering 1000 companies to trade
in foreign currency. Whose companies are
those? For us this is yet another
war the government has started with the
working population of Zimbabwe."
Matombo said the labour union
would now push for workers' salaries to
be paid in foreign currency, in order
for them to manage under the new
arrangement.
He said they would
soon launch a series of protests against the
government for failing to put in
place means that cushion workers from the
deteriorating crisis.
http://www.hararetribune.com
Friday, 12 September 2008
15:50 Simbarashe Chirimubwe
Ordinary Zimbabweans have flocked
into Botswana, some legal and others
illegal. The government of Botswana has
been tolerant to such cases because
they accepted that there was a problem in
Zimbabwe. During this time most of
our African leaders developed "quite
diplomacy concept" or "see no evil hear
no evil approach" at the expense of
ordinary Zimbabweans. Anyway let me
leave that issue for now as they say
history forgives, but does not forget.
Last week one of our
Zimbabwean immigrants passed away in the house in our
neighborhood and most
of her friends deserted her momentarily because they
did not know what to do.
The few people who arrived at the scene had no plan
including me. When people
were still thinking about what to do a Motswana
neighbour came and assisted
in calling the ambulance which took the body.
We did not have resources to
take the body to Zimbabwe and it was resolved
that we bury the deceased here
in Botswana.
The Batswana neighbors came in numbers to help with
the paperwork which
seemed hectic and tedious. Donations were made in the
community and even the
councilor came to the funeral. Money for a coffin and
food was raised
amongst the neighbors; there was unity amongst the people
which made me
proud. Relatives from Zimbabwean were assisted to come to
attend the
funeral.
I want to acknowledge that cultures are
different, even in Africa. There
were interesting disparities between the
Setswana and Zimbabwean way of
burying the dead. First to note was the
dressing, in Zimbabwe you are not
expected to be very smart, instead you can
be scruffy and no one would mind
that. However Batswana they dress formal, so
we had to clarify this point
because by the time we arrived at the cemetery
other Batswana people looked
at us showing serious shock. In our Zimbabwean
custom people can drink beer
and the friends can even go to the coffin and
tease the dead to wake up, but
this also really shocked Batswana. Batswana
believe in after tears, but in
Zimbabwe it can be during
tears.
What really touched is the tolerance of the Batswana when we
arrived at the
cemetery. We were singing our shona song garai neni garai neni
which means
stay with me in my time for mourning. There was consensus that
there would
turn to sing songs, first Batswana and Zimbabweans later. I want
to be
honest that the deceased in the cemetery that morning were really
buried in
Africa, where there were escorted with songs of different
languages.
When we were returning from the cemetery I gave a lift to
one of the
Zimbabwean ladies whom I was narrating my appreciation to the
Batswana
people and their President. She then interjected me and told me that
the
week before the Botswana government had helped bury another Zimbabwean
due
to financial constraints .The Botswana government then provided the
widow
with transport money to go back to Zimbabwe. This made me to conclude
in my
heart that President Khama and his people have been true friends of
the
Zimbabwean people, who did not only speak good intentions for neighbor
to
live in peace but also put words into action
However when I was
requested to make a speech on behalf of the Zimbabwean
community I really
thanked the Batswana people and encouraged Zimbabwean
people to also take
initiatives to attend funerals and other mishaps which
might befall their
neighbourhood irrespective of nationality. This was a
true eye opener that
Zimbabweans especially in Diaspora should have clubs or
groups so that when
there is a funeral or problem they can be able to take
their friend back to
Zimbabwe for burial. You will agree with me that in our
custom a person
should be buried in his home village or at least in the
country of
birth.
++Simbarashe Chirimubwe is the leader of Concerned Africans
Association and
Global Zimbabwe-Diaspora Forum Coordinator for Rest of Africa
HARARE, 11 September 2008 (IRIN) - It
is 7 a.m. at the main long-distance bus terminus in Zimbabwe's capital, Harare.
The roof-rack of a battered 75-seater bus is piled high with goods, from bales
of dried tobacco leaves to reed mats, in preparation for the 24-hour journey
southeast to the town of Sango, in Chiredzi district on the Mozambican border.
Photo:
IRIN
Cross
border traders
"We go to the Sango border every Wednesday morning and if we travel
without any problems we arrive there early on Thursday morning. It is a long
journey of over 500 kilometres," a bus conductor for the Mukumba Brothers
transport company, who declined to be named, told IRIN.
"The luggage we
are carrying belongs to traders, who are going to sell their goods in
Mozambique. On our return trip the bus is equally loaded on top and inside with
rice, cooking oil, food and other things such as soap that most traders bring
back," the conductor said.
Mukumba Brothers is one of several bus
companies plying the Harare-Chiredzi route, which is not as well known as the
Harare-Mutare route to the eastern border, but a busy trading route all the
same.
The bus, crammed with passengers perched between bags and bundles,
leaves Harare two hours late, only to stop for another hour in Willowvale, a
light industrial area on the city limits, where drums of scarce diesel is poured
into the tank while mechanics carry out last-minute checks on the vehicle.
The bus finally begins its journey in earnest in the midday heat, but
Mervis Chiuto, a cross-border trader and mother of three, is not concerned about
the delays.
"I have been selling reed mats in Mozambique
for many years and I have been using this route for a long time. This road from
Harare to the border is long, but once you cross into the Mozambican side it is
easy to travel because there is a cheap train that goes to [the Mozambican
capital] Maputo. That is the one I have been using all these years," Chiuto told
IRIN.
I sent my children to school
through cross-border trade. Now they are married, but I still continue buying
and selling things because the cost of life in Zimbabwe is now very expensive
and you need to work. My son is a teacher but I also look after him, because his
salary can't even buy a bar of soap
"I sent my children to school through cross-border trade. Now they
are married, but I still continue buying and selling things because the cost of
life in Zimbabwe is now very expensive and you need to work. My son is a teacher
but I also look after him, because his salary can't buy even a bar of soap," she
said.
"People used [to use] the Mutare route to Mozambique because there
is a better road, but life has worsened in Zimbabwe and in the past two years I
have seen the number of people using the Sango border increase. More people have
been buying food such as rice and sugar for their families, and for resale back
home [in Zimbabwe]."
Lifeline
Zimbabwe's
economic meltdown has left few people in the country untouched. Unemployment is
above 80 percent, annual inflation is officially estimated at more than 11
million percent, and shortages of basic foods, electricity, fuel and potable
water are commonplace.
More than three million people, a third of the
population, are believed to have left for neighbouring countries or have gone
even further afield to Europe and Australia in search of work, and many remit
money to their relatives trying to eke out a living in Zimbabwe.
The
widespread shortages, which the UN predicts will see more than five million
people requiring food assistance by early 2009, has resulted in a huge increase
in cross-border trading.
"I am on my way to Maputo to buy sports shoes
and labels for resale back in Zimbabwe. I do this once every month. Some other
times I also come back with packets of rice when I can carry them," Tapiwa
Chimombe, another trader, told IRIN.
Chimombe graduated from a "good"
Harare school in 2000 after passing his A Levels, but turned to cross-border
trading when he could not find work in the formal sector. He said many other
young men who had worked in banks or as technicians had given up their formal
jobs and become traders "because a white-collar job no longer pays in Zimbabwe".
"You find that most of the women who have been using this route know
each other, and the same goes for most of us young people as well. After a few
months of doing this you start to recognise familiar faces."
The
familiarity of the passengers makes conversations come easily, albeit in hushed
tones, about the recent elections and the ongoing talks between President Robert
Mugabe's ZANU-PF party and Morgan Tsvangirai, leader of the opposition Movement
for Democratic Change (MDC).
"Like most of the passengers in here I paid
R150 (US$19) for this trip because it is easier to pay for things in Zimbabwe
with [South African] rands than with local currency. The bus companies prefer
payment in foreign currency rather than in Zimbabwe dollars and this is a sign
that things are not good, and we need ZANU-PF and MDC to reach an agreement soon
or there will be no future for our children," Chimombe said.
The final
180km to the Mozambican border, which skirts the Gonarezhou National Park, is on
dirt roads. "In the next few months, when the rain season begins, this dust road
becomes a hazard. Buses fail to navigate the dust road so some of the companies
withdraw their buses, and truck drivers charge us exorbitant fees to transport
our goods," Chiuto commented.
Sango border
The
bus arrives at Sango in the early hours of the morning. The Zimbabwe-Mozambique
border is demarcated by two red-brick buildings that house officials from the
Zimbabwe Revenue Authority (ZIMRA) and the department of immigration.
In the half-light of dawn there is already a
queue waiting for the border to open at 6 a.m. People are sleeping on the
pavements, using their luggage as pillows; a few of the women comfort young
children while others wait to use a single tap to wash.
In the next few months, when
the rain season begins, this dust road becomes a hazard. Buses fail to navigate
the dust road so some of the companies withdraw their buses, and truck drivers
charge us exorbitant fees to transport our goods
A few of the
travelling women had toddlers with them.
Thursday is the busiest day of
the week for immigration officials on both sides of the border because the train
comes from Maputo and the long-distance buses arrive from Harare.
Good
news is always a rare commodity, but today there is some. "With effect from
today ZIMRA has increased the amount of foods that can be imported from
Mozambique without being charged duty," an immigration officer tells the
gathering crowd.
"You are now allowed to bring in up two 200 kilograms
of rice and no duty will be charged [a fourfold increase on the previous limit
of 50 kilograms]; the amount of cooking oil you can bring through the border is
now 100 litres [double the previous amount of 50 litres]."
12 September
2008
The Combined Harare Residents Association
(
The Residents and community health experts
have attributed the cholera and diarrhea outbreaks to the shortage of water,
unclean water supplied to homes as well as the raw sewer flowing from burst
sewer pipes. The situation of the victims of the cholera and diarrhea outbreaks
has been worsened by the fact that the local clinics have no medication to give
them. The residents of Harare, Chitungwiza, the relatives and friends of all the
victims of the cholera and diarrhea outbreaks hold the previous cabinet and
ZINWA responsible for these cholera related deaths and illnesses.
Chief Executive
Officer
Combined
Exploration House, Third Floor
Landline: 00263- 4-
705114
Contacts:
IOL
September 12
2008 at 12:34PM
Harare, Zimbabwe - Zimbabwe's state newspaper says
star Olympic
swimmer Kirsty Coventry is giving some of a US$100 000 (about
R811 000) gift
from President Robert Mugabe to local charities.
Mugabe gave the nation's Olympians a total of US$148 000 last month,
even as
international aid agencies warned more than half the country's
population
faces hunger.
The Herald newspaper on Friday quoted the president
of the Zimbabwe
Aquatic Union, Kathy Lobb, as saying Coventry has made
several cash
donations to local charities including one for the elderly and
one for
cancer victims. The swimmer lost two grandparents to
cancer.
The paper said Coventry asked Lobb not to say how much of
the money
she has given away.
Coventry won
one gold and three silver medals at the Beijing games. -
Sapa-AP
http://www.wlns.com/
Associated Press - September 12,
2008 2:54 PM ET
EAST LANSING, Mich. (AP) - Michigan State University has
stripped Zimbabwe
President Robert Mugabe of an honorary law degree it gave
him in 1990,
citing a pattern of human rights abuses.
Mugabe led the
struggle to overcome white minority rule over what then was
called Rhodesia.
But he now faces wide domestic and international opposition
over Zimbabwe's
economic collapse and political repression.
The Lansing State Journal
reports Michigan State trustees voted unanimously
Friday to revoke the
degree, accusing Mugabe of violence, aggression
and
intimidation.
Zimbabwe Embassy spokesman Wilbert Gwashavanhu
(gwah-shu-VAH'-new) in
Washington says Mugabe is a national hero and unifier
who deserves praise
for his leadership.