Zim Standard
BY CAIPHAS CHIMHETE AND VALENTINE MAPONGA
ZIMBABWE
Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) leaders yesterday
described their brutal
attack at the hands of the police and suspected
members of the army at
Matapi Police Station in Harare, as the world scaled
up condemnation of the
barbaric assault.
Both ZCTU president Lovemore Matombo and
secretary general
Wellington Chibebe said they feared for their lives in the
notorious cells.
Speaking from his bed at Parirenyatwa
Hospital where he is
receiving treatment, Chibebe who appeared to have had
the worst ordeal said
he passed out after being heavily
assaulted.
"We were told to get into the cells in pairs on
Wednesday and
upon entering, they started beating us up all over the body
with batons and
a knobkerrie (tsvimbo). The assault carried on for about 20
minutes. I
passed out because of excessive bleeding," said Chibebe, who
sustained two
deep cuts to the head, a broken arm, two broken fingers and
multiple
bruises.
The ZCTU secretary general, who was
paired with a union member
identified as Chiwara, said he fainted around 4PM
on Wednesday. He regained
consciousness the following
morning.
"What made me believe they were not all police
officers is the
systematic way they were beating us and the language they
used. They were
saying 'we were trained to kill and not to write dockets,"
said Chibebe, who
was struggling to speak during the
interview.
Chibebe said what may have made his ordeal worse,
was an earlier
altercation he had with the police at a roadblock a few weeks
ago.
"One of the police officers was actually shouting: Ari
kupi
Chibebe wacho ndiye wekutirova paroadblock mazuva apera aya (Where is
Chibebe? He beat up a police officer recently)," Chibebe
said.
Because of the extent of Chibebe's injuries, a court
session was
conducted at his hospital bed in Ward B11
yesterday.
Harare magistrate Peter Mufunda, who granted
Chibebe free bail,
ordered a thorough investigation into the assault and
directed that a full
report be brought to court by 3 October. He also
ordered that the
perpetrators be brought to book.
ZCTU
president, Lovemore Matombo who was also severely assaulted
by police told
The Standard yesterday that he heard Chibebe wailing, as his
attackers were
about to drag him into the cell at Matapi.
But the ZCTU
president didn't have it easy either. He came out
with swollen hands, a
fractured finger and multiple bruises.
Despite the injuries
they suffered, Chibebe and Matombo told The
Standard the brutal attack had
strengthened their resolve to fight for
workers' rights.
Matombo said the protests would continue soon after their trial
ends.
Matombo and 29 others were granted bail with
stringent
conditions. They were ordered to pay $20 000 (revalued) each,
report to
Harare Central Police Station every Friday, reside at their given
addresses
as well as not to interfere with State witnesses, who are all
police
officers.
Meanwhile, the brutal attack of trade
unionists and opposition
activists by government agents has been roundly
condemned by both the
international and local community, putting Zimbabwe
back on the global
picture for being an outpost of
tyranny.
Among those that have condemned President Robert
Mugabe's
government over the vicious attacks are the governments of the US
and
Britain, trade union organisations such as the International
Confederation
of Free Trade Unions, the African Regional Organisation of the
International
Confederation of Free Trade Unions, the Norwegian
Confederation of Trade
Unions and the Congress of South African Trade
Unions.
The opposition MDC, Doctors for Human Rights and the
Zimbabwe
Christian Alliance rounded up the chorus of condemnation.
Zim Standard
By
Nqobani Ndlovu
BULAWAYO - John Nkomo, the ruling Zanu-PF
chairman, declaring he
is the fourth most powerful person in the land, has
usurped the powers of
Ignatious Chombo, the Minister of Local Government,
Public Works and Urban
Development and set up a commission of inquiry to
investigate the operations
of a council.
Nkomo's
commission of inquiry investigated the Tsholotsho Rural
District Council
(RDC). It came up with recommendations nullifying previous
council
resolutions.
According to sources, Nkomo in meetings in
Tsholotsho said he
was the fourth most powerful man in the presidium and
therefore, his
commission should be respected.
Sources
indicated that Nkomo threatened Ronnie Dube, the
Tsholotsho RDC chief
executive officer and Alois Ndebele, the RDC chairman
with dismissal after
they queried the setting up of Nkomo's commission.
The two
were arrested last Friday, allegedly at Nkomo's
instigation, following a
meeting of the commission of inquiry chaired by the
Zanu PF chairman. They
were released last Sunday.
Dube and Ndebele confirmed their
arrest on Friday.
"We were released on Sunday evening. But
you can get the reasons
and information on our arrest from Nkomo," Dube
said.
The two, sources say, in consultation with the District
Administrator, William Mzamba, believed Nkomo's commission of inquiry was
illegal since proper procedures had not been followed when it was set up.
This miffed Nkomo, sources said.
Matabeleland North
police spokesperson, Augustine Zimbili, could
not be reached for comment on
the arrest of the two.
Headman Ngwizi is the chairman of the
inquiry while one A Dube,
an aspiring councillor, is the secretary. Other
members include a J Sibanda
from Zanu-PF, councillor for Ward 4, T Moyo, F M
Sibanda of the Residents'
Association, Chief Gampu and C Mazibisa
representing the Tsholotsho
Development Association.
Nkomo confirmed chairing the inquiry committee meeting held last
Friday
which resulted in the CEO and chairman's arrest. He, however, denied
setting
up the commission of inquiry.
He said interested Tsholotsho
stakeholders set up the
commission.
"I did not set up the
inquiry committee. It was a stakeholders'
committee and an all stakeholders'
meeting," he said.
"That matter is now with the minister
responsible, Chombo. I
also did not call for their arrest," he added before
switching off his
mobile phone.
The Standard has learnt
that Dube and Ndebele had meetings with
Chombo on Thursday over the setting
up of the commission and their
subsequent arrest. They are set to meet the
minister again this week.
Zim Standard
By Foster Dongozi
THE First Family
may not totally relocate from Gushungo Dairy
Farm, formerly known as Foyle
Farm, as it is in the process of installing
one of the most modern
state-of-the-art dairy equipment, The Standard has
learnt.
Last week, The Standard revealed that the First
Family had
started moving cattle from Gushungo Farm in Mazowe to President
Robert
Mugabe's Highfield Farm in Norton, after The Standard published that
the
First Family were multiple farm owners.
The removal
of 1 100 heifers to Highfield Farm was designed to
give the impression that
Mugabe's family was regularising its operations in
order to avoid policy
contradictions.
However, Zanu PF insiders said the remaining
500 heifers meant
disinvestment was not in the pipeline.
Said one ruling party insider: "It is not likely that the First
Lady will
pull out of Gushungo Farm completely because of the heavy
financial
investment she has made. It includes the installation of
state-of-the-art
computerised dairy parlour. That equipment cannot even be
found in South
Africa and cost her a lot of money."
The equipment in
question is described as De Laval. It was
delivered last year and sources
said it was still being fitted.
In another development, farm
equipment and vehicles at Iron Mask
Farm in Mazowe were auctioned last week
but it was unclear who would benefit
from the proceeds.
Although Lands Minister, Didymus Mutasa, was earlier quoted as
saying sale
of the equipment from an acquired farm such as Iron Mask was
illegal, he was
singing a different tune when asked to confirm his statement
and its legal
basis.
"Ndakanyeperwa. (I was misquoted) I have now resolved
not to
talk to you," he said.
Section 10 of the
Acquisition of Farm Equipment Act reads: "Any
farm equipment or material
acquired in terms of this Act shall vest in the
State for the benefit of the
Land Reform Programme and shall not be sold or
otherwise disposed of to any
private individual, institution or
corporation."
The
equipment bought by former Iron Mask owners, Eva and John
Matthews, included
heavy-duty machinery like combine harvesters, feed
mixers, vehicles,
motorcycles, tractors and planters.
The Standard attended the
auction at Iron Mask last week. There
were murmurs of disapproval at the
disposal of the equipment and vehicles.
"If the equipment was
bought by the previous farm owners, what
is the reason for selling the
equipment? The equipment should be used to
increase agricultural production
on the farm. In any case, who will get the
money?" asked one of the farmers
from Mazowe who said he attended the
auction out of
curiosity.
An official with Ruby Auctions claimed they had
been given the
authority to auction the farm equipment by Reserve Bank
Governor Gideon
Gono, who is the chairman of the First Lady's charity
organisation. Gono was
not immediately reachable for
comment.
The First Family was recently reported to be
benefiting from
agricultural expertise from the Agricultural Rural
Development Authority
(ARDA) at their farms.
In some
instances ARDA employees were working for the First
Family with ARDA paying
their salaries.
Zim Standard
FOUR journalists from both the private and public
media on
Friday walked out on Deputy Minister of Health and Child Welfare,
Dr Edwin
Muguti, as he was addressing an "urgent" Press conference to redeem
himself
from statements he made two weeks ago.
Among
these were reporters from The Herald.
Muguti had earlier
accused the National Aids Council (NAC) of
under-performing and failing to
account for funds it got through the
National Aids Trust Fund, formerly the
Aids Levy.
Although the Press conference was meant for Muguti
to retract
his statement, the deputy minister tried to shift the blame to
the media.
He blamed the media for "unfair" coverage of his
statements and
said that the media had "blown the issue out of proportion"
by making it
appear as though there was a "major war" between the NAC and
his ministry.
He said: "I want to put it on record that my
criticism of NAC
was taken out of context and that the statements I made
were purely
historical."
Zim Standard
By Nqobani Ndlovu
BULAWAYO -
Two government ministers exchanged insults after one
took exception to what
she believed to be accusations that she was a cattle
thief, made by the
other at a public meeting.
Sithembiso Nyoni, the Minister of
Small and Medium Enterprises,
last Sunday traded insults with Andrew Langa,
the Deputy Minister of
Environment and Tourism, after she felt her Zanu PF
colleagues had accused
her of stock theft.
Nyoni was
allegedly miffed by Langa's comments, made in a
meeting with farmers at
Kombo in Fort Rixon.
Nyoni did not attend the meeting but was
represented by her
husband, Peter.
The meeting explored
ways of stopping an escalation in stock
theft cases in the area, which is
near Nyoni's property, Fountain Farm.
Without mentioning
names, Langa told the farmers that senior
politicians in the area were
behind the stock theft.
He is reported to have said:
"Unfortunately, despite the
government's good intentions, some farmers,
among them senior politicians,
are suspected of involvement in stock theft
cases. If the stock theft
syndicates are allowed to go on like this, they
may derail the land reform
programme.
"In this
government, no one is above the law. I want to advise
police officers not to
fear politicians because the law is there for
everyone."
Langa indicated that he would invite the Minister of State
Enterprises,
Anti-Monopolies and Anti-Corruption, Paul Mangwana, and Home
Affairs
Minister, Kembo Mohadi, to investigate stock theft allegations in
Fort
Rixon.
Authoritative sources said after the meeting Nyoni
called Langa
for clarification. She is alleged to have used harsh words with
the Insiza
MP. She then accused him of being a Mafikizolo in the party and
the
government.
Langa confirmed the incident when
contacted for comment. "She
did phone me after the meeting, expressing her
reservations over my
comments," Langa said.
"But I have
nothing against her and whatever comments I made
were not directed at
anyone. I went to the meeting as the MP at the
invitation of the farmers
over rising stock theft. They wanted me to find a
way to put an end to the
cases."
Repeated efforts to obtain a comment from Nyoni were
fruitless.
Recently, three of her employees appeared in court after 18
stolen beasts
were positively identified at Fountain Farm by the owner.
Zim Standard
BY WALTER MARWIZI
CHIREDZI -
Scores of new farmers who took up plots in
conservancies in Chiredzi under
the land reform programme have beat a hasty
retreat to their villages for
fear of marauding elephants.
Lured by the abundance of
wildlife, the villagers from areas
around Rudhanda and Chekenyere in Zaka
communal lands invaded plots opposite
"Makondo" ranch.
The dry area, which receives erratic rainfall, is suitable only
for
ranching.
But the villagers had hoped their fortunes would
change through
feasting on and selling game meat to travellers along the
Ndanga/Chiredzi
highway.
Their dreams were, however,
short-lived when elephants from the
nearby Mungwezi ranch started raiding
the villagers' homesteads.
"I thought I had found a new home
here. I didn't know that my
plot was near the river where they (elephants)
come to drink," said
22-year-old Mauris Chekenyere, who had grabbed a
40-hectare plot.
Realising the intensity of the raids,
Chekenyere said he was
left with no option but to abandon his plot after
realising that he could
not win a "war" with elephants.
"I had two choices: either go back to my village; or stay at my
plot and
fight the elephants which appeared to derive fun from demolishing
our huts.
I just packed my bags," he said.
He returned where he had
originally come from - Chekenyere
village - and does not entertain any hopes
of going back to his plot,
although sometimes he thinks about the
meat.
As one drives along the highway after the junction that
used to
divide the communal area from the game ranches, a number of
abandoned huts
come into full view. Many of the pole and mud makeshift
structures have been
abandoned.
Zim Standard
By Nqobani Ndlovu
BULAWAYO
businessman Langton Masunda faces arrest for failing to
turn up in court to
answer charges of poaching a baboon and other wild
animals worth $123 000 at
the disputed Lugo Ranch.
Masunda has been locked in a
protracted dispute with Speaker of
Parliament and Zanu PF chairman, John
Nkomo, over the ownership of the
ranch.
He was set to
appear before Hwange Magistrate, Eilene Madzorera
last Tuesday but did not
turn up and a warrant of arrest has since been
issued.
Masunda's lawyers, Vonani Majoko & Majoko Legal Practitioners,
confirmed
that Masunda did not go to court on Tuesday but expressed
ignorance over the
warrant of arrest.
"I am yet to be informed on that but we,
of course, did not go
there after learning that the Magistrate would not be
available," said the
law firm when contacted for comment.
However, officials at the Hwange Magistrates' Court confirmed
that a warrant
of arrest had been issued against Masunda.
"The Magistrate
was not there but a warrant of arrest against
Masunda has been issued as he
was supposed to come to court even though the
Magistrate was not there,"
said an official.
Zim Standard
BY OUR STAFF
A new wave of
evictions is taking place in Harare - more than a
year after Operation
Murambatsvina left nearly one million people homeless.
Harare
municipal police and officers from the Zimbabwe Republic
Police (ZRP) have
been involved in the fresh wave, which is targeting
vending stalls, houses
and shops, which survived Murambatsvina last year.
Just
recently, police and council workers pounced on Glen View
Suburb, destroying
tuck shops and cottages.
Residents in the high-density suburb
were surprised when they
woke up on a Thursday morning to see about 15
baton-stick wielding municipal
police and five ZRP officers pulling down
tuck shops.
When The Standard visited the site in Glen View
1, former shop
owners with the help of residents were trying to recover
asbestos sheets,
bricks and electrical gadgets from the
rubble.
A livid Terrence Mukuti said: "They did not give us
time to
remove our property - only 48 hours to vacate.
"How are we going to survive? Do they want us to become
thieves?"
Glen View, generally regarded as an opposition
Movement for
Democratic Change stronghold, has in the past been targeted by
the council
and government.
Last year anti-riot police
went on the rampage beating up people
after residents mobilised themselves
and revolted against the clean-up
operation.
A resident,
Taurai Saukeni, said it was unfortunate that even
with the high levels of
unemployment and acute housing shortages, the
government was still
determined to inflict more suffering of its people.
William
Nhara, the outspoken Zanu PF Harare provincial
spo-kesperson promised
comment but had not done so by the time of going to
print.
Percy Toriro, Harare City Council public relations
manager,
confirmed the operation in Glen View but insisted it was not
another
Operation Murambatsvina.
He said: "It is not
Murambatsvina again but a routine
enforcement of existing and standing
regulations.
"However, we understand the need to provide
proper trading
places so that we avoid confrontation with vendors. We are
seriously pushing
relevant departments for that."
A week
ago, police knocked down temporary homes in Epworth.
Zim Standard
BY NQOBANI NDLOVU
BULAWAYO - The
Bulawayo City Council has condemned houses built
under Operation
Garikai/Hlalani Kuhle as "death traps".
The council has
already issued eviction notices to over 100
families living in the houses in
Cowdray Park.
The council said the evictions were designed to
prevent the
outbreak of diseases such as diarrhoea and respiratory
infections as the
two-roomed houses built under the programme did not
provide sanitary living
conditions.
Latest health,
housing and education council minutes noted the
evictions were in line with
the council's public health by-laws since the
houses did not have water and
sewer reticulation systems.
The minutes read in part:
"Developing a project of this nature
and size on unserviced land had
inherent problems that in the long run
negate whatever gains may be
envisaged in providing shelter to residents.
"Lack of water
and sewer reticulation compromised hygiene
standards and created a nuisance
of fouling of open spaces. In fact,
residents swapped death from exposure to
the elements for death through
diarrhoea and respiratory infections as a
result of unsanitary living
conditions".
The council said
to ensure compliance with by-laws, residents
"were being served with notices
to ensure provision of sanitary facilities
or vacate. This was a tedious
exercise more so in the times of fuel
shortages that hindered the health
inspectors' mobility".
The council report said the houses
should be occupied after
being given a "certification of occupation" from
the health inspectorate.
Cowdray Park councillor, Stars
Mathe, confirmed that the
occupants had been given
notices.
Bulawayo executive mayor Japhet Ndabeni-Ncube was
diplomatic
when contacted for comment.
"All we are saying
is that you don't occupy incomplete houses
without such basic (water and
sewerage) services. We are saying to the
people that put the families there:
can you correct that situation because
there would be a terrible
disaster.
"Why did they put those people in those houses
without such
basic services in the first place? This was just a case of
creating problems
for Bulawayo and creating an unhealthy situation in the
city."
He said the council was empowered by council by-laws
and State
laws to look at the health aspect of its
residents.
Cain Mathema, the Governor and Resident Minister
of Bulawayo
Metropolitan Province, who recently commissioned construction of
Phase Two
of operation Garikai/Hlalani Kuhle at Cowdray Park refused to
comment on the
evictions.
"Tshiyana lami wena (Leave me
alone). I don't have a comment. Go
to the council," Mathema
said.
Ignatius Chombo, the Minister of Local Government,
Public Works
and Urban Development, could not be reached for
comment.
Nearly one million families were rendered homeless
after the
demolition of their houses under the government-sponsored
Operation
Murambatsvina in May last year.
Government and
Zanu PF officials have been accused of corruptly
grabbing the houses while
Murambatsvina victims still have no shelter.
Zim Standard
BY
WALTER MARWIZI
ONLY five years ago, the one kilometre
stretch linking Tshovani
Township to Chiredzi central business district was
a tarred road.
Today it is as dusty as any other gravel road
in Zimbabwe's
communal areas.
While visitors can hardly
notice that it was once tarred, locals
say their hearts bleed each time they
think of the road.
Ironically, the road is a stone's throw
away from the Chiredzi
town council offices. It was infested with potholes
before being
subsequently reduced to a gravel path.
Now,
whenever a vehicle trundles on the uneven gravel, clouds of
dust rise and
end up at Chiredzi's main flea market, which lies along the
side of the
road.
There are also several businesses along the road that
are
affected, forcing staff to close doors to ward off the choking
dust.
"Each time you buy clothes or anything from the flea
market, you
have to wash them first," said a disappointed resident," Khesani
Chauke.
But that is not the only nuisance or source of worry
for
residents of this small establishment that appears to have been on
accelerated decline during the past six years.
Once a
bustling agricultural town, Chiredzi is now a pale shadow
of its former
self. More than any other town in Zimbabwe, it manifests the
decay directly
linked to the government's chaotic land reform.
Infrastructure that had been jealously guarded in the past is
crumbling and
nothing is being done to stop the rot.
The Tshovani road is
not the only infrastructure that has been
run down.
Chiredzi's "First Street", the road that runs halfway across the
small
central business district is headed for the same fate. It may not be
long
before the road turns into yet another gravel stretch at the centre of
the
town.
While cities like Harare have to deal with a large
network of
roads, Chiredzi has to concentrate on just a 16km network that
needs to be
resealed.
In the overcrowded Tshovani
Township, the situation has gone out
of hand. Motorists now dread driving
across the corrugated roads with humps
the size of graves. But just a few
years ago, this once rich sugar town
boasted tarred roads that were
well-maintained. The alert council repair
teams, repaired the damaged roads
quickly with the assistance of Hippo
Valley Estates.
There were also many well-wishers - individual cane growers who
used to chip
in during times of need.
But Chiredzi has hit hard times. The
local council is broke and
ill-equipped. So-called new farmers,
beneficiaries of the government's
widely discredited agrarian reforms, have
invaded the sugar estates. Many of
these farmers, inexperienced and without
adequate resources, have only
succeeded in turning the once productive land
into a vast wasteland.
Chiredzi residents say the arrival of
new farmers in the Lowveld
is directly related to the downturn in the
fortunes of their town. They say
even their families are suffering as a
result of lost incomes.
The residents attributed the town's
collapsing infrastructure to
a decline in cane production, which forced many
companies to pull out of
Chiredzi, prejudicing the council of its major
source of revenue. Commercial
banks followed suit.
The
displacement of productive commercial farmers rendered
thousands of people
jobless, they noted. People who had been employed on
sugar plantations and
farms on the outskirts of Chiredzi, either on full
time or contract basis
contributed in one way or the other to the town's
economic
activities.
During the evenings, many used to patronise
Chigarapasi,
arguably Zimbabwe's largest beerhall, for entertainment. During
its heyday,
Chigarapasi would be packed to capacity especially on days when
cane cutters
were paid, thereby generating revenue for the local
authority.
But on a Friday night ten days ago when The
Standard visited the
beerhall, once a cash cow for the council, there were
very few patrons, most
of who appeared to be idlers.
"If
you go around the township you will be surprised that many
people who used
to get jobs in the sugar industry are living miserable
lives. Many have gone
back to their rural homes," said Chauke.
This probably
explained why accommodation was very cheap in
Chiredzi, he added. On
average, renting a room costs $1 000 a month.
While Chiredzi
Town Secretary, identified as Muchatukwa, was
reported to be away from his
office last week, council sources said the
local authority was
broke.
One of the sources said a turnaround strategy document
formulated in August last year was gathering dust at the council offices due
to lack of funds. The document recommended the resealing of the roads and
upgrading of the water works.
"Without money, you can't
turn around anything. Maybe, the money
will come from the Reserve Bank of
Zimbabwe or the Public Sector Investment
Programme," said the
source.
Zim Standard
BY
OUR STAFF
SOME parts of Braeside have gone for nearly a
month without
electricity after ZESA Holdings removed a transformer from
their area and
used it to replace a malfunctioning one at the army's 2
Brigade barracks.
Disappointed residents last week told The
Standard they have
been in the dark since mid-August.
Narrating their ordeal, one of the residents said after a
malfunctioning
transformer at the army barracks had gone for a week without
being replaced,
ZESA workers swapped it with the one that served them.
"We
have been in darkness for the past three weeks because they
don't have the
foreign currency to import transformers. Instead of replacing
the damaged
transformer with a new one, they took the one that was serving
our houses on
the pretext that an army barracks was a security zone," said
one
disappointed resident.
He said around 20 houses in Campbell
and Edward roads in
Braeside were affected by the move and the only houses
with electricity in
the area were either owned by senior security officers
or government
officials.
"They told us army barracks
could not go without electricity,"
said the source.
The
transformers are located at the corner of Glenara Avenue and
Chiremba
Road.
ZESA general manager (corporate communications) James
Maridadi
denied the transformers were swapped.
"Yes, the
two transformers experienced different faults but they
were never swapped.
The one serving 2 Brigade had a cable fault and it was
repaired instantly
because the material was available," said Maridadi.
Zim Standard
By Our
Staff
SABLE Chemicals' future hangs in the balance amid
reports that
the Kwekwe-based company is failing to access US$2.5 million
needed to keep
it afloat.
The fertiliser producer has
since warned of an imminent collapse
"if the situation is not addressed
immediately" and said it will not be able
to produce the 240 000 tonnes of
ammonium nitrate needed to meet local
demand.
Zimbabwe is
already making efforts to cover the fertiliser
deficit with monetary
authorities announcing last Wednesday agro-input
facilities amounting to
US$490 million.
But Sable Chemicals is still left in a
precarious position and
has to raise hard currency to avert a "technical
collapse" with industry
raising concerns that imports of products that can
be manufactured locally
were depleting the country's meagre foreign currency
resources.
Minutes of a meeting held by the Midlands Chapter
of the
Confederation of Zimbabwe Industries last Tuesday revealed that the
subsidiary of TA Holdings had only produced 80 000 tonnes in six months
because of machinery breakdown.
"Machinery is 20 years
overdue for service and there is serious
need to refurbish the plant. The
Electrolysis Plant needs about US$2.5
million for
refurbishment.
"If action is not taken, Sable might collapse
in a technical
sense, forcing the country to import all ammonium nitrate
requirements.
Sable Chemicals has a maximum production capacity of 240 000
tonnes for
ammonium nitrate per year. By end of July only 80 000 tonnes had
been
produced," said the report.
The company said its
efforts to increase production have been
thwarted by delays in making
foreign currency available.
"Company has been applying for
forex but has received
insignificant amo-unts. In previous cases forex is
only made available in
November when it is too late, forcing government to
import finished
products," officials told the gathered
delegates.
Industry has thrown its support behind Sable and
urged
government to save local industries and stop the unnecessary
imports.
Zimbabwe is in the throes of an economic meltdown
characterised
by a crippling shortage of foreign exchange.
Zim Standard
BY NDAMU SANDU
AT least 350 buyers
have confirmed participation at this year's
Zimbabwe International Travel
Expo, which begins next month.
The figure represents a 57%
increase from last year's figure of
146 who participated at the annual
tourism exhibition.
Zimbabwe Tourism Authority (ZTA) CEO,
Karikoga Kaseke, told
Standardbusiness last week that the organisers
expected the figure to
increase by at least 100 before the 5 October
deadline.
The expo runs from 12 - 15 October and the
organisers estimate
that at least 350 buyers will grace the
expo.
Kaseke said that this year's expo had been elevated to
national
status following recommendations from the Tourism, Image and
Communications
Taskforce of the new economic model, the National Economic
Development
Priority Programme (NEDPP) launched early this
year.
NEDPP is envisaged to have input from all stakeholders
to bring
the Zimbabwean economy - in a freefall over the past eight years -
onto a
sound footing.
Kaseke said this year's expo has a
regional flavour following
the invitation of all members of the Southern
African Development Community.
He said: "We have invited all
SADC member states to participate
and five - Malawi, Zambia, Mozambique,
Tanzania, Botswana and Namibia - have
confirmed
participation."
Last year, Mozambique and Tanzania were the
only African
countries at the expo.
Statistics made
available by ZTA show that of the 26 countries
targeted, China topped the
charts with 48 buyers who have confirmed
participation followed by the
United Kingdom with 28 buyers.
Quizzed by Standardbusiness on
the state of preparedness in the
event of water cuts or power outages during
the expo, Givemore Chidzidzi,
ZTA marketing and communications director,
said that all the relevant
stakeholders were working round the clock to
prevent such incidents.
Last year buyers booked at the
Rainbow Towers had to endure
hours without water after the five-star hotel
went dry.
Zim Standard
BY OUR
STAFF
ZIMBABWE will be in the spotlight next month when
an array of
speakers present papers on how the economy can be made more
attractive to
investment.
The meeting is organised by the
American Business Association of
Zimbabwe (ABAZ).
The
economic forum is held under the theme "Just Business" and
is designed to
engage leading business executives, decision-makers and
opinion
leaders.
Spokesperson for the organising team Tony Jordan
said: "The
American Business Association of Zimbabwe believes it can play a
meaningful
role in generating useful discussion on business issues of all
kinds.
"In the current economic environment we would like to
stimulate
dialogue and far reaching debate on the key topics of turning the
economy
around and reviving investment."
Award-winning
Brazilian economist Dr Caio Megale and South
African strategist and best
selling author Chantell Ilbury are the keynote
speakers.
Megale was responsible for the macro-economic analysis of the
Brazilian
economy at Gavea Investmentos. Illbury specialises in managing
strategic
conversation and is a firm believer in the power of scenario
thinking as the
most operative form of business strategy in the new economy.
Other luminaries will include Anton van Wyk and Thabani Jali of
PricewaterhouseCoopers in South Africa, agricultural economist Dr John
Mellor of Abt Associates (USA) and Dr Matthews Chikaonda of Press
Corporation of Malawi.
Zim Standard
BY OUR STAFF
ZIMBABWE has the second
worst barriers of entry in Southern
Africa to prospective business
investors, says a new report by the World
Bank.
According
to the report, Doing Business 2007: How to Reform,
released a fortnight ago,
Zimbabwe is ranked 153 out of the 175 countries
used in the survey. The
Doing Business database provides indicators of the
cost of doing business by
identifying specific regulations that enhance or
constrain business
investment, productivity, and growth
It ranks economies on
their ease of doing business with a high
ranking index signifying that the
regulatory environment is conducive to the
operation of business. This index
averages the country's percentile rankings
on 10 topics: starting a
business; dealing with licences; employing workers;
registering property;
getting credit; protecting investors; paying taxes;
trading across borders;
enforcing contracts and closing a business.
Diamond-rich
Angola was ranked the worst destination in the
region on 156. Zimbabwe's
southern neighbour South Africa emerged as the
best destination in Southern
Africa ranked 29, while Botswana occupied the
48th slot on the ladder.
Zimbabwe's northern neighbours Zambia was ranked
102, Mozambique (140)
Swaziland (76), Malawi (110) and Lesotho (114).
The "starting
a business topic" identified the bureaucratic and
legal hurdles an
entrepreneur must overcome to incorporate and register a
new firm. It
examines the procedures, time, and cost involved in launching a
commercial
or industrial firm, among others.
The Dealing with Licences
topic tracks the procedure, time, and
costs to build a warehouse, including
obtaining necessary licenses and
permits, completing required notifications
and inspections, and obtaining
utility connections.
The
report also measured the flexibility of labour regulations,
examining the
difficulty of hiring a new worker, rigidity of rules on
expanding or
contracting working hours, the non-salary costs of hiring a
worker, and the
difficulties and costs involved in dismissing a redundant
worker.
The report also looked at the steps, time, and
cost involved in
registering property. It also looked at the credit
information registries
and the effectiveness of collateral and bankruptcy
laws in facilitating
lending.
The strength of minority
shareholders' protection against misuse
of corporate assets by directors for
their personal gain, was also used as a
benchmark to measure the favourable
conditions of doing business in a given
country.
The
taxes that a medium-size company must pay or withhold in a
given year, as
well as measures of administrative burden in paying taxes
were taken into
consideration as well.
The report used the favourable
conditions that would necessitate
trade across borders. In this case, it
looked at the procedural requirements
for exporting and importing a
standardised cargo of goods.
The survey looked at the
efficiency of contract enforcement by
following the evolution of a sale of
goods dispute and tracking the time,
cost, and number of procedures involved
from the moment the plaintiff files
the lawsuit until actual payment, among
other things.
Zim Standard
Comment
THE government never learns. No amount of
force will quell
genuine grievances.
Last week's arrest
of workers' leaders and brutal suppression of
the demonstration of the
Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) by police
showed just how scared
the government is of public disaffection with its
mismanagement of the
country.
The government is also aware that its days are
numbered. More
importantly, it is haunted by recognition of its incompetence
at finding a
viable solution to the myriad problems it has created for this
country. It
is precisely its inability to fashion creative alternatives to
the current
crises that causes it to react with such disproportionate
intensity and
brutality.
For some time the labour
movement has sought to engage the
government and employers through the
Tripartite Negotiating Forum, but the
outcome has always been inconclusive.
The government insists the parties
should return to the negotiating table -
without addressing the reasons why
previous attempts have failed to produce
an agreement.
In its panic, the government frames any public
manifestation of
discontent with the way it has mismanaged the country as a
regime change
agenda. It is this obsession with its ouster that clouds the
manner in which
it looks at issues that are genuine. There is no regime
change agenda when
the people protest that they cannot make ends meet. There
is no regime
change agenda when people demand access to anti-retroviral
treatment. There
is no regime change agenda when the people demand a new
beginning. There is
no regime change agenda when the people protest against
increasing
impoverishment. There is no regime change agenda when the people
protest the
betrayal of the goals of the struggle for
independence.
In cranking up its propaganda machine, the
government declared
the ZCTU-led mass action had failed. Only imbeciles
would believe such
puerile offerings. By deploying police details onto the
streets of the urban
centres almost a week before last Wednesday's strike,
the government made
sure protesters would not be allowed freedom to stage a
demonstration. The
demonstration did not flop because it was never afforded
the space.
By arresting the leadership of the labour
movement, the
government intended to deprive the workers of their leaders
during the
demonstration.
But the government has a short
memory. The history of the
struggle for independence in this country teaches
us that no amount of force
can keep people oppressed forever. Time will come
when they will be prepared
to sacrifice their lives in order to gain
freedom.
The government also does not learn that when it uses
force to
suppress peaceful protest, the oppressed will resort to violence.
That is
how the freedom fighters decided on a change of tactics in
confronting the
regime of Ian Smith.
The struggle for
independence started as a peaceful
demonstration but evolved into an armed
struggle because of the
intransigence of Smith's government. The government
needs to appreciate that
when it is the one that promotes and practises
violence and the use of
force, the next demonstration will not be
peaceful.
The government may have survived for another day,
but deep down
they understand how increasingly unpopular they have become
because of their
intolerance to alternative views. The clock is ticking and
their days are
numbered.
Freedom can only be denied
temporarily. It can never be denied
permanently. The government's penchant
for the good life is legendary for a
country on its knees. It is lack of
empathy for the plight of the workers
that fuels increasing discontent and
no amount of force can suppress it.
Zim Standard
Sunday Opinion By Itai Zimunya
AN intra-Zanu PF power-sharing
agreement is the last thing that
Zimbabwe needs because it could mean the
masses continue to suffer while
looting continues to be the preoccupation of
the political sultans.
An all-out MDC government is possible
more as a theory than in
reality in the short term, though it is possible in
the medium term. While
the opposition has the active support of the masses
more than Zanu PF, it is
the military aspect that is the stumbling block. It
is the key that one
faction of Zanu PF presents. This brings with it avenues
for the making of a
new democratic constitution leading to free and fair
elections.
This is the fourth way. It presupposes the
existence of three
other possible avenues of political development. These
include a)
maintenance of the status quo b) total power to the opposition
without Zanu
PF, and c) domination of Zanu PF with a subdued opposition in
Parliament,
the Senate and city councils.
Analyses of
these possible options reveal that hopes of an
all-Zanu PF or an all-MDC
government is a mirage. Such a scenario does not
cherish multi-partyism and
is constructed around a one-party-state manifesto
base - a political system
that has made Zimbabwe wilt under President Robert
Mugabe, the Alpha and
Omega of Zanu PF.
Option three represents cosmetic democracy
where a dictator
displays and celebrates the holding of elections according
to the
constitutional calendars and celebrates minority and insignificant
opposition representation in parliament, in the senate and in local
government authorities as a sign of people's will.
The
fourth way is inevitable and history is with Zimbabwe. In
reference to
Africa and Zimbabwe in particular, socio-political transition
cannot occur
in a mathematical formula of total elimination of the status
quo. That is
why in 1980, the Patriotic Front joined hands with the former
oppressors and
entered into a new phase of politics.
South Africa is another
model of the fourth way, where in 1994
the emerging revolutionary power
engaged a section of the oppressive
machinery to facilitate reforms. This is
possible inZimbabwe, despite the
existence of extreme resentment both among
the cadres of the opposition and
those that are benefiting from free
government funds.
It has to be noted, however, that such a
move must not be used
to crush other political opinions. Opposition
politics, in the case of
Zimbabwe, must be encouraged to provide the balance
of power. For a
meaningful implementation of this proposal, issues of
transitional justice
must be visited, where victims of socio-economic and
political violence are
compensated and perpetrators brought to
book.
This proposition is believed to be the reverse of what
South
African President had prescribed for Zimbabwe. It is believed that
during
the 2003 MDC - Zanu PF dialogue, it was President Thabo Mbeki's plan
to
sideline Morgan Tsvangirai, seen as a hard-liner, and bring a section of
the
MDC into a coalition government with Zanu PF. This, was doomed to fail
for
several reasons.
The reasons include the exclusion of
ordinary Zimbabweans from
participating in the transitional process and the
reluctance of the
domineering Zanu PF from using force as a tool of
governance. So the people
remained suspicious, and I think will remain
suspicious of any formation
that is dominated by Zanu PF because to them
Zanu PF represents hunger,
oppression, torture and
violence.
The best way forward for Zimbabwe demands a careful
cost-benefit
analysis of any such political moves. Political dialogue is
inevitable. Just
like there has to be a ceasefire in any struggle, it might
be time for the
same to happen in Zimbabwe. Time and accuracy are important,
as any delay
might be dangerous to both the ruling elite and the
opposition.
For the opposition, a long struggle has the
danger of creating
an opposition within an opposition as the foot-soldiers
begin to get tired
and disillusioned, then turning against their own masters
and losing
discipline.
The other present initiative by
the church of coming up with a
national vision document complements the
calls for a new democratic
constitution in addition to setting value based
standards for a future
Zimbabwe.
In conclusion, and from
a nationalist perspective, it may be
time Zimbabweans recognise and
appreciate their political differences and
begin to work towards people -
inclusive dialogue. Everyday is a painful day
for Zimbabweans despite
Reserve Bank Governor Dr Gideon Gono's "Operation
Sunrise" and his sugared
promise of a better Zimbabwe buoyed by bearer
cheques.
Diehards like Mugabe, that have masterminded Zimbabwe's downfall
over the
last 26 years, must be assisted to go by both opposition sections
within and
without Zanu PF, the international community and the church.
Lastly, any mediated settlement on the Zimbabwean crisis must
address the
constitutional vacuum created by the amended Lancaster House
constitution
that Zanu PF claims to be Zimbabwean. Any failure to visit the
constitutional question means the struggles continue for
Zimbabweans.
And it shall continue for it is our
birthright.
* Itai Zimunya is a former student leader and
human rights
defender.
Zim Standard
Sundayview By Wilbert Mandinde
SIX weeks after the 11 September 2001 attacks, a panic-stricken
United
States Congress passed the Patriot Act.
The Act resulted in
an overnight revision of the nation's
surveillance laws that vastly expanded
the government's authority to spy on
its own citizens, while simultaneously
reducing checks and balances as
provided for through judicial oversight,
public accountability, and the
ability for court
challenges.
Almost three years later, the Zimbabwean
government appears
determined to follow suit by coming up with the
Interception of
Communications Bill. What remains unclear though is whether
the Zimbabwean
government is justifiably panic-stricken to consider similar
measures.
The argument by the government and its apologists
that Zimbabwe
needs such legislation because other countries such as the
United Kingdom,
United States, South Africa, Australia, New Zealand, Canada
and Hong Kong
have such legislation does not hold water.
Zimbabwe has to come up with very compelling security reasons,
not
necessarily of similar magnitude to the 9/11 and 7/7 terror bombings in
the
United States and United Kingdom respectively, to justify the
introduction
of the envisaged law.
Gazetted on 26 May 2006, the
Interception of Communications Bill
provides for the establishment of an
interception of communications
monitoring centre together with the
appointment of persons to run that
centre. Monitoring and intercepting shall
be of communications via
telecommunications, postal or any other related
service system.
The Bill also provides for the procedures to
be followed when
applying for the proposed interception by the Chief of the
Defence
Intelligence, the Director-General of the President's Department of
National
Security, the Commissioner of the Police and the
Commissioner-general of the
Zimbabwe Revenue Authority or their
nominees.
The Bill seeks to torpedo the doctrine of the
separation of
powers by vesting excessive powers with the Minister of
Transport and
Communications as the warrant officer without providing for
judicial and
parliamentary oversight.
In a country
experiencing severe foreign currency shortages, the
Bill requires
telecommunication service providers, at their expense, to
install hardware
and software facilities and devices to intercept
communications.
Proponents of the Bill have argued that
with the advancements in
ICTs, the proposed law will strengthen Zimbabwe's
counter-surveillance
activities against perceived states that spy on the
country. It is necessary
to note though that it is recognised worldwide that
wire-tapping and
electronic surveillance is a highly intrusive form of
investigation that
should only be used in limited and unusual
circumstances.
Nearly all-major international agreements on
human rights
protect the right of individuals from unwarranted invasive
surveillance.
Article 12 of the 1948 Universal Declaration of
Human Rights
states: "No one should be subjected to arbitrary interference
with his
privacy, family, home or correspondence, or to attacks on his
honour or
reputation. Everyone has the right to the protection of the law
against such
interferences or attacks."
This language was
adopted into Article 17 of the International
Convention on Civil and
Political Rights, which went into force in 1966. The
UN Commissioner on
Human Rights in 1988 made it clear that this broadly
covers all forms of
communications.
Compliance with Article 17 requires that the
integrity and
confidentiality of correspondence should be guaranteed de jure
and de facto.
Correspondence should be delivered to the addressee without
interception and
without being opened or otherwise read. Surveillance,
whether electronic or
otherwise, interceptions of telephonic, telegraphic
and other forms of
communication, wire-tapping and recording of
conversations should be
prohibited. A number of regional human rights
treaties make these rights
legally enforceable.
In
Africa, the Declaration of Principles on Freedom of
Expression in Africa of
which Zimbabwe is a signatory, stipulates:
* No one shall be
subject to arbitrary interference with his or
her freedom of
expression.
* Any restrictions on freedom of expression shall
be provided by
law, serve a legitimate interest and be necessary in a
democratic society.
In any case, Article 8 of the 1950
Convention for the Protection
of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms
states:
(1) Everyone has the right to respect for his private
and family
life, his home and his correspondence.
(2)
There shall be no interference by a public authority with
the exercise of
this right except as in accordance with the law and is
necessary in a
democratic society in the interests of national security,
public safety or
the economic well-being of the country, for the prevention
of disorder or
crime, for the protection of health of morals, or for the
protection of the
rights and freedoms of others.
The European Court of Human
Rights has heard numerous cases on
the right of the privacy of
communications. It has ruled that countries must
adopt laws regulating
electronic surveillance by both governments and
private parties and set out
guidelines on the protections that countries
must follow.
Article 11 of the American Convention on Human Rights sets out
the right to
privacy in terms similar to the universal declaration.
In
1965, the Organisation of American States proclaimed the
American
Declaration of the Rights and Duties of Man, which called for the
protection
of numerous human rights, including privacy. The Inter-American
Court of
Human Rights has begun to address privacy issues in its
cases.
It is important to note that the Zimbabwean government
proposes
a law that goes beyond acceptable standards of monitoring criminal
activities. The Bill provides for a blanket monitoring provision without
checks and balances. In a constitutional democracy, the doctrine of
separation of powers ensures that checks and balances exist between the
executive, judiciary and legislature.
However this Bill,
among other contentious provisions seeks to
empower the chief of defence
intelligence, the director-general of the
Central Intelligence Organisation,
the Commissioner of Police and the
Commissioner General of the Zimbabwe
Revenue Authority to intercept
telephonic, email and cellphone messages by
applying for such warrants to
the minister. In a constitutional democracy,
indeed such powers should vest
in the judiciary.
Zim Standard
Sunday Opinion By Eldred Masunungure
THE now defunct Electoral Supervisory Commission (ESC) in its
valedictory
report on the Senatorial elections and the Gutu House of
Assembly
by-election of November 2005 noted that the absence of laws for the
registration of political parties had led to the emergence of "fly-by-night"
political parties. It then recommended that to curb this tendency, political
parties should be formally registered.
Many countries
have regulations governing political parties at
some stage of the political
game. These include mature democracies in North
America like Canada and the
United States, many European countries including
Belgium, Denmark, the
Netherlands, France, Germany, Sweden, Italy, Austria,
Spain and African
countries like South Africa, Kenya, Mozambique and
Zimbabwe. There are
numerous aspects of party activity that can be regulated
but in almost all
cases, it is the financing of political parties that is
the most prominent
and also the most contested and controversial.
There is no
law in Zimbabwe that compels political parties to
register in order to
legally exist. The only time registration is obligatory
is during elections
when a party wants to contest by fielding a
candidate(s).
The ESC report claims that the absence of laws for the
registration of
political parties had led to the emergence of "nondescript
small parties
with little content and no standing, let alone
sustainability".
In addition, the ESC asserts that
registration of political
parties will supposedly defend national security
interests as the state
could use the information so availed through
registration to carry out
investigations to ascertain the party's intentions
and to weed out potential
saboteurs.
There is no
consensus on this proposal with opinion deeply
polarised along partisan
lines. Ruling party sympathisers feel this
regulation will stop the
emergence and existence of "brief case" political
parties whose only purpose
is to confuse the masses.
The two MDC factions counter-argue
that the ESC recommendations
are not only unconstitutional but fail to take
into account that political
parties are voluntary organisations and that
legal requirements will
undermine the volunteer character of parties, and
lead to their
privatisation and bureaucratisation. The essence of electoral
democracy,
they contend, is that political parties involve individuals and
organisations that are independent of undue control by the state and hence
should be left alone to determine their internal affairs.
By law, any political party that garners at least 5% of the vote
in the
previous election is eligible to receive public fees, and to date
only two
political parties (the ruling Zanu PF and the main opposition MDC)
have
enjoyed the privilege.
Most political parties in the country,
great or small, still
depend on the financial and other resources of
generous individuals,
businesses and private organisations. Political
parties are not required by
law to disclose their source of donations from
within the country nor does
it set ceilings for such contributions, let
alone account for public funds
that would have been given to
them.
A strictly impartial and inclusive body comprising of
public-spirited citizens who have no partisan affiliations must do the
registration of parties. Though free political participation is guaranteed
in the Zimbabwe Constitution, no political party may participate in an
election unless it is registered as a political party.
Public funding should be provided for registered parties based
on a
consensually arrived at formula and only for electoral purposes. The
formula
must be such that it discourages the sprouting of 'one person',
'brief-case'
and phantom parties.
Legislation must require the disclosure
of the names of donors
to registered parties and candidates if the donation
is more than a
stipulated amount. No contributor should donate through a
third party.
In conclusion, political parties, like
biological organisms,
need to be nurtured in order for them to grow and
develop into healthy and
functional entities. For this, a conducive
operating and institutional
environment is a minimum condition.
Mugabe, Gono- missing the reality of people's
suffering
IT is high time the Governor of the Reserve Bank, Dr
Gedion
Gono, faced the reality that although Zimbabwe's problems are mainly
economic, they are driven by politics. There is a crisis of governance that
is hurting the economy.
The country is being led by
Marxist demagogues who believe in
militarising everything and they are
hell-bent on implementing Leninist
ideologies that were long discarded by
the descendants of their authors.
Unfortunately for Zimbabwe,
they have gone too far down the
wrong road that turning back or giving up is
no longer an option. It's a
case of do or die! They are so paranoid that
they believe their own
hallucinations. How does one look East when the East
is looking West?
It is preposterous buying Canadian or French
aircraft engines
via China when we can buy direct.
To the
President and the Governor, my suggestion is do not look
East. Here is where
to look and you will have no illusions at all:
Look in the
supermarket shelves and the prices which the
majority cannot
afford.
Look at the queues at the fuel stations (if the fuel
is there)
and listen to the motorists.
Look at the school
fees invoices and listen to what the parents
are saying.
Look into the queues at the Post Offices when pensioners are
being
paid.
Look at the faces of the elderly and the infirm in the
rural
areas of Mberengwa, Binga, Gutu as they wait in the scorching sun for
World
Vision and Christian Care to give them rations of maize. Consider who
took
away their dignity.
Look into the hospital wards at
the sick and the dying due to
lack of drugs.
Look into
the hospital mortuaries if you care. Look at the
payslips of your civil
servants. There are there for you to see.
Look at the
Plumtree and Beitbridge border posts and see the
thousands that are being
deported and the multitudes waiting to go back
every week. Look at the
queues of those leaving legally. Listen to what they
are saying if you
can.
Go into Barbourfields, Rufaro and listen to the songs
that the
people are singing during soccer games.
Finally
look at the SUVs and the convertibles that your elite
drive and the mansions
they inhabit. No illusions!
Then go back to the mirror and
reflect. Maybe you will realise
that removing the three zeros from the
currency is cosmetic.
F K
Mutavhatsindi
Beitbridge
-----------
Some citizens seem to be more Zimbabwean than
others?
I am a humble, honest and peace-loving Zimbabwean
who
believes in equity, justice and fair play.
Most
citizens if not all have experienced or witnessed the
harsh way the
unforgettable clean-up exercise was carried out in the name of
restoring
order in cities, towns and growth points alike and accepted the
government's
explanation although with reservations.
Sources of
income for a lot of people were destroyed
during this operation and the
effects in the form of abject poverty,
stress-related illnesses and even
death are still being felt today.
I am a resident of
Glen View and one day I got the shock
of my life to see a wooden structure
erected, painted and written that it
was a phone shop
business.
It had the usual TelOne logo conveniently on
its walls.
But this structure is in a car park or more appropriately, the
open space at
Tichagarika Shopping Centre in Glen View 8, which obviously is
not a
business stand.
What prompted me to write
this letter is not that I do not
appreciate the importance of the services
being offered but the double
standards demonstrated by the local authorities
in issuing a licence to this
structure, which is neatly displayed for all to
see, before the wounds of
"Operation Murambatsvina" have even
healed.
I wish the fair lady at Town House and her
fellow
commissioners could comment on these developments. But I imagine that
is
expecting too much from them.
My question to the
government is whether the private
media, the opposition or non-governmental
organisations should not be
forgiven if they question the real motive behind
the clean-up exercise. I
would not want to delve much into the politics of
it but it seems some
citizens are more Zimbabwean than
others.
Such corrupt activities, although they may
appear small or
minor to most people, will certainly take us a step back in
our efforts of
creating a corruption-free
society.
M Chokumarara
Harare
-----------
Squirrel gift: a
case of VP Mujuru looking a gift horse in
the
mouth
REPORTS that Vice President Joice Mujuru's
close
security officers assaulted a man who had planned to offer the Vice
President a squirrel he hunted for her were
disturbing.
Were the presidential guards or the
police
overzealous as usual? Was the villager trying to harm the Vice
President or
was it a case of the Vice President losing an opportunity to
receive a great
honour?
Before attacking the
villager the security officers
should have studied the connotations of the
dead squirrel. Maybe in this man's
traditional beliefs and custom, a hunted
squirrel is special meat for a
leader of the VP's
stature.
If the villager appeared mentally
unstable, why did
the security people assault the poor man? It is not as if
the man was
carrying a gun or a bomb. My advice to the government and its
security
people is to learn to appreciate the background of the people they
govern,
otherwise the next villager who tries to give the President or the
VP a
pangolin will be severely assaulted or even shot
dead.
Squirrel
Minded
Masvingo
-------------
Accommodation crisis at
AU
I write to register my disappointment over
the
state of affairs at Africa
University.
This institution is well known
and respected,
not only in Africa but worldwide. At the beginning of the
2006-2007 academic
year, in mid-August, most students could not secure
accommodation on campus.
This put female students at
risk.
The accommodation crisis was worsened
by the
university administration's decision to allocate a whole block of
residence
to 36 Masters' students from SADC countries when in actual fact
the block
should accommodate 117
students.
Most of the 117 Zimbabwean
students had
already paid their fees when they were informed of their fate.
No
international student was a victim of this crisis yet we pay the same
fees.
The institution is located 17 km from
Mutare
and transport operators are charging anything between $500 and $800,
making
it difficult for those who have secured alternative accommodation in
town.
My heart bleeds when I see fellow
students
resorting to sugar daddies as a way of getting money and transport
because
of the accommodation crisis. In these days of HIV and AIDS one needs
not be
reminded of the dire consequences of such
actions.
The Vice Chancellor and relevant
authorities
should ensure that the situation returns to normal before the
name of our
institution is dragged into disrepute. If nothing is done as a
matter of
urgency, then most students will not only graduate with degrees
but also
with AIDS.
Concerned
student
Mutare
-------------
Harare Poly going
down
I would like to second the letter about
the
Harare Polytechnic administration which was published in your paper on 3
September 2006.
It is quite saddening
to see the great place
going down because of a few people who lack
professionalism and
administrative skills. The principal seems to tolerate
"yes sir" type of
people around him.
Since the creation of the post of Vice
Principal (Training), we have noted
with concern the number of resignations
that have taken place as a result,
but the sad thing is that no one appears
to
care.
As I write this letter resignations
continue
to be handed in yet the message does not appear to be getting
through.
Concerned
Harare
------------
MDC slams plans for October
polls
WE write to you to raise our concerns
about
the processes and procedures of the rural district council
elections.
As a party we wish to field
candidates in
all wards throughout Zimbabwe. Unfortunately our officials
have encountered
problems in accessing nomination forms in all rural
districts. They are
being advised that due to a shortage of nomination forms
the presiding
officers at each district office are giving out only one
nomination form to
each political
party.
As a result, in virtually all
districts
where our officials have requested nomination forms they have been
given one
and have been advised to make photocopies for the
candidates.
Our understanding of the law
is that the
Electoral Commission is obliged to supply nomination forms to
all who wish
to register as candidates. Even if this was not the law, it
stands to reason
that a free and fair election cannot be held unless
adequate nomination
forms are availed to all persons who wish to contest or
field candidates in
the elections. Accordingly, we hereby demand that
nomination forms, in
adequate quantities be made available to our
candidates.
We note that you have called
for elections
when you have not conducted any voter registration and
inspection exercise.
We believe that you are obliged by law to ensure that
the nomination process
and the elections are preceded by a voter
registration exercise.
We are of the view
that no lawful or free
and fair election can be held without a prior and
properly conducted voter
registration and inspection exercise. Your adverts
providing for the sitting
of nomination courts and elections without a voter
registration and
inspection process seem to us, to be unlawful and also
clearly unfair.
We also advise that our
staff have failed to
access the voters' rolls at the various advertised
offices. No voters' rolls
appear to be available for public inspection at
various centres. In short,
your officers are telling our officials that they
have not been provided
with voters' rolls. The absence of voters' rolls
makes it impossible for
aspiring candidates to check whether their potential
nominations are in fact
registered
voters.
At the nomination court
candidates will be
required to attach to their nomination forms black and
white passport size
photographs. In the vast majority of rural areas there
are no facilities to
obtain photographs, let alone black and white ones.
This means that
candidates have to travel to the nearest urban area.
Considering the fact
that only some nine days' notice has been given for the
sitting of the
nomination court and that candidates have not been
fore-warned through a
voter inspection period, this means that for the
majority of candidates it
would not be possible to travel to urban areas to
obtain the required
photographs. In this context, these local government
elections are nothing
but an ambush.
We also note that it is now a requirement
that candidates should attach a
police clearance to their nomination form.
This police clearance is
obtainable only from Morris Depot in Harare upon
the payment of $2
000.
It is difficult to imagine how
candidates in
more than a thousand wards across the country can be expected,
in the space
of seven working days to travel to Harare to obtain the
requisite police
clearance. What is more, the police clearance requires that
each candidate
be finger-printed. The finger print forms are not available
in practically
all police stations, even in urban areas. They have to be
purchased from
bookshops at a fee.
Many a potential candidate has also
discovered, to our total dismay, that
even when we have supplied the finger
print forms, that many police stations
do not have the required ink. Thus
one can be armed with a privately sourced
finger print form only to find
that they cannot be finger-printed at the
nearest police station because
that police station has no ink. Some police
stations do not have receipt
books and therefore refuse to take
finger-printing fee.
Having regard to all
the above, it appears
that a deliberate and cynical effort has been made to
prevent Zimbabweans
from exercising their democratic right to stand for
office at local
government. It seems to us that under these circumstances,
it is impossible
to hold a free and fair
election.
Priscilla
Misihairabwi-Mushonga
Deputy Secretary
General
Pro-Senate
MDC
----------------
Time to harness all
progressive forces for
final onslaught
THERE is no better time than now for all
progressive forces in Zimbabwe to
rally behind the students' movement which
is currently engaged in an
emancipatory cause.
There is need for
bold statements endorsing
the students' struggle from such powerful civic
groups as ZCTU, Crisis
Coalition, NCA, WOZA, ZLHR, Women's Coalition and
CHRA among others.
There is need for
these civic bodies to use
the goings on within the students' movement to
precipitate a long and
sustainable battle against
tyranny.
Zinasu needs legal, moral and
monetary
support so that its young and energetic lieutenants can penetrate
industries, rural communities, colleges, churches and spread the gospel that
the time for change in Zimbabwe is
now.
On a different note; the Zanu PF
government
must not fool anyone that they want to start intercepting
communications
(e-mail and letters) through the Interceptions of
Communications Bill
currently under discussion. The CIO and President Robert
Mugabe's henchmen
at the Post Office have already been intercepting
communications and
snooping about on individual's private
exchanges.
I have lost all my academic
certificates
from the UK after I posted them through registered mail to the
United States
Embassy in Harare on 22
August.
Looked at in light of the recent
moves to
confiscate activists' passports, it shows that the regime'
leadership has
become so paranoid that they
are
even afraid of their own
shadows.
Phillip
Pasirayi
Lancaster, UK