Jonathan Clayton
in Johannesburg
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=4312
September 16, 2008
By Our
Correspondent
HARARE - Zimbabwe's political rivals failed to meet Tuesday
to share cabinet
ministries as scheduled, a day after a long-awaited
power-sharing government
designed to end the nation's economic crisis was
officially announced.
President Robert Mugabe and the Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) leader
Morgan Tsvangirai, who will become the prime
minister under a power-sharing
deal brokered by South Africa President Thabo
Mbeki, inked a historic
power-sharing deal Monday.
The negotiators
were scheduled to meet Tuesday to make appointments of line
ministries and
then name a new Cabinet on Thursday.
Zanu-PF legal affairs secretary
Patrick Chinamasa dismissed a list of
cabinet designations that was widely
circulated Tuesday, calling it "a wish
list".
And the MDC also
confirmed it may no longer be possible to name the
31-member cabinet on
Thursday as scheduled, because a meeting between the
two sides to iron out
final issues had not happened.
"It's a hoax, a totally malicious list
meant to assassinate certain
characters," said main MDC spokesman Nelson
Chamisa, named in the list as
Media, Information and Publicity minister.
"It's irresponsibility of the
highest order. How do you appoint an Internet
cabinet?
"It's very dangerous. Zimbabweans are not interested in these
phantom lists.
They want the real thing, Zimbabweans want real
issues."
Investors are watching developments in Zimbabwe. The appointment
of the
power-sharing cabinet would be seen a sign the southern African
nation was
ready to save an economy in freefall and leave behind the
post-election
violence that killed at least 131 people and displaced 200,000
more.
The fury over Mugabe and his Zanu-PF's loss in a March 29 general
election
prompted a massive crackdown on the MDC and its supporters which
saw the
Zimbabwean dollar take a massive knock, accelerating an economic
implosion
that dented the country's standing as one of Africa's promising
states.
"The government wishes to reiterate and insist that the list of
cabinet
portfolio balance that is being circulated is speculative and a wish
list of
some people," Chinamasa said. "The president requests Zimbabweans to
remain
patient until he announces the real structure. The list that is
circulating
is a wish list."
Speculation remained rife of an MDC
cabinet list, which if true, would shift
the Finance Ministry to MDC hands -
which is reportedly planning "central
bank reforms to curb quasi fiscal
activities and seignorage."
The MDC was also said to be eager to take
over the key Home Affairs
ministry, and other numerous big-budget ministries
including Education,
Sports and Culture; Higher and Tertiary Education;
Lands, Agriculture and
Resettlement, Constitutional and Parliamentary
Affairs, and Justice and
Legal Affairs.
The MDC was reported to be
also eyeing the new Prisons and Correctional
Services.
Full details
of the power-sharing deal have now been officially announced.
Under the
accord, Mugabe will chair the Cabinet and the National Security
Council,
which includes the army, police and secret services, while
Tsvangirai will
chair a separate Council of Ministers and act as deputy
chairperson of
Cabinet.
Tsvangirai will also be a member of the National Security
Council, oversee
the formulation of government policies by the Cabinet and
report regularly
to the president and Parliament.
Executive authority
will be shared among the president, the prime minister
and the Cabinet as
laid down in an amended constitution.
The two sides say they have divided
up the ministries separately, but have
some technicalities to sort out. Aand
they also face a scramble from inside
their own parties for the plum and
lucrative ministerial jobs.
The previous cabinet had 32 members. Civil
society groups and ordinary
Zimbabweans have complained about the size of
the new cabinet, which will
have a total of 46 ministries, including deputy
ministerial posts.
It will be one of the biggest since independence from
Britain in 1980 and by
some estimates will cost about US$300 000 a month to
maintain.
"Its wasteful government and this has long term implications
because it's an
enormous expense on the economy," said Tabani Moyo,
information officer for
pro-democracy group, Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition.
"We need to ask, 'what
does it mean to sustain 31 ministries?'"
The
announcement that the power-sharing government will be formed after more
than a month of political wrangling prompted a rebound in the South African
Rand and a scramble on the Zimbabwe stock market where there is jostling to
snap up shares in food counters such as OK Zimbabwe.
Diplomatic
sources said there were plans for a donors' conference to raise
funds to
help resuscitate Zimbabwe's ailing economy.
http://www.zimonline.co.za/
by Tendai Maronga
Wednesday 17 September 2008
HARARE - Zimbabwe's three top
political leaders will meet on Wednesday to
appoint ministers of the new
government of national unity after failing to
do so
Tuesday.
President Robert Mugabe, Prime Minister-designate Morgan
Tsvangirai and
Deputy Prime Minister-designate Arthur Mutambara could not
meet yesterday
apparently because Mugabe was busy attending a meeting of the
politburo of
his ZANU PF party.
"The meeting failed to take place
today because ZANU PF had its politburo
meeting today. We are all waiting
for that process to be finalised before we
can start to move on," said
Nelson Chamisa, who is spokesman for the
Tsvangirai-led Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) party.
However Chamisa said there were already
"sticking points" regarding
allocation of ministries with, for example, both
MDC-Tsvangirai and ZANU PF
vying to get the key ministries of defence and
information.
He said: "What I can tell you is that we already have some
sticking points
coming out of the allocation of Cabinet posts. We had wanted
the Ministry of
Defence and the Ministry of Information but ZANU PF has also
made it clear
that they also want those ministries. But definitely some
compromise has to
be reached for the benefit of the people of
Zimbabwe."
Previous reports had suggested that the MDC was only
interested in the
Ministry of Home Affairs in charge of the police and was
agreeable to ZANU
PF controlling the defence department and the
army.
Mugabe and his younger rivals signed an agreement on Monday to form
a
power-sharing government that that will work to extricate Zimbabwe from an
economic crisis marked by the world's highest inflation of more than 11
million percent, chronic shortages of food and every basic survival
commodity.
According to the agreement ZANU PF will get 15 ministries,
the
Tsvangirai-led MDC 13, Mutambara's faction of the MDC will get the
remaining
three out of the proposed 31 ministries.
Analysts say the
power-sharing agreement is fragile given deep-seated
animosity among the
signatories, adding that three political rivals will
have to work closely to
win the confidence of the international community
particularly Western
governments whose financial support will be vital to
any effort to revive
Zimbabwe's collapsed economy.
The power-sharing deal was reached after
protracted talks mediated by South
African President Thabo Mbeki. The deal,
signed in the presence of African
leaders and dignitaries, gives Zimbabwe
its first real opportunity in nearly
10 years for a new beginning of
national healing and economic recovery. -
ZimOnline
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=4306#more-4306
September 16, 2008
HARARE (AP)
- Zimbabwe's prime minister-designate said Tuesday he does not
trust
long-time ruler Robert Mugabe but believes he is committed to their
new
power-sharing deal.
In an interview with The Associated Press, Morgan
Tsvangirai also said he
believes the international community will rally to
help end Zimbabwe's
political and economic crisis, which has spawned
hyperinflation and sent
thousands fleeing to neighboring South Africa every
day.
Mugabe ceded some power in Zimbabwe for the first time in 28 years,
signing
a power-sharing deal with Tsvangirai and a leader of a splinter
opposition
faction Monday.
"The deal as far as we are concerned is
the best thing for the country,"
Tsvangirai said at his home in the capital.
"We will be able to work within
the deal to achieve the necessary
transformation."
Meeting with reporters for his first interviews since
signing the deal, the
56-year-old Tsvangirai looked confident but tired as
he spoke about the hard
work ahead.
Under the pact, already
criticized by other opposition leaders, Mugabe
remains president and head of
government, chairing the Cabinet. Tsvangirai
will be prime minister and head
of a new Council of Ministers responsible
for forming government policy. He
is deputy chairman of Cabinet.
The new government is expected to be sworn
in this week.
Long-simmering, bitter differences and the nation's
economic collapse -
inflation is officially running at 11 million percent -
put the deal under
intense pressure.
Tsvangirai was asked if he
trusted Mugabe.
"Ask me a generic question and I say 'No' because of the
experience I have
had with him," he responded. "(But) I trust he is
committed to this
agreement, I trust he wants this deal as much as we do. He
wants to move
forward because it is part of his legacy."
In the
decade that he has opposed Mugabe, Tsvangirai has been tortured,
detained
repeatedly and went through a treason trial with a possible death
sentence.
On the windowsill in his home office a sign reads: "I wish
a long life to my
enemies so they may see all my
successes."
Tsvangirai said the support of international community as
well as financial
institutions such as the World Bank and the International
Monetary Fund is
"essential for creating international
confidence."
"This is the beginning of building the necessary confidence
for investment
and aid. We are confident that we will be able to lay the
groundwork for
encouraging people (investors and aid agencies) to come to
the country," he
said.
Wary Western leaders say they are waiting for
the new government to prove
its commitment to democracy.
U.S. Ambassador
James McGee told the AP the United States is adopting a
"very careful
wait-and-see stance" about the power-sharing agreement.
"If this works
out the way Mr. Tsvangirai hopes it will, we will be very
willing to work
with the people of Zimbabwe," McGee said.
He said Washington is committed
to doing what Tsvangirai has requested -
"taking care of food insecurity
problems" of Zimbabwe's people.
The International Red Cross estimates
more than 2 million people are hungry
in Zimbabwe, and that the number is
going to rise to 5 million, about half
the population, by year's
end.
"We will step forward, we have food in country, in the region and
food on
the high seas destined for Zimbabwe," the U.S. envoy
said.
McGee added that Zimbabwe's new government needed to ensure that
nongovernment organizations have access so they can deliver the food. Only
last week, Mugabe lifted a monthslong ban on organizations delivering food
aid after accusing them of favoring the opposition.
Besides getting
food to hungry Zimbabweans, Tsvangirai said his priorities
are to build a
more democratic society and free the media. State abuse of
power "has to
go," he said.
The deal has been criticized privately by some in the
opposition who are
unhappy that it gives Mugabe too much power. They fear he
will exploit that,
especially by playing on tensions between the two
opposition groups.
Also critical is the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade
Unions, which brought
Tsvangirai to prominence. It said the agreement had
been negotiated only by
politicians without input from civil society, that
it did not respect the
March presidential election in which Tsvangirai and
his party won more votes
than Mugabe, and did not provide for a transitional
government to organize
new elections.
The agreement provides for a
new constitution to be drawn up and a
referendum on it to be held within two
years.
Tsvangirai tried to allay fears that the agreement will bring
government
paralysis.
"It is work in progress. It has not dawned on
people how much hard work
there is to do," he said.
The agreement
provides for 31 ministers - 15 nominated by Mugabe's party, 13
by Tsvangirai
and three by Arthur Mutambara, leader of a smaller opposition
faction.
Parties have started talks on allocating Cabinet posts.
Tsvangirai said the
matter would be resolved by Wednesday.
Opposition
leaders want the Home Affairs Ministry that would give them
charge of the
police who have terrorized them and their supporters this
year, and Mugabe
would retain the Defence Ministry.
Tsvangirai said he faced a range of
emotions at Monday's signing ceremony.
"People have travelled this long
road," he said. "In this conflict of
emotions, should we celebrate or
restrain ourselves because of the
uncertainty of the
future?"
Tsvangirai decided to focus on the future, adding that he was
"really moved
by the mood of the people and the hope that is in the
people."
The Times
September 17, 2008
Zimbabwe urgently needs Western help to get back on
its feet, says the
leader of the Movement for Democratic Change
Jan
Raath in Harare
Morgan Tsvangirai, the Prime Minister-designate of Zimbabwe's
incoming
transitional Government, urged the West on Monday not to withhold
desperately needed funds because of paranoia about President Mugabe's
presence in the new administration.
Speaking in an exclusive
interview with The Times, he said: "One has to
understand we have entered
into this deal with the object of transforming
this country. Mugabe may
appear as an aberration to the West, but he has
entered into an agreement
with us.
"They should have belief and faith with us, instead of being
paranoid with
Mugabe."
Barely a day after he signed the power-sharing
agreement between the
84-year-old Mugabe and the leader of a lesser faction
of the Movement for
Democratic Change, there was still evidence of a
celebration held at Mr
Tsvangirai's modest suburban home. Empty beer and
soft-drink bottles were
stacked in crates.
But a reminder of the
country's dire economic plight and crumbling
infrastructure came during the
interview, when the water supplies ran dry.
The new Government's business
was due to start on Monday, when the three
groups were supposed to divide
ministerial portfolios among themselves, with
15 to Mr Mugabe's Zanu (PF)
and 16 shared between the two MDC factions.
However, talks stalled
prematurely, amid an apparent dispute among Zanu (PF)
members over who would
remain in government.
"It appears to have been delayed by Mugabe having
to attend to his own
party," Mr Tsvangirai said. "Hopefully
tomorrow."
Mr Tsvangirai would not discuss the allocation of ministries,
but the MDC is
understood to be prepared to leave Zanu (PF) in control of
the Defence
Ministry - thereby keeping the generals who have supported Mr
Mugabe on
side. The MDC is determined to run the Home Affairs Ministry,
including the
police.
Mr Tsvangirai dismissed suggestions that Mr
Mugabe would attempt to reverse
the agreement and restore himself to
exclusive power. He also pledged to
guard against a return to the bloody
campaign of violence unleashed before
presidential run-off elections in June
when more than 120 people were
murdered by state-directed forces. "It was
the darkest period in our history
that the Army and other paramilitary
militias were unleashed against unarmed
civilians," he said. "It can never
be allowed to happen again.
"I don't think it is possible. We want to
make sure there is the rule of
law, and no impunity from the law. All I can
tell you is that I am confident
that given the agreement we have signed, we
are all committed to ensuring
security of persons, and that there is no
violence against the people."
He also rejected fears that senior military
officers who ran the violent
destabilisation operations against the MDC now
posed a threat to his
participation in the Government.
"They are
national institutions, but they have to be professionalised so
they protect
the country from external threat. We went into the agreement
that the
security forces would carry out that function. For any internal
subversion,
the police have sufficient powers to deal with it." He trod
carefully over
the issue of the country's 4,000 highly productive white
farmers driven off
their land since Mr Mugabe launched his disastrous land
resettlement
programme in 2000. The agreement signed on Monday states that
the state of
land occupation since then has to remain irreversible.
Asked if white
farmers would be put back on the land to produce food in what
otherwise
promises to be the country's worst agricultural season yet, Mr
Tsvangirai
said: "Let's not have this racial divide between black and white.
We are
talking of farmers. We have to give sufficient support and capacity
for
people to produce. Zimbabwe must encourage farmers of all colours to
produce.
"The issue of white farmers has to be discussed in the
context of land
ownership," he said. "That will be dealt with by an
independent land
commission, where the issue of multiple farm ownership will
have to be dealt
with."
There were signs of change to the cronyism of
the Mugabe era. A suburban
supermarket received a large consignment of sugar
on Monday, and a long
queue formed. A gang of Mr Mugabe's "war veteran"
militia arrived and, as is
usual, demanded the lion's share. "Police were
already there, controlling
the queue," said a witness. "They ordered the war
vets to get into the queue
like every one else. They obeyed."
It was
the same in a queue for cash outside a city centre building society,
where
uniformed soldiers pushed to the front of the queue. "People told them
to
get to the back," said a security guard. "They were shouting, 'things
have
changed now'. The soldiers did as they were told."
A senior riot police
officer sending his men to deal with a mob of
stone-throwing Zanu (PF)
youths outside the conference centre where the
agreement was signed, said:
"You better deal with this according to the
book, and not by political
favour." He was overheard telling his men:
"Tomorrow you are going to be
accountable."
Comment
This report shows Zimbabweans can work together
both Mugabe and Tsvangirayi.
Well done Tsvangirayi, only the devil will try
to bring war in our country.
Zimbabwe is one of the greatest nation in
Africa, with many problems but no
war. God have saved Zimbabwe, we have been
praying for years.
Rusununguko, London, UK
http://www.nehandaradio.com/zimbabwe/talks/deal-threat170908.html
17 September 2008
By Fortune
Tazvida
A rebellion within Zanu PF over the appointment of cabinet
ministers is
threatening to derail the power-sharing agreement that was
signed Monday.
Nehanda Radio understands several senior party officials
mainly from the
Mujuru faction face the chop in what is looking like Robert
Mugabe rewarding
loyalists from the Mnangagwa faction, who were instrumental
in securing his
violent re-election.
Mugabe is battling to contain
the rebellion and this caused a delay in the
announcement which was expected
Tuesday. "The central committee is meeting
tomorrow (Wednesday) and we will
probably discuss the issue (of the new
cabinet)," the ruling party
spokesperson Ephraim Masawi said.
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai said
he expected the cabinet to have been
sorted out by Wednesday. His party
spokesman Nelson Chamisa said there was
some doubt that the meeting would be
held on Wednesday.
"We had budgeted for the meeting today but it did not
take place," Chamisa
said. "Tomorrow is doubtful, but it will take place any
time soon. There is
a lot of anxiety in the country."
So far
specualtion is that the MDC have secured the Home Affairs, Justice,
Finance
and Information Ministries among others, while Zanu PF retained
Defence,
Agriculture, Mines and Prisons. Its also alleged Zanu PF cronies
are
stalling on the cabinet issue to allow time for them to share mining
concessions amongst themselves which will be hard to reverse should they
secure a Mining Ministry.
Its the acrimony in Zanu PF however that
has posed the question of whether
the party can survive the deal. Members of
its Bulawayo Province are said to
be resigning enmasse in protest at the
sidelining of former PF ZAPU members
that were catered for by the 1987 unity
accord.
Nehanda Radio understands former Home Affairs Minister Dumiso
Dabengwa who
quit Zanu PF this year to join Simba Makoni's Mavambo Project
is being
touted to lead a resurrected PF ZAPU.
http://www.zimonline.co.za/
by Own
Correspondent Wednesday 17 September 2008
JOHANNESBURG - An
international rights group on has warned that Zimbabwe's
power-sharing
agreement between President Robert Mugabe and the opposition
can only ensure
lasting peace in the country if perpetrators of political
violence are
brought to justice.
"Unless the perpetrators of human rights abuses are
subject to justice, the
new political arrangement will not guarantee human
rights or the rule of
law," Comfort Ero, deputy director of the
International Centre for
Transitional Justice (ICTJ)'s Africa Programme said
in a statement released
in Cape Town on Monday.
Mugabe and Movement
for Democatic Change (MDC) leaders Morgan Tsvangirai and
Arthur Mutambara
signed a historic power-sharing agreement on Monday
bringing to an end the
country's political crisis that deepened after the
country's elctions in
March.
Tsvangirai defeated Mugabe in the first round presidential voting
although
he failed to secure the margin required to avoid a run-off election
and
takeover the presidency.
Mugabe went on to win the June run-off
ballot when Tsvangirai pulled out
saying a free and fair vote was impossible
after at least 113 MDC supporters
were killed and about 200 000 others
displaced in state-orchestrated
political violence during the run-up to the
poll.
"The new coalition government cannot become a safe haven for those
with
blood on their hands," Ero said.
The ICTJ is an international
human rights organisation that assists
countries pursuing accountability for
past mass atrocities or human rights
abuses and works in societies emerging
from repressive rule or armed
conflict, as well as in established
democracies where historical injustices
or systemic abuses remain
unresolved.
The statement called on Zimbabwe's new coalition government
to ensure that
perpetrators of human rights abuses are brought to book to
ensure justice
and lasting peace in the southern African
country.
"Zimbabweans have suffered terrible violence, economic
mismanagement and
corruption. Real peace will only come when society
addresses that past,"
said Howard Varney, director of ICTJ's Truth-Seeking
programme.
He urged the government to set in motion a transparent
"truth-seeking
programme" that will see victims of political violence
getting "compensation
and holding wrongdoers responsible for their
actions".
The Centre also called for the disbanding of the notorious
youth militia and
establishment of an environment that allows free political
activity. -
ZimOnline
http://www.zimonline.co.za/
by
Nqobizitha Khumalo Wednesday 17 September 2008
BULAWAYO -
Hundreds of opposition MDC party supporters marched through
Zimbabwe's
second largest city of Bulawayo on Tuesday afternoon celebrating
the signing
of a power sharing deal between the opposition and President
Robert Mugabe's
ZANU PF party.
Mugabe, MDC leaders Morgan Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara
and his younger
rivals signed an agreement on Monday to form a power-sharing
government that
will work to extricate Zimbabwe from an economic crisis
marked by the world's
highest inflation of more than 11 million percent,
chronic shortages of food
and every basic survival commodity.
MDC
supporters - drapped in part flags and regalia - sang, danced and
chanted
party slogans as they marched through Bulawayo city centre as office
workers
leaned through windows to urge them on.
In perhaps a sign of the new
"winds of change" blowing across troubled
Zimbabwe, the police did not
intervene to stop the opposition march.
Demonstrations and marches are
restricted in Zimbabwe under the Public Order
and Security Act (POSA) under
which organisers are expected to seek
permission from the police before they
could embark on such exercises.
The police, who are fiercely pro-Mugabe
have used the Act to block
demonstrations or protests by the MDC, often
descending with whips, baton
sticks and sometimes guns to beat opposition
supporters off the streets.
"Yesterday's (Monday) events need to be
celebrated because no one expected
President Mugabe to give in. So what we
are doing with my colleagues is to
show that we appreciate that Mugabe and
Tsvangirai put aside their interests
for the good of the nation and that is
cause for celebration," said Matilda
Nyoni an MDC activist.
It was
not lost on the marchers that the police had not acted against them.
Some
even believed Tsvangirai's presence in the new government was the
reason why
the police will not dare touch them now.
"We now have a prime minister
and he will intervene on our behalf," said one
marcher, Vusumuzi Moyo. He
added: "The police will have to adjust and learn
to accept that we are also
in government and an MDC government does not
harass innocent citizens who
are exercising their right to demonstrate."
Under the deal, Mugabe
remains president but will cede some of his powers to
Tsvangirai who is
prime minister in the new government. Mutambara is deputy
prime
minister.
The power-sharing deal gives Zimbabwe the first real
opportunity in nearly
10 years for a new beginning of national healing and
recovery. But the jury
is still out on whether the clinched after seven
weeks of tortuous
negotiations can stand the strain, especially given the
deep personal
animosity and mistrust among the political leaders. -
ZimOnline
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=4310
September 16, 2008
By Owen
Chikari
MASVINGO- The department of National Parks and Wildlife has
terminated 10
lease agreements awarded to private companies - suspected to
be owned by
government officials - to develop the Gonarezhou National Park
as part of
the Great Limpopo Transfrontier Park.
The leases were
withdrawn after the companies failed to honour their
obligations with the
government.
The private firms had failed to develop the park as part of
the lease
agreements, amid reports that briefcase companies belonging to top
government officials had been awarded the tenders under unclear
circumstances.
Although the list of companies involved could not be
obtained yesterday, the
outgoing minister of environment and tourism Francis
Nhema, confirmed that
10 companies had their leases terminated this
month.
"We have terminated 10 leases belonging to private indigenous
companies
which failed to meet part of the lease agreement," said Nhema. "We
are going
to revise the whole process and, if need be, the government has to
go it
alone".
The Zimbabwean government had awarded leases to private
companies to develop
the park since South Africa and Mozambique, who are
part of the Great
Frontier Park, had also done the same.
The private
companies were supposed to, among other things, build lodges in
the park,
construct roads and electrify the developed infrastructure.
However,
sources within the tourism ministry yesterday told the Zimbabwe
Times that
the leases were terminated after it emerged that the leases were
awarded to
undeserving companies owned top government officials.
"The leases were
awarded to companies without finding out if they were
capable because they
were either owned by a senior government official or
his or her relative,"
said the source.
"We really applaud the minister for such action because
not much had been
done, thereby compromising the establishment of the
park."
Zimbabwe faces expulsion from the Transfrontier Park after failing
to meet
most of the pre-requisite conditions for the establishment of the
project.
The Transfrontier Park - to be among some of the largest
sanctuaries in the
world - would see the merger of Gonarezhou in Zimbabwe,
South Africa's
Kruger National Park and Mozambique's Limpopo
Park.
The establishment of the park is aimed at boasting tourism in the
southern
African region ahead of the 2010 World Cup soccer tournament to be
hosted by
South Africa.
VOA
By Patience Rusere, Scott Bobb & Jonga
Kandemiiri
Washington
16 September
2008
Zimbabwean non-governmental organizations are urging
signatories to the
power-sharing agreement signed by the country's main
parties on Monday to
lose no time implementing provisions of the accord as
they concern
humanitarian aid.
Article 16 says every Zimbabwean is
entitled to humanitarian and food aid,
which should be distributed without
discrimination - but is silent as to
whether the non-governmental sector
should be allowed to deliver assistance
without hindrance.
In June
the government of President Robert Mugabe imposed a ban on NGO
humanitarian
activities, accusing such organizations of taking sides
politically ahead of
the run-off presidential election which he, as the sole
contender,
eventually won.
Despite the agreement's failure to address
restrictions that continue to
inhibit the flow of aid to an increasingly
desperate population, Vice
Chairman John Chitekuteku of the National
Association of Non-Governmental
Organizations welcomed the agreement due to
the gravity of the food
shortages facing the country through early
2009.
Chitekuteku told reporter Patience Rusere of VOA's Studio 7 for
Zimbabwe
that the political structures in place can be effectively used to
make sure
that those who need food get it.
VOA Correspondent Scott
Bobb reported from Johannesburg that humanitarian
agencies hope the deal
will let them to accelerate food deliveries to
millions of
Zimbabweans.
Along with humanitarian assistance Zimbabweans are hopeful
the agreement
will bring the means to stabilize prices, stimulate
production, and restore
the economy.
Economists said the new
government faces a huge task and will need the help
of the International
Monetary Fund and the World Bank as well as bilateral
aid from Western,
African and other nations.
IMF Director Dominique Strauss-Kahn on Monday
issued a statement saying that
his organization is ready to open discussions
with the new government on its
"policies to stabilize the economy, improve
social conditions and reduce
poverty."
Economist Godfrey Kanyenze,
director of the Labor and Economic Development
Research Institute of
Zimbabwe, told reporter Jonga Kandemiiri of VOA's
Studio 7 for Zimbabwe that
the government must convince the international
financial institutions to
step in because it does not have the means to turn
around the economy on its
own.
http://www.businessday.co.za
16
September 2008
Hilary
Joffe
OUR
own statistical quibbles about the precise level of inflation pale into
insignificance compared with those in Zimbabwe, where the official rate is
11200000% but economists put the true rate at anything from 20000000% to
52000000%.
There can be no question that reducing inflation must be
the new government's
most urgent economic priority.
There are plenty
of international precedents that indicate, as the
International Monetary
Fund's (IMF's) economists put it in a paper on
Zimbabwe last year, that
"with appropriate stabilisation policies, the fall
in inflation can be very
rapid and output normally recovers within the first
year or two of
stabilisation". At the time, inflation was 1730% in Zimbabwe,
making it easy
to draw comparisons with the 24 countries in Latin America,
eastern Europe
and Africa the IMF identified as having experienced episodes
of high or
hyperinflation between 1980 and 2005.
But those countries were amateurs:
less than a third of those saw inflation
go over 10000%. The Democratic
Republic of Congo peaked at 91000% and Serbia
is believed to have reached
175000% in the early 1990s, but the only real
precedents for Zimbabwe's
stratospheric rate are Germany in the 1920s and
Hungary after the Second
World War.
It suggests Zimbabwe will be a tougher case to crack
than other
hyperinflation episodes. But the right policies, that build on
lessons from
other countries, could make a difference quite quickly.
Draconian measures
are required, though, and whether those will be possible
given the fragility
of the power-sharing deal is the question.
THE
brakes will have to be applied very sharply to fiscal and monetary
policy.
Zimbabwe's true fiscal deficit is estimated at at least 80%, if one
includes
the losses its central bank has incurred on "quasi-fiscal"
activities such
as subsidising loss-making parastatals and providing
low-interest loans to
favoured sectors and price support to exporters. The
deficit was financed by
printing money, and inflation was then fuelled into
the out-of-control range
as the government imposed price and other controls.
So public spending will
have to be slashed and the (bankrupt) central bank
pushed out of politics
and into proper, tight monetary policy. Price
controls would have to be
lifted, the exchange rate allowed to float, and
the parastatals that control
40% of the economy restructured. Land and
property rights issues would have
to be addressed and agricultural markets
opened up. And that's just the
stabilisation phase: longer term, much more
would be needed in the way of
structural reforms. Substantial foreign
funding will be needed, to make up
for the cuts in public spending in areas
such as health and education, as
well as to sort out Zimbabwe's balance of
payments and its foreign debt. But
much of the pressure to reform will come
from foreign
funders.
Even with the right policies, hyperinflationary
conditions could persist
into 2010, the University of Zimbabwe's Tony
Hawkins argues. At a recent
seminar, Hawkins said reducing inflation from so
high a rate was bound to
result in traumatic dislocations and to take
longer. Any dilution of the
anti-inflation package, for social or political
reasons, would delay
economic recovery.
Hawkins reckons that getting
inflation down to manageable levels will do
more for the poor than any
safety net, which suggests policy makers shouldn't
worry that much about
mitigating the effects for the poor. But
anti-inflation action will have a
drastic effect on the vast informal sector
that has sprung up to trade
everything from fuel to food to currency on the
black
market.
Reversing two decades of economic damage will take many years.
But if the
political will were there, the economy could be stabilised fairly
quickly
and it could bounce quite sharply as it recovers in the short term.
It may
be too soon even for cautious optimism. But if Zimbabwe does succeed
in
cutting inflation from the millions even to the tens, what a case study
it
will make.
Joffe is senior associate editor.
http://www.news.com.au
September 16, 2008 05:40pm
Article from:
AAP
THE Australian Government will continue sanctions gainst Zimbabwe but
review
that position depending on the troubled nation's progress following
its
historic power sharing agreement.
On Monday, in President Robert
Mugabe's first waiver in power in nearly
three decades, he signed a power
sharing agreement with the head of the
opposition Movement for Democratic
Change, Morgan Tsvangirai, who is now
Zimbabwe's Prime
Minister.
Australian Foreign Minister Stephen Smith welcomed the
agreement as small
progress, and said its success or otherwise would depend
on its
implementation.
"From a very low base, this is modest
progress," he told Parliament.
"The proof will be in the actual
implementation and we certainly wish that
Mr Tsvangirai has a full and
complete opportunity to advance the interests
of his people."
Mr
Smith said sanctions against Zimbabwe would remain but be reviewed
pending
whether or not there was progress made with human rights, respect
for the
law, and social and economic reconstruction.
He said the Government would
also consider increasing the humanitarian food
aid to
Zimbabwe.
"Depending upon progress, we will look to whether it's possible
for
Australia to increase its humanitarian assistance to Zimbabwe, and also
whether capacity building development assistance is also appropriate," Mr
Smith said.
http://www.apanews.net
APA-Harare (Zimbabwe) Zimbabwe's transition to democracy will remain
fragile
unless the country's political leadership takes steps to address
human
rights abuses, according to the New York-based Human Rights Watch
(HRW) on
Tuesday.
The human rights watchdog said the signatories to Monday's
power-sharing agreement in Zimbabwe should immediately initiate a process of
national healing by bringing to justice those responsible for past
abuses.
It called for the establishment of an independent
commission of
inquiry to investigate past and present abuses and for the
government to
bring the perpetrators to justice, adding that government and
party
officials implicated in abuses should not be included in any future
government.
More than 160 Zimbabweans died during the past
three months, most of
them supporters of the opposition Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC),
whose leader Morgan Tsvangirai was the main
challenger to President Robert
Mugabe in disputed presidential polls held in
March and June.
The two political rivals agreed to bury their
differences on Monday
and to work towards rebuilding the country's battered
economy.
HRW director for Africa, Georgette Gagnon, urged Mugabe
and his ZANU
PF party to show "their commitment to the power-sharing
agreement by
bringing about an immediate end to abuses".
"They
should release political prisoners, dismantle torture camps set
up around
the elections and disarm ZANU PF party members and its allies,"
Gagnon
said.
JN/nm/APA
2008-09-16
http://www.businessday.co.za
16
September 2008
LEOPARDS
do not change their spots and nor, it seems, do aged dictators
readily
change their ways. The ink was hardly dry on the political
settlement that
was signed by Zimbabwe's three main political parties
yesterday, than
President Robert Mugabe was banging the same old drum he has
been using to
distract from his own failings for the past several years.
"African
problems must be solved by Africans," he declared shortly after the
signing
ceremony. "The problem we have had is a problem that has been
created by
former colonial powers."
It was a timely reminder that, as much as the
political compromise is to be
welcomed as an essential first step towards
Zimbabwe's recovery, it is a
baby step compared with the journey that lies
ahead. President Thabo Mbeki's
mediation efforts may have brought the
country back from the brink by buying
some time, but little has changed on
the ground.
The same corrupt and violent government officials and
policemen are in
control, the economy is still in a state beyond collapse,
and Mugabe and his
Zanu (PF) henchmen remain unreformed and unrepentant. It
will take more than
a piece of paper to persuade the greedy thugs who have
run the country into
the ground to share power with opposition groups they
despise.
The details of the agreement - who gets what ministries, which
side gets the
casting vote, how former archenemies will work together - are
far less
important than the practical outcome. The bottom line, for ordinary
Zimbabweans as well as South Africans, foreign governments and potential
private investors, is whether there is tangible change to the status
quo.
The European Union has said it is ready to lift sanctions, and
millions of
dollars in w estern aid is a mouse-click away from flowing
towards Zimbabwe.
But it is private sector investment that will ensure a
sustainable recovery,
and that will not materialise unless it is clear that
there are new and more
enlightened hands manipulating the levers of
power.
http://www.moneyweb.co.za
Zim's woes are far from over.
Geoff Candy
16 September
2008 03:15
Power sharing agreements like the one signed today by Zanu PF
and The
opposition MDC have not really worked in the past, says Dr Frederik
van zyl
Slabbert.
And, he is skeptical that it can work in
Zimbabwe.
"What you have is an executive president in charge of the army
and an
executive prime minister in charge of the police. This is
constitutional
gobbledygook. I don't know how it is going to work out," he
says.
The reason behind he skepticism, Van Zyl Slabbert says is that one
of the
major determinants in the stability of emerging markets is the
military.
"In many of these countries the military is owned by a
particular political
section - a party or a president and it is a source of
stability. In
Zimbabwe there has been a repressive stability for a long,
long time," he
told SAFM Market Update with Moneyweb.
"I don't know
how they can achieve stability by entering into a power
sharing deal when
you have the executive president with the army under his
control and an
executive prime minister supposedly with the police under his
control - it
seems to me a recipe for conflict."
Van Zyl Slabbert told Moneyweb,
"Mugabe is a seasoned campaigner he has been
in charge of the army for a
hellva long time. He is actually the winner in
this whole thing."
The
real question now, is whether or not Mugabe will actually share power
and
agree on some form of economic policy that helps to revive the country's
failed economy.
"The best thing that can happen is that Zimbabwe
stabilizes and it starts
with economic development," he says, "but then
investors would have been at
the door now saying here I am what can I do and
that hasn't happened. I am
very skeptical of the whole show."
http://www.christiantoday.com/
by Jenna Lyle
Posted: Tuesday,
September 16, 2008, 8:27 (BST)
After the signing of a new power
sharing agreement, huge challenges remain
in Zimbabwe, says the Secretary
General of the Zimbabwe Catholic Bishops'
Conference.
Fr Fradereck
Chiromba was present when President Robert Mugabe's Zanu PF and
Morgan
Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change signed the agreement,
ending
months of political deadlock and violence.
"It was a joyful and momentous
occasion. But, behind the signatures on that
piece of paper are huge
challenges ahead for Zimbabwe's so-called government
of national unity," he
said.
The Archbishop of York joined other Christians in giving a cautious
welcome
to the power sharing agreement.
Writing on his website, Dr
John Sentamu said that the deal was a "step in
the right direction that will
hopefully lead to a full restoration of
justice, democracy and a final end
to the brutal regime of Robert Mugabe".
Dr Sentamu famously cut up his
clerical collar during a television interview
in protest of Mugabe, saying
he would not wear one again until the president
was out of
power.
Catholic aid agency Progressio said that the international
community should
be ready to step in with recovery programmes to help
restore democracy and
stability to Zimbabwe.
Dr Sentamu warned that
the international community would be concerned that
aid sent to Zimbabwe
reaches the poor and not those "who have abused power
over the past three
decades".
Aid agencies warn of crippling shortages of food, medicine and
other basic
necessities.
"There is a great need to provide basic food
aid as people are coping with a
bad harvest and of course the country's dire
economic situation. There are
also no medicines in the hospitals, doctors do
not even have aspirins to
give out and there is the situation of the three
million or so Zimbabweans
living in neighbouring countries," said Fr
Chiromba.
"And of course development doesn't work unless it goes hand in
hand with
healing and reconciliation for those people who have been
traumatised by the
violence.
"The Catholic Church has always played a
pivotal role in prioritising the
needs of the people and will continue to do
so as we all hope and pray that
peoples' lives will now change for the
better."
Dr Sentamu also highlighted the concerns of Zimbabwean refugees
in Britain
that the power sharing agreement might lead to a programme of
enforced
return.
"We must wait to see how this deal works out in
practice," he said.
The Methodist Church also welcomed the power sharing
agreement.
Roy Crowder, Methodist Partnership Coordinator for Africa,
said, "Clearly
Zanu-PF have reached a point of weakness and cannot continue
to run the
country alone, possibly because their funding has run out and
they can no
longer afford to control the security forces.
"Both
parties are strong in different ways. Zanu-PF holds the reins of
institutional power, but the international community refuses to recognise
their status. While the MDC has had no institutional control, their presence
in government could unlock international aid for the reconstruction of this
desperate country.
"Much will now depend on which party influences
and controls the Zimbabwean
security forces."
Frank Kantor, Secretary
for Church and Society for the United Reformed
Church, said meanwhile, "Many
people have taken significant risks to outline
a vision for a new
Zimbabwe.
"The country desperately needs courageous leadership to make
this vision a
reality and to find ways to balance the requirements of
justice with those
of national healing and reconciliation in
Zimbabwe.
"The people of Zimbabwe are looking for permanent long-term
change. It will
be difficult for this power-sharing arrangement to deliver
fundamental
reforms unless it addresses this need."
SABC
September 16,
2008, 08:45
Zimbabwe's Zanu-PF's says white farmers who lost their farms
in Zimbabwe
need to be compensated. The party's chief negotiator, Patrick
Chinamasa, has
admitted that the core of the country's problems centers
around land
distribution.
He has called on Britain to honour the 1979
Lancaster Agreement between the
then Rhodesia and Britain. The agreement
enabled a smooth transition to the
independent state of Zimbabwe in 1980 and
the compensation of white farmers
for their loss.
Meanwhile, talks to
allocate ministers for Zimbabwe's power-sharing
government will begin today.
Chinamasa says talks about amendments to the
constitution will also be held.
Yesterday, leaders of three Zimbabwe
political rivals signed an accord aimed
at ending the country's political
crisis. Chinamasa also says his country
will be economically sound in a very
short time if western countries lift
sanctions imposed in 2000.
"When these countries imposed sanctions
against us - it was devastating and
we are in this situation economically
because of those sanctions. So, I am
obviously happy if there are any signs
that those countries who illegally
imposed those sanctions are considering
re-lifting them - and if they do,
this country will take off economically in
a manner you will never believe
and in the shortest possible time."
http://www.doctorswithoutborders.org/news/article.cfm?id=3112
September
16, 2008
Doctors Without Borders/Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) is
treating people
affected by the recent cholera outbreak in the Zimbabwean
town of
Chitungwiza. The first cases were reported at the beginning of
September. At
the start, there were between eight and 10 patients admitted
per day. Today
the number is under five.
Chitungwiza, a new city of
1.1 million inhabitants, built as a place to live
for people who could not
find space in Harare in the 1980s, has had
insufficient funding for
maintenance of its public services. Since late last
year, the majority of
the city's inhabitants have repeatedly faced periods
in which they had to do
without running water. Apart from causing a lack of
access to safe drinking
water this also resulted in blocked sewage pipes,
which eventually burst.
Chitungwiza can be considered as one example for the
degradation of basic
infrastructure in Zimbabwe over the last five years.
Over the last three
months, running water was cut to a number of suburbs,
forcing people to dig
unprotected wells in order to have water. As people
were also unable to
flush their toilets, they had to resort to defecating in
surrounding fields
because the city by-laws do not allow alternatives such
as pit latrines to
be built.
This mixture of unprotected wells and burst sewer pipes has
created an
almost ideal breeding environment for cholera. The disease is
water-borne,
thrives in unsanitary conditions, and is endemic in the rural
areas of
Zimbabwe during the rainy season from November to March, but it is
very
rarely seen in urban settings and during the dry season. The upcoming
rains
are therefore expected to only worsen the situation, as excess water
effectively flushes the standing sewage into unprotected wells.
The
first cases of cholera were reported at the beginning of September in
Chitungwiza hospital, where MSF normally refers some HIV/AIDS patients. The
Ministry of Health has since announced that there have been "nine deaths in
Chitungwiza" attributed to the disease. The vast majority of patients come
from one street in the city, made up of approximately 100 houses, with three
or more families living in each household. This could potentially mean that
between 2,000 and 5,000 people are at risk.
In response, the Ministry
of Health in collaboration with MSF has set up two
cholera treatment centers
(CTCs); one is located in Chitungwiza Central
Hospital, with the other
located closer to the affected community as a more
decentralized approach is
taken. While the number of daily admissions has
dropped from between eight
and 10 to under five, an intervention was
initiated to provide access to
clean water.
On average, 200 people are being screened each day. High HIV
rates and
generally poor hygienic conditions cause many people to suffer
from diarrhea
and seek treatment, which makes case identification difficult.
MSF and the
city health authorities are sharing technical expertise to
ensure proper
diagnosis.
MSF is also engaged in other activities in
this emergency, including
sensitizing the affected community to the crisis
through our outreach teams,
working to contain the epidemic and reduce the
number of excess infections,
ensure access to potable water and advocating
for the long-term needs of the
community. These are all extensive tasks and
MSF has therefore lobbied other
actors to engage, with Unicef now trucking
water to the community and other
non-governmental organizations distributing
non-food relief items. This has
allowed MSF to concentrate more on the
medical aspects of the intervention
with environmental health teams linking
in with the authorities to actively
find patients by attending funerals and
tracing links to existing cases. MSF
disinfection teams are also
instrumental in reducing infection rates by
chlorinating the households of
existing patients, including the disinfection
of kitchen utensils, to reduce
the risk of family or other household members
becoming
infected.
Since the onset of the outbreak the two CTCs have treated over
90 cases of
suspected cholera in the city. Treatment varies dependent on the
severity of
cases, but generally it is simple re-hydration through oral
rehydration
salts and ringer lactate that will save the majority of
lives.
Access to clean potable water in sufficient quantities and a
solution to the
city's sewage problems now must be found and must be found
quickly before
the rains start and the problem grows. It is this hunt for
the medium and
long-term solution that must occupy the authorities time
between now and
November. MSF is committed to assisting the community in
need and will be
involved in identifying solutions with all actors on the
ground, not only to
avert a greater public health crisis in the
future.
MSF first started working in Zimbabwe in 2000 addressing
nutritional needs.
Soon after, in response to the HIV/AIDS crisis, MSF
started to run
HIV-focused projects. These programs are based in Epworth and
Gweru,
Bulawayo, Tsholotsho, Buhera and Beitbridge. MSF programs, which are
implemented within the Zimbabwean health structures, ensure medical care to
more than 40,000 HIV-positive patients in Zimbabwe, out of whom more than
22,000 are receiving anti-retroviral (ARV) therapy. MSF-teams are also
treating tuberculosis and malnutrition and are addressing emergency health
needs, e.g. outbreaks of cholera in 2006 and 2008 and a diarrhea outbreak in
2007. The most recent outbreak of cholera MSF reacted to happened in spring
2008 in Mashonaland, northeast of Harare.
The New
Times (Kigali)
OPINION
16 September 2008
Posted to the web 16
September 2008
Grace Kwinjeh
Kigali
Two events of political
importance yesterday; Rwanda's second national
parliamentary elections and
the historic signing of Zimbabwe's power sharing
deal. I am somehow involved
in both.
As an exiled Zimbabwean now working in Kigali and having been
involved as a
liberator in the long and tortuous road to Zimbabwe's
freedom.
The world yesterday witnessed the power sharing deal between
President
Robert Mugabe's Zanu PF party and Movement for Democratic
Change's, (MDC),
Prime-minister Morgan Tsvangirai; with the third party
being the smaller
faction of the MDC, led by professor Arthur
Mutambara.
As I write many of us are awestruck, we are not sure if this
is it. Is the
deal that will make me call MDC party President Tsvangirai, Mr
Prime-minister, when I next meet him - for real? Too good to be true! When
all hope was gone. For exiles we watch with caution.
When freedom
seemed so far away, when home for the more than three million
of us exiles
had found a new definition. We are home as I write. In eight
years millions
fled the country, many have since married (other
nationalities even), found
stable jobs professional Zimbabweans are doing
wonders in all fields
world-wide, children are in school.
And so in interacting with fellow
exiles, our immediate concern is what the
next step is. My moment of tears
was when Prime-minister Tsvangirai spoke of
the painful compromise: "The
agreement we signed today is the product of
painful compromise. It does not
provide an instant cure. The road ahead will
be long. Patience is a
virture."
And yes again many of us in exile and at home have been victims
of the
Mugabe regimes tyranny, many are victims recorded from the early days
of the
MDC formation in 2000, to victims of the recent wave of political
violence.
Our cadres who after the March elections braved the crocodiles in
the
Limpompo in search for safety.
Do we not know the story of the
Kauzani brothers? Many to whom a deal means
nothing if it rewards the
perpetrators of the violence visited upon them and
their families over the
years.
Today the surviving brother Ishael, sits with others, widow Mrs
Tandare
(Gift Tandare assassinated March 11 2007), Susan Matsunga, Remember
Moyo,
Sox Chikohwero, need I mention more? We are many.
The silence
with which our scars, our trauma have been treated in these
talks worries
us. Putting a bigger burden on the MDC leadership under
Tsvangirai's, to
deliver justice to us. Mugabe's speech makes me even more
skeptical that he
is ready to reform at all.
In fact the moment of joy almost turned sad,
bursting that momentary bubble
just by his failure to call Tsvangirai Prime
minister. That is why I said
the two events Rwanda's elections and the
recent events in Zimbabwe for me
carry an importance.
Rwanda's story
of patience and leadership stamina resonates quite well with
what we are
about to go through. The framework for Rwanda differed though
because it was
not based on impunity for perpetrators of justice rather it
was based on
healing and juctice; thus the establishment of the Arusha based
International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) and the local traditional
Gacaca courts.
Issues absent in the Zimbabwe transitional discourse
to do with national
integration and reconciliation, internal displacement
and justice. While the
speeches by the three men often struck a raw nerve I
could not avoid a
hollow feeling that the road ahead is not going to be an
easy one, for
Zimbabwe's democrats.
Rwanda holds her second national
parliamentary elections after the 1994
genocide. The political consensus and
the peace and transparency under which
these elections have been held is
indicative of a stable political
environment. Coming out of what they came
out Rwandans have refused the path
of mediocrity and failure.
Just
witnessing the record high numbers of international observers from all
major
institutions; COMESA, E.U, Commonwealth and thousands of local ones,
tells
you the country has come of age.
A challenge for Zimbabwe's leadership as
the conduct of elections remains
controversial. And so yes taking the call
by Prime-minister Tsvangirai
again: "Safety must be restored to our
community, our state institutions
must serve the people. Our lives begin
now. Let us not be divided by our
past, but be united by hope for the
future."
All this takes a leadership that says no to cronyism, patronage,
and the rot
that has been at the helm of economic and political
governance.
I spoke to Zimbabwean human rights activist, lawyer Brian
kagoro last night.
I said to him my Rwandan inspiration is in a leadership
that puts a past
behind and decides to craft a new future and they do
it.
It takes that leadership tenacity, to overcome the trappings of
power, the
temptations of a good life at the expense of a suffering
citizenry. It takes
more than just words on paper.
Mugabe showed us
he is does not belong to this generations leadership, his
memories of
Nyerere, Khama (snr), and the liberation struggle only make me
say to him,
sir work on a smooth exist. The ball is now in the MDC
Tsvangirai court to
deliver for Zimbabweans. Our scars were not in vain.
Morgan Tsvangirai's
speech at the signing ceremony,
and the full details of the agreement between
Zanu PF
and the two MDC formations
Sokwanele : 16
September 2008
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Morgan Tsvangirai’s speech on the SADC brokered signing in ceremony
President Mbeki, Heads of State and Government, Your Excellencies, Members of the Diplomatic Corps, President Mugabe, Professor Mutambara, Mr. Speaker of Parliament, Madam President of the Senate, Parliamentarians, Senators and Parliamentarians, Distinguished Guests, Ladies and Gentlemen.
Today, I want to thank all those whose tireless work has brought us to the signing of this agreement.
I salute President Thabo Mbeki, facilitator of the negotiations, for his efforts to find a solution to the Zimbabwe crisis that is acceptable to all parties.
I applaud the role played by SADC in working with all parties involved to resolve this crisis. I would like to pay particular tribute to the late Zambian President Levy Mwanawasa, who worked tirelessly towards this agreement and it will serve as an enduring part of his legacy.
I thank Jakaya Kikwete, president of Tanzania and Chairman of the African Union, and Jean Ping, Chairman of the Commission of the Africa Union for understanding how important resolving the Zimbabwe crisis was to our entire continent.
I recognize United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon, who acknowledged that the world cannot stand idle while a member nation slides into famine and chaos.
I thank the democratically elected Members of Parliament—all of them, Zanu-PF, members of the MDC and the independent parliamentarian. Already you have shown a willingness to work across party lines to get things done. You are a model for the executive branch created out of today’s agreement to follow.
Lastly, and most importantly, I would like to thank the people of Zimbabwe, for adhering to the principles of peaceful, democratic change and for not wavering from these principles even in the face of hardship. I salute you.
Our nation looks towards us, the leadership, to deliver on the commitments contained in this agreement. We had two options: To put aside our differences and unite in order our people real hope, or continue to let the impasse plunge our country in to the abyss of a failed state.
People may ask how we, who have been opponents for so long, can possibly work together in government. On this I ask all Zimbabweans to hear these words.
I have signed this agreement because I believe it represents the best opportunity for us to build a peaceful, prosperous, democratic Zimbabwe. I have signed this agreement because my belief in Zimbabwe and its peoples runs deeper than the scars I bear from the struggle. I have signed this agreement because my hope for the future is stronger than the grief I feel for the needless suffering of the past years.
Today, every one of us has a decision to make. Shall we be driven by the feelings we have towards those we blame for the suffering we have endured, or shall we be driven by the hope of a new, better, brighter country. The hope of a new beginning.
The world has too many examples of what happens when people are driven by past wrongs rather than the hope of future glories.
I have chosen to be guided by hope and if you join me in this, we will not fail to witness the rebirth of our nation.
This does not mean we must forget about the past decades of hardship and struggles. It is essential that we remember the sacrifices made by our comrades, colleagues, families and friends, from the time of our liberation struggle until today, that have made this historic opportunity possible. Only through a public acknowledgement of past wrongs can we begin the process of national healing.
Looking back provides me with the energy to move forward. Looking back, I am filled with enormous pride over the way we Zimbabweans have conducted ourselves. We deserve to stand tall and be proud of what we have achieved and be excited about what we can now achieve.
The agreement we sign to day is a product of painful compromise. It does not provide an instant cure for the ills that pervade our society and our country. The road ahead is long and will not be easy. Indeed, the partners in this new, inclusive government cannot alone provide the solutions to the problems facing the country. All we can do, and we will do, is to work together to establish the environment where every Zimbabwean has the opportunity to contribute to solving the problems we face.
This agreement sees the return of hope to all our lives. We have been motivated in our struggle by the belief that we deserve democracy, that we deserve a better life, that we deserve to live free from fear, hunger, poverty and oppression.
It is this hope that provides the foundation of this agreement that we sign today. It is this hope that will provide us with the belief that we can achieve a New Zimbabwe. It is this hope that will provide us with the energy to build a New Zimbabwe. It is this hope that must unite all Zimbabweans as we move forward.
But hope alone will not deliver our New Zimbabwe. In this we all have an essential role to play. In this new struggle for a new beginning, we will require the support, perseverance and patience of the people.
In turn, I pledge that this new inclusive government will introduce a new way of governing, where we serve the people and respond to the needs of the people. I acknowledge the debt that we owe to the courage and support of the people and I commit myself and this new, inclusive government to honour that debt.
As Prime Minister of Zimbabwe, I call on the supporters of both ZANU-PF and the MDC to unite with all Zimbabweans, to put the interests of our nation and our people first and to work together for a New Zimbabwe. Divisions, polarization and hatred belong to the past.
With the commitment of this new government to build a better country, with the commitment of all Zimbabweans to work together for a brighter future our success is guaranteed.
However, a new beginning will be built more quickly with support from the international community. We are grateful for the support you have shown us over the past nine years and we appeal to our regional neighbors, our African brothers and sisters and the international community, to assist us in rebuilding our nation. To assist us to address the problems facing our society, our education and health care systems and our economy.
As a sovereign, peaceful state we ask that you work with us to return Zimbabwe to its rightful place as a proud, democratic, prosperous member of the family of nations.
The agreement we are signing today creates a transitional authority that will govern Zimbabwe until a new democratic constitution can be put in place and genuinely free and fair elections can be held. We do not today set a date for those future elections. But we must not use the current crisis, desperate as it is, to delay the lasting solution to our underlying problem.
This negotiated settlement can only be a temporary measure, a candle in a dark dungeon that enables our people to see the way forward to the bright sunshine of freedom and prosperity. ZANU-PF and MDC are brands rich with meaning and proud history. ZANU-PF is the party of our national liberation; the party of the creation of the modern Zimbabwe; the mother party of many liberation movements across the whole continent of Africa.
The MDC is a people’s party. Born from a people’s convention, drawing people from all walks of life, but representing those for whom life every day is a struggle; and who look for something better for their future, and their children’s future.
For too long we have allowed the differences between these two parties to divide us, to the detriment of our nation, rather than unite us, for the betterment of our nation.
Party divisions and party brands no longer matter to the people of Zimbabwe. We must all unite to solve to the problems facing the nation.
Our new Government recognizes the hardships faced by the people today and addressing these will be our main priority.
First we will stop the devastating food shortages.
The policies of the past years have made Zimbabwe a nation where the healthy flee and the sickly die.
Warmhearted and generous people from around the globe have come to Zimbabwe to bring food to our starving people—And they found our door was locked.
The first priority of the government is to unlock the food already in our country and distribute it to our people.
We need doctors and medicines back in our hospitals; teachers back in our schools. We need businesses that can grow and provide jobs to the people. We need electricity again to power our businesses and homes. We need water that is safe and accessible. We need affordable food in our shops, crops in our fields, and petrol back in our vehicles. We need to be able to access our own cash from our banks.
We need to stabilize our economy and restore value to our currency.
Peace and safety must be restored to our communities. Our State institutions must serve the needs of all the people, not just Zanu PF or the MDC.
Under my leadership, this unity government will let business flourish so our people can work and provide for their families with pride.
With the signing of this deal the door to freedom and democracy has been unlocked. The transformation of our lives begins now. How quickly and how successfully that happens will depend on the commitment of every Zimbabwean as an agent for positive change.
The hand with which I sign this agreement is the hand I extend to President Robert Mugabe - for the well-being of our nation - in my pledge to work with all the leaders of Zimbabwe to bring our nation back to life. Let us not be divided by our past, but united by our hope for the future.
And so, In the sight of the world, with the hopes of our people, praying for the wisdom from almighty God, I sign this agreement and enter a new government and a way forward to new era of prosperity and democracy for all Zimbabweans.
Agreement between the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (Zanu-Pf) and the two Movement For Democratic Change (MDC) Formations, on resolving the challenges facing Zimbabwe
The Parties hereby declare and agree to work together to create a genuine,
viable, permanent, sustainable and nationally acceptable solution to the
Zimbabwe situation and in particular to implement the following agreement with
the aims of resolving once and for all the current political and economic
situations and charting a new political direction for the
country.
ARTICLE III : RESTORATION OF ECONOMIC STABILITY AND
GROWTH
3. Economic recovery
3.1 The Parties agree:
(a) to give priority to the restoration of economic stability and growth in Zimbabwe. The Government will lead the process of developing and implementing an economic recovery strategy and plan. To that end, the parties are committed to working together on a full and comprehensive economic programme to resuscitate Zimbabwe's economy, which will urgently address the issues of production, food security, poverty and unemployment and the challenges of high inflation, interest rates and the exchange rate.
(b) to create conditions that would ensure that the 2008/2009 agricultural season is productive.
(c) to establish a National Economic Council, composed of representatives of the Parties and of the following sectors:(i) Manufacturing(d) that the terms of reference of the Council shall include giving advice to Government, formulating economic plans and programmes for approval by government and such other functions as are assigned to the Council by the Government.
(ii) Agriculture
(iii) Mining
(iv) Tourism
(v) Commerce
(vi) Financial
(vii) Labour
(viii) Academia; and
(ix) Other relevant sectors
(e) to endorse the SADC resolution on the economy.
ARTICLE IV : SANCTIONS AND MEASURES
4. Sanctions and
Measures
4.1 Recognising and acknowledging that some sections of the
international community have since 2000 imposed various sanctions and measures
against Zimbabwe, which have included targeted sanctions.
4.2 The Parties
note the present economic and political isolation of Zimbabwe by the United
Kingdom, European Union, United States of America and other sections of the
International Community over and around issues of disputed elections, governance
and differences over the land reform programme.
4.3 Noting and
acknowledging the following sanctions and measures imposed on Zimbabwe:
(a) enactment of the Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery Act by the United States of America Congress which outlaws Zimbabwe's right to access credit from International Financial Institutions in which the United States Government is represented or has a stake;
(b) suspension of Zimbabwe's voting and related rights, suspension of balance of payment support, declaration of ineligibility to borrow Fund resources and suspension of technical assistance to Zimbabwe by the International Monetary Fund;
(c) suspension of grants and infrastructural development support to Zimbabwe by The World Bank; and
(d) imposition of targeted travel bans against current Government and some business leaders.
4.4 Noting that this international isolation has over the years created a
negative international perception of Zimbabwe and thereby resulting in the
further isolation of the country by the non-availing of lines of credit to
Zimbabwe by some sections of the international community.
4.5 Recognising
the consequent contribution of this isolation to the further decline of the
economy.
4.6 Desirous and committed to bringing to an end the fall in the
standards of living of our people, the Parties hereby agree:
(a) to endorse the SADC resolution on sanctions concerning Zimbabwe;
(b) that all forms of measures and sanctions against Zimbabwe be lifted in order to facilitate a sustainable solution to the challenges that are currently facing Zimbabwe; and
(c) commit themselves to working together in re-engaging the international community with a view to bringing to an end the country's international isolation.
ARTICLE V : LAND QUESTION
5. Land
Question
5.1 Recognising that colonial racist land ownership patterns
established during the colonial conquest of Zimbabwe and largely maintained in
the post independence period were not only unsustainable, but against the
national interest, equity and justice.
5.2 Noting that in addition to the
primary objective of the liberation struggle to win one man one vote democracy
and justice, the land question, namely the need for the re-distribution of land
to the majority indigenous people of Zimbabwe was at the core of the liberation
struggle.
5.3 Accepting the inevitability and desirability of a
comprehensive land reform programme in Zimbabwe that redresses the issues of
historical imbalances and injustices in order to address the issues of equity,
productivity, and justice.
5.4 While differing on the methodology of
acquisition and redistribution the parties acknowledge that compulsory
acquisition and redistribution of land has taken place under a land reform
programme undertaken since 2000.
5.5 Accepting the irreversibility of the
said land acquisitions and redistribution.
5.6 Noting that in the current
Constitution of Zimbabwe and further in the Draft Constitution agreed to by the
parties the primary obligation of compensating former land owners for land
acquired rests on the former colonial power.
5.7 Further recognising the
need to ensure that all land is used productively in the interests of all the
people of Zimbabwe.
5.8 Recognising the need for women's access and
control over land in their own right as equal citizens.
5.9 The Parties
hereby agree to:
(a) conduct a comprehensive, transparent and non-partisan land audit, during the tenure of the Seventh Parliament of Zimbabwe, for the purpose of establishing accountability and eliminating multiple farm ownerships.
(b) ensure that all Zimbabweans who are eligible to be allocated land and who apply for it shall be considered for allocation of land irrespective of race, gender, religion, ethnicity or political affiliation;
(c) ensure security of tenure to all land holders.
(d) call upon the United Kingdom government to accept the primary responsibility to pay compensation for land acquired from former land owners for resettlement;
(e) work together to secure international support and finance for the land reform programme in terms of compensation for the former land owners and support for new farmers; and
(f) work together for the restoration of full productivity on all agricultural land.
ARTICLE VI : CONSTITUTION
6.
Constitution
Acknowledging that it is the fundamental right and duty
of the Zimbabwean people to make a constitution by themselves and for
themselves;
Aware that the process of making this constitution must be
owned and driven by the people and must be inclusive and
democratic;
Recognising that the current Constitution of Zimbabwe made at
the Lancaster House Conference, London (1979) was primarily to transfer power
from the colonial authority to the people of Zimbabwe;
Acknowledging the
draft Constitution that the Parties signed and agreed to in Kariba on the 30th
of September 2007, annexed hereto as Annexure "B";
Determined to create
conditions for our people to write a constitution for themselves;
and
Mindful of the need to ensure that the new Constitution deepens our
democratic values and principles and the protection of the equality of all
citizens, particularly the enhancement of full citizenship and equality of
women.
6.1 The Parties hereby agree:
(a) that they shall set up a Select Committee of Parliament composed of representatives of the Parties whose terms of reference shall be as follows:
(i) to set up such subcommittees chaired by a member of Parliament and composed of members of Parliament and representatives of Civil Society as may be necessary to assist the Select Committee in performing its mandate herein;
(ii) to hold such public hearings and such consultations as it may deem necessary in the process of public consultation over the making of a new constitution for Zimbabwe;
(iii) to convene an All Stakeholders Conference to consult stakeholders on their representation in the sub-committees referred to above and such related matters as may assist the committee in its work;
(iv) to table its draft Constitution to a 2nd All Stakeholders Conference; and
(v) to report to Parliament on its recommendations over the content of a New Constitution for Zimbabwe
(b) That the draft Constitution recommended by the Select Committee shall be submitted to a referendum;
(c) that, in implementing the above, the following time frames shall apply:
(i) the Select Committee shall be set up within two months of inception of a new government;
(ii) the convening of the first All Stakeholders Conference shall be within 3 months of the date of the appointment of the Select Committee;
(iii) the public consultation process shall be completed no later than 4 months of the date of the first All Stakeholders Conference;
(iv) the draft Constitution shall be tabled within 3 months of completion of the public consultation process to a second All Stakeholders Conference;
(v) the draft Constitution and the accompanying Report shall be tabled before Parliament within 1 month of the second All Stakeholders Conference;
(vi) the draft Constitution and the accompanying Report shall be debated in Parliament and the debate concluded within one month;
(vii) the draft Constitution emerging from Parliament shall be gazetted before the holding of a referendum;
(viii) a referendum on the new draft Constitution shall be held within 3 months of the conclusion of the debate;
(ix) in the event of the draft Constitution being approved in the referendum it shall be gazetted within 1 month of the date of the referendum; and
(x) the draft Constitution shall be introduced in Parliament no later than 1 month after the expiration of the period of 30 days from the date of its gazetting.
ARTICLE VII : PROMOTION OF EQUALITY, NATIONAL HEALING, COHESION AND
UNITY
7. Equality, National Healing, Cohesion and
Unity
7.1 The Parties hereby agree that the new Government:
a) will ensure equal treatment of all regardless of gender, race, ethnicity, place of origin and will work towards equal access to development for all;
b) will ensure equal and fair development of all regions of the country and in particular to correct historical imbalances in the development of regions;
c) shall give consideration to the setting up of a mechanism to properly advise on what measures might be necessary and practicable to achieve national healing, cohesion and unity in respect of victims of pre and post independence political conflicts; and
d) will strive to create an environment of tolerance and respect among Zimbabweans and that all citizens are treated with dignity and decency irrespective of age, gender, race, ethnicity, place of origin or political affiliation.
e) will formulate policies and put measures in place to attract the return and repatriation of all Zimbabweans in the Diaspora and in particular will work towards the return of all skilled personnel.
ARTICLE VIII : RESPECT FOR NATIONAL INSTITUTIONS AND
EVENTS
8. Respect for National Institutions and Events
8.1 In
the interests of forging a common vision for our country, the Parties hereby
agree:
(a) on the necessity of all Zimbabweans regardless of race, ethnicity, gender, political affiliation and religion to respect and observe Zimbabwe's national institutions, symbols, national programmes and events; and
(b) that all Zimbabweans regardless of race, ethnicity, gender, political affiliation and religion have the right to benefit from and participate in all national programmes and events without let or hindrance.
ARTICLE IX : EXTERNAL INTERFERENCE
9. External
Interference
9.1 The Parties reaffirm the principle of the United
Nations Charter on non-interference in the internal affairs of member
countries.
9.2 The Parties hereby agree:
(a) that the responsibility of effecting change of government in Zimbabwe vests exclusively on and is the sole prerogative of the people of Zimbabwe through peaceful, democratic and constitutional means;
(b) to reject any unlawful, violent, undemocratic and unconstitutional means of changing governments; and
(c) that no outsiders have a right to call or campaign for regime change in Zimbabwe.
ARTICLE X : FREE POLITICAL ACTIVITY
10. Free political
activity
Recognising that the right to canvass and freely mobilise
for political support is the cornerstone of any multi-party democratic system,
the Parties have agreed that there should be free political activity throughout
Zimbabwe within the ambit of the law in which all political parties are able to
propagate their views and canvass for support, free of harassment and
intimidation.
ARTICLE XI : RULE OF LAW, RESPECT FOR THE CONSTITUTION
AND OTHER LAWS
11. Rule of law, respect for the Constitution and
other laws
11.1 The Parties hereby agree that it is the duty of all
political parties and individuals to:
(a) respect and uphold the Constitution and other laws of the land;
(b) adhere to the principles of the Rule of Law.
ARTICLE XII : FREEDOM OF ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATION
12.
Freedoms of Assembly and Association
12.1 Recognising the importance of
the freedoms of assembly and association in a multi-party democracy and noting
that public meetings have to be conducted in a free, peaceful and democratic
manner in accordance with the law, the Parties have agreed:
(a) to work together in a manner which guarantees the full implementation and realisation of the right to freedom of association and assembly; and
(b) that the Government shall undertake training programmes, workshops and meetings for the police and other enforcement agencies directed at the appreciation of the right of freedom of assembly and association and the proper interpretation, understanding and application of the provisions of security legislation.
ARTICLE XIII : STATE ORGANS AND INSTITUTIONS
13. State
organs and institutions
13.1 State organs and institutions do not belong
to any political party and should be impartial in the discharge of their
duties.
13.2 For the purposes of ensuring that all state organs and
institutions perform their duties ethically and professionally in conformity
with the principles and requirements of a multi-party democratic system in which
all parties are treated equally, the Parties have agreed that the following
steps be taken:
(a) that there be inclusion in the training curriculum of members of the uniformed forces of the subjects on human rights, international humanitarian law and statute law so that there is greater understanding and full appreciation of their roles and duties in a multi-party democratic system;
(b) ensuring that all state organs and institutions strictly observe the principles of the Rule of Law and remain non-partisan and impartial;
(c) laws and regulations governing state organs and institutions are strictly adhered to and those violating them be penalised without fear or favour; and
(d) recruitment policies and practices be conducted in a manner that ensures that no political or other form of favouritism is practised.
ARTICLE XIV : TRADITIONAL LEADERS
14. Traditional
Leaders
14.1 Recognising and acknowledging that traditional leaders
are community leaders with equal responsibilities and obligations to all members
of their communities regardless of age, gender, ethnicity, race, religion and
political affiliation, the Parties hereby agree to:-
(a) commit themselves to ensuring the political neutrality of traditional leaders; and
(b) call upon traditional leaders not to engage in partisan political activities at national level as well as in their communities.
ARTICLE XV : NATIONAL YOUTH TRAINING PROGRAMME
15.
National Youth Training Programme
Recognising the desirability of a
national youth training programme which inculcates the values of patriotism,
discipline, tolerance, non-violence, openness, democracy, equality, justice and
respect.
Determined to ensure that the National Youth Training Programme
raises awareness of the HIV and AIDS pandemic, engenders a spirit of community
service, skills development and a commitment to the development of
Zimbabwe
15.1 The Parties hereby agree that:
(a) all youths regardless of race, ethnicity, gender, religion and political affiliation are eligible to participate in national youth training programmes;
(b) the National Youth Training Programme must be run in a non-partisan manner and shall not include partisan political material advancing the cause of any political party; and
(c) while recognising that youths undergoing training at national youth training centres have a right to hold political opinions, they shall not, during the period of their training, collectively and as part of a scheme of the training centre be used or deployed for partisan political work.
ARTICLE XVI : HUMANITARIAN AND FOOD ASSISTANCE
16.
Humanitarian and food assistance
16.1 In times of need, every
Zimbabwean regardless of race, ethnicity, gender, political affiliation and
religion is entitled to request and receive humanitarian and food assistance
from the State.
16.2 It is the primary responsibility of the State to
ensure that every Zimbabwean who needs humanitarian and food assistance receives
it.
16.3 Non-Governmental Organisations involved in giving humanitarian
and food assistance shall do so without discrimination on the grounds of race,
ethnicity, gender, political affiliation and religion and in doing so, shall not
promote or advance the interests of any political party or cause.
16.4 In
this regard the Parties hereby agree:
(a) that in the fulfillment of its obligations above, the Government and all State Institutions and quasi State Institutions shall render humanitarian and food assistance without discrimination on the grounds of race, ethnicity, gender, political affiliation or religion;
(b) that humanitarian interventions rendered by Non-Governmental Organisations, shall be provided without discrimination on the grounds of race, ethnicity, gender, political affiliation and religion.
(c) that all displaced persons shall be entitled to humanitarian and food assistance to enable them to return and settle in their original homes and that social welfare organisations shall be allowed to render such assistance as might be required.
(d) that all NGO's rendering humanitarian and food assistance must operate within the confines of the laws of Zimbabwe.
ARTICLE XVII : LEGISLATIVE AGENDA PRIORITIES
17.
Legislative agenda
17.1 The Parties hereby agree that:
(a) the legislative agenda will be prioritized in order to reflect the letter and spirit of this agreement;
(b) the Government will discuss and agree on further legislative measures which may become necessary to implement the Government's agreed policies and in particular, with a view to entrenching democratic values and practices.
ARTICLE XVIII : SECURITY OF PERSONS AND PREVENTION OF
VIOLENCE
18. Security of persons and prevention of
violence
18.1 Noting the easy resort to violence by political
parties, State actors, Non-State actors and others in order to resolve political
differences and achieve political ends.
18.2 Gravely concerned by the
displacement of scores of people after the election of March 29, 2008 as a
result of politically motivated violence.
18.3 Recognising that violence
dehumanises and engenders feelings of hatred and polarisation within the
country.
18.4 Further recognising that violence undermines our collective
independence as a people and our capacity to exercise our free will in making
political choices.
18.5 The Parties hereby agree:
(a) to promote the values and practices of tolerance, respect, non-violence and dialogue as means of resolving political differences;
(b) to renounce and desist from the promotion and use of violence, under whatever name called, as a means of attaining political ends;
(c) that the Government shall apply the laws of the country fully and impartially in bringing all perpetrators of politically motivated violence to book;
(d) that all political parties, other organisations and their leaders shall commit themselves to do everything to stop and prevent all forms of political violence, including by non-State actors and shall consistently appeal to their members to desist from violence;
(e) to take all measures necessary to ensure that the structures and institutions they control are not engaged in the perpetration of violence.
(f) that all civil society organisations of whatever description whether affiliated to a political party or not shall not promote or advocate for or use violence or any other form of intimidation or coercion to canvass or mobilise for or oppose any political party or to achieve any political end;
(g) to work together to ensure the security of all persons and property;
(h) to work together to ensure the safety of any displaced persons, their safe return home and their enjoyment of the full protection of the law.
(i) to refrain from using abusive language that may incite hostility, political intolerance and ethnic hatred or unfairly undermine each other.
(j) that while having due regard to the Constitution of Zimbabwe and the principles of the rule of law, the prosecuting authorities will expedite the determination as to whether or not there is sufficient evidence to warrant the prosecution or keeping on remand of all persons accused of politically related offences arising out of or connected with the March and June 2008 elections.
ARTICLE XIX : FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION AND
COMMUNICATION
19. Freedom of Expression and
Communication
Recognising the importance of the right to freedom of
expression and the role of the media in a multi-party democracy.
Noting
that while the provisions of the Broadcasting Services Act permit the issuance
of licences, no licences other than to the public broadcaster have been
issued.
Aware of the emergence of foreign based radio stations
broadcasting into Zimbabwe, some of which are funded by foreign
governments.
Concerned that the failure to issue licences under the
Broadcasting Services Act to alternative broadcasters might have given rise to
external radio stations broadcasting into Zimbabwe.
Further concerned
that foreign government funded external radio stations broadcasting into
Zimbabwe are not in Zimbabwe's national interest.
Desirous of ensuring
the opening up of the air waves and ensuring the operation of as many media
houses as possible.
19.1 The Parties hereby agree:
(a) that the government shall ensure the immediate processing by the appropriate authorities of all applications for re-registration and registration in terms of both the Broadcasting Services Act as well as the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act;
(b) all Zimbabwean nationals including those currently working for or running external radio stations be encouraged to make applications for broadcasting licences, in Zimbabwe, in terms of the law;
(c) that in recognition of the open media environment anticipated by this Agreement, the Parties hereby:-
(i) call upon the governments that are hosting and/or funding external radio stations broadcasting into Zimbabwe to cease such hosting and funding; and
(ii) encourage the Zimbabweans running or working for external radio stations broadcasting into Zimbabwe to return to Zimbabwe; and
(d) that steps be taken to ensure that the public media provides balanced and fair coverage to all political parties for their legitimate political activities.
(e) that the public and private media shall refrain from using abusive language that may incite hostility, political intolerance and ethnic hatred or that unfairly undermines political parties and other organisations. To this end, the inclusive government shall ensure that appropriate measures are taken to achieve this objective.
ARTICLE XX : FRAMEWORK FOR A NEW GOVERNMENT
20.
Framework for a new Government
Acknowledging that we have an
obligation to establish a framework of working together in an inclusive
government;
Accepting that the formation of such a government will have
to be approached with great sensitivity, flexibility and willingness to
compromise;
Recognising that the formation of such a Government would
demonstrate the respect of the Parties for the deeply-felt and immediate hopes
and aspirations of the millions of our people.
Determined to carry out
sustained work to create the conditions for returning our country to stability
and prosperity;
Acknowledging the need for gender parity, particularly
the need to appoint women to strategic Cabinet posts;
20.1 The Parties
hereby agree that:
20.1.1 Executive Powers and
Authority
The Executive Authority of the Inclusive Government shall
vest in, and be shared among the President, the Prime Minister and the Cabinet,
as provided for in this Constitution and legislation.
The President of
the Republic shall exercise executive authority subject to the Constitution and
the law.
The Prime Minister of the Republic shall exercise executive
authority subject to the Constitution and the law.
The Cabinet of the
Republic shall exercise executive authority subject to the Constitution and the
law.
In the exercise of executive authority, the President, Vice
Presidents, the Prime Minister, the Deputy Prime Ministers, Ministers and Deputy
Ministers must have regard to the principles and spirit underlying the formation
of the Inclusive Government and accordingly act in a manner that seeks to
promote cohesion both inside and outside government.
20.1.2 The
Cabinet
(a) shall have the responsibility to evaluate and adopt all government policies and the consequential programmes;
(b) shall, subject to approval by Parliament, allocate the financial resources for the implementation of such policies and programmes;
(c) shall have the responsibility to prepare and present to Parliament, all such legislation and other instruments as may be necessary to implement the policies and programmes of the National Executive;
(d) shall, except where the Constitution requires ratification by Parliament, or action by the President, approve all international agreements;
(e) shall ensure that the state organs, including the Ministries and Departments, have sufficient financial and other resources and appropriate operational capacity to carry out their functions effectively; and
(f) shall take decisions by consensus, and take collective responsibility for all Cabinet decisions, including those originally initiated individually by any member of Cabinet.
(g) The President and the Prime Minister will agree on the allocation of Ministries between them for the purpose of day-to-day supervision.
20.1.3 The President
(a) chairs Cabinet;
(b) exercises executive authority;
(c) shall exercise his/her powers subject to the provisions of the Constitution;
(d) can, subject to the Constitution, declare war and make peace;
(e) can, subject to the Constitution, proclaim and terminate martial law;
(f) confers honours and precedence, on the advice of Cabinet;
(g) grants pardons, respites, substitutes less severe punishment and suspends or remits sentences, on the advice of Cabinet;
(h) chairs the National Security Council;
(i) formally appoints the Vice Presidents;
(j) shall, pursuant to this Agreement, appoint the Prime Minister pending the enactment of the Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment no.19 as agreed by the Parties;
(k) formally appoints Deputy Prime Ministers, Ministers and Deputy Ministers in accordance with this agreement;
(l) after consultation with the Vice Presidents, the Prime Minister and the Deputy Prime Ministers, allocates Ministerial portfolios in accordance with this Agreement;
(m) accredits, receives and recognizes diplomatic agents and consular officers;
(n) appoints independent Constitutional Commissions in terms of the Constitution;
(o) appoints service/executive Commissions in terms of the Constitution and in consultation with the Prime Minister;
(p) in consultation with the Prime Minister, makes key appointments the President is required to make under and in terms of the Constitution or any Act of Parliament;
(q) may, acting in consultation with the Prime Minister, dissolve Parliament;
(r) must be kept fully informed by the Prime Minister on the general conduct of the government business and;
(s) shall be furnished with such information as he/she may request in respect of any particular matter relating to the government, and may advise the Prime Minister and Cabinet in this regard.
20.1.4 The Prime Minister
(a) chairs the Council of Ministers and is the Deputy Chairperson of Cabinet;
(b) exercises executive authority;
(c) shall oversee the formulation of government policies by the Cabinet;
(d) shall ensure that the policies so formulated are implemented by the entirety of government;
(e) shall ensure that the Ministers develop appropriate implementation plans to give effect to the policies decided by Cabinet: in this regard, the Ministers will report to the Prime Minister on all issues relating to the implementation of such policies and plans;
(f) shall ensure that the legislation necessary to enable the government to carry out its functions is in place: in this regard, he/she shall have the responsibility to discharge the functions of the Leader of Government Business in Parliament;
(g) shall be a member of the National Security Council;
(h) may be assigned such additional functions as are necessary further to enhance the work of the Inclusive Government;
(i) shall, to ensure the effective execution of these tasks, be assisted by Deputy Prime Ministers; and
(j) shall report regularly to the President and Parliament.
20.1.5 Council of Ministers
To ensure that the Prime
Minister properly discharges his responsibility to oversee the implementation of
the work of government, there shall be a Council of Ministers consisting of all
the Cabinet Ministers, chaired by the Prime Minister, whose functions shall
be:
(a) to assess the implementation of Cabinet decisions;
(b) to assist the Prime Minister to attend to matters of coordination in the government;
(c) to enable the Prime Minister to receive briefings from the Cabinet Committees;
(d) to make progress reports to Cabinet on matters of implementation of Cabinet decisions;
(e) to receive and consider reports from the Committee responsible for the periodic review mechanism; and
(f) to make progress reports to Cabinet on matters related to the periodic review mechanism.
20.1.6 Composition of the Executive
(1) There shall be a President, which Office shall continue to be occupied by President Robert Gabriel Mugabe.
(2) There shall be two (2) Vice Presidents, who will be nominated by the President and/or Zanu-PF.
(3) There shall be a Prime Minister, which Office shall be occupied by Mr Morgan Tsvangirai.
(4) There shall be two (2) Deputy Prime Ministers, one (1) from MDC-T and one (1) from the MDC-M.
(5) There shall be thirty-one (31) Ministers, with fifteen (15) nominated by ZANU PF, thirteen (13) by MDC-T and three (3) by MDC-M. Of the 31 Ministers, three (3) one each per Party, may be appointed from outside the members of Parliament. The three (3) Ministers so appointed shall become members of the House of Assembly and shall have the right to sit, speak and debate in Parliament, but shall not be entitled to vote.
(6) There shall be fifteen (15) Deputy Ministers, with (eight) 8 nominated by ZANU PF, six (6) by MDC-T and one (1) by MDC-M.
(7) Ministers and Deputy Ministers may be relieved of their duties only after consultation among the leaders of all the political parties participating in the Inclusive Government.
20.1.7 Senate
(a) The President shall, in his discretion, appoint five (5) persons to the existing positions of Presidential senatorial appointments.
(b) There shall be created an additional nine (9) appointed senatorial posts, which shall be filled by persons appointed by the President, of whom, 3 will be nominated by ZANU-PF, 3 by MDC-T and 3 by MDC-M.
20.1.8 Filling of vacancies
(a)In the event of any vacancy arising in respect of posts referred to in clauses 20.1.6 and 20.1.7(b) above, such vacancy shall be filled by a nominee of the Party which held that position prior to the vacancy arising.
ARTICLE XXI : ELECTORAL VACANCIES
21. Electoral
Vacancies
Aware of the divisive and often times confrontational
nature of elections and by elections;
Noting the need to allow this
agreement to take root amongst the parties and people of Zimbabwe;
and
Cognisant of the need to give our people some breathing space and a
healing period;
21.1 The Parties hereby agree that for a period of 12
months from the date of signing of this agreement, should any electoral vacancy
arise in respect of a local authority or parliamentary seat, for whatever
reason, only the party holding that seat prior to the vacancy occurring shall be
entitled to nominate and field a candidate to fill the seat subject to that
party complying with the rules governing its internal
democracy.
ARTICLE XXII : IMPLEMENTATION MECHANISMS
22.
Implementation mechanisms
22.1 To ensure full and proper
implementation of the letter and spirit of this Agreement, the Parties hereby
constitute a Joint Monitoring and Implementation Committee ("JOMIC") to be
composed of four senior members from ZANU-PF and four senior members from each
of the two MDC Formations. Gender consideration must be taken into account in
relation to the composition of JOMIC.
22.2 The committee shall be
co-chaired by persons from the Parties.
22.3 The committee shall have the
following functions:-
(a) to ensure the implementation in letter and spirit of this Agreement;
(b) to assess the implementation of this Agreement from time to time and consider steps which might need to be taken to ensure the speedy and full implementation of this Agreement in its entirety;
(c) to receive reports and complaints in respect of any issue related to the implementation, enforcement and execution of this Agreement;
(d) to serve as catalyst in creating and promoting an atmosphere of mutual trust and understanding between the parties; and
(e) to promote continuing dialogue between the Parties.
22.4 JOMIC shall be the principal body dealing with the issues of
compliance and monitoring of this Agreement and to that end, the Parties hereby
undertake to channel all complaints, grievances, concerns and issues relating to
compliance with this Agreement through JOMIC and to refrain from any conduct
which might undermine the spirit of co-operation necessary for the fulfillment
of this Agreement.
22.5 The new Government shall ensure that steps are
taken to make the security forces conversant with the Constitution of Zimbabwe
and other laws of Zimbabwe including laws relating to public order and
security.
22.6 The implementation of this agreement shall be guaranteed
and underwritten by the Facilitator, SADC and the AU.
22.7 The Parties
and the new Government shall seek the support and assistance of SADC and the AU
in mobilizing the international community to support the new Government's
economic recovery plans and programmes together with the lifting of sanctions
taken against Zimbabwe and some of its leaders.
22.8 The Parties agree
that they shall cause Parliament to amend any legislation to the extent
necessary to bring this agreement into full force.
ARTICLE XXIII :
PERIODIC REVIEW MECHANISM
23. Periodic review mechanism
23.1
Having regard to the Objectives and Priorities of the New Government as set out
in this Agreement, the Parties hereby agree that:
(a) they shall constitute a committee composed of 2 representatives each to review on an annual basis progress on the implementation and achievement of the priorities and objectives set out in this Agreement, namely: Economic (restoration of economic stability and growth, sanctions, land question) Political (new constitution, promotion of equality, national healing and cohesion and unity, external interference, free political activity, rule of law, state organs and institutions, legislative agenda and priorities) Security (security of persons and prevention of violence) and Communication (media and external radio stations); and
(b) the committee shall make recommendations to the Parties and the new government on any matters relating to this Agreement, more particularly on measures and programmes that may be necessary to take and make to realise full implementation of this Agreement.
(c) this Agreement and the relationship agreed to hereunder will be reviewed at the conclusion of the constitution-making process.
23.2 The Parties will continually review the effectiveness and any other
matter relating to the functioning of the Inclusive Government established by
the Constitution in consultation with the Guarantors.
ARTICLE XXIV :
INTERIM CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENTS
24. Interim Constitutional
amendments
The Parties hereby agree:
24.1 that the constitutional
amendments which are necessary for the implementation of this agreement shall be
passed by parliament and assented to by the President as Constitution of
Zimbabwe Amendment Act No 19. The Parties undertake to unconditionally support
the enactment of the said Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment No 19;
24.2
to include in Constitutional Amendment No19 the provisions contained in Chapters
4 and 13, and section 121 of the draft Constitution that the Parties executed at
Kariba on 30 September 2007 (Kariba draft).
ARTICLE XXV :
COMMENCEMENT
25. Commencement
This Agreement shall
enter into force upon its signature by the Parties.
In WITNESS WHEREOF
the Parties have signed this Agreement in the English language, in six identical
copies, all texts being equally authentic:
DONE AT HARARE, ON THIS DAY OF
2008
ROBERT G MUGABE
PRESIDENT, ZANU-PF
MORGAN R
TSVANGIRAI
PRESIDENT, MDC
ARTHUR G 0 MUTAMBARA
PRESIDENT,
MDC
In WITNESS THEREOF the Facilitator:
THABO MBEKI
SADC
FACILITATOR
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http://www.telegraph.co.uk/
By Michael Lawson Brown
Worldwide communications today are simple, superbly efficient, and instant. Except in Zimbabwe. Earlier this year I entered a short story competition in England. The deadline was June 30. Armed with 40 years of experience of living in Africa, I began the process of sending off my completed story on June 3. I knew it would be expensive, but my wife persuaded me that it was a worthwhile story - and she's not always easy to convince where the quality of my writing is concerned. My first thought, quickly discarded, was to email an attachment. The cable linking us to the outside world by telephone was cut and stolen last December and has yet to be replaced. New cable must be imported - very difficult as it is virtually impossible to obtain foreign exchange legally. Efforts to organise cell phone communications proved fruitless - there were no lines available, there is a weak signal in our valley and all calls are routed through the government-owned server, which is renowned for its spasmodic and inefficient performance. The next alternative was snail mail. Having recently been charged Z$1.4 billion for a single sheet airmail letter to the UK, I shuddered at the thought of what 20 pages of A4 bond paper would cost. In any case, the sender would be the same company as the email server with a similar level of efficiency. That left an international courier service, which offered hope of delivery within four working days. With time shortening and a weekend looming, I set out to buy an A4 envelope. No luck. I could have A3 (too large to fit into the courier's plastic container) or A5 (too small to avoid folding my precious manuscript).
Eventually I unearthed a used A4 envelope at home, marked "Private and Confidential". Surely the organisers would not be put off by that! The courier service had assured me that the cost would be Z$32 billion. I did not have that amount in cash. They had no facility for credit card transactions and my bank account could not cover that amount until pay day on June 20, a Friday. Then I had an inspired thought. As the courier cost covered up to a kilogram of documents, I would take the opportunity to write letters to my two UK-based sons, send a birthday card to my sister, and add a diskette containing a story I had written a few years ago and had promised to send to my elder son's partner. On June 20 I was ready. Unfortunately, a mix-up between banks meant my pay was unavailable - something to do with lines being down and electronic transfers becoming inoperable. My wife came to the rescue, or so she thought. She would take out cash from her building society account. Off she went, only to be faced with a lengthy queue unlikely to be dealt with in under two hours. That situation was impractical as she is recovering from a broken thigh and relies upon crutches to move around. Undaunted, she hobbled to the front of the queue and was served immediately with only sympathetic murmurings from the patient crowd. She was offered a maximum of Z$25 billion, enough to buy a bottle of inferior local wine or two cans of baked beans, but well short of my postage needs. She took it anyway. Monday arrived, the 23rd. Time was now running out. But then my luck turned - for a while. My pay was in the bank. My wife withdrew a further Z$25 billion. Now I was covered on two fronts. I returned to the courier, filled in the form, brought out my cheque book - and was told the cost was now Z$38 billion. My cheque was examined back and front and from all angles. Asked for a telephone number, I offered that of my defunct home line and said no more. Then the diskette was pulled out and I was told that it would cost an extra Z$100 billion. I hurriedly withdrew it. Then the birthday card had to be unsealed. It might have contained foreign currency being smuggled out of the country. Oddly, the sealed manuscript, the bulkiest package, remained untouched as did the two letters, each containing English bank cheques. Why, I wondered, worry about foreign currency leaving the country when I would much prefer some coming in? Finally the package was sealed and I was told that it would arrive, probably on Friday, June 27. Would my son, or his partner - whose mobile telephone numbers I had supplied as they would both be at work on a Friday - receive it on time? Would they be able to forward it in time for it to arrive on Monday, the deadline? He did his best to "get the mail through", but I have not heard from the judges yet, so I may never know. However, at least I tried. I feel I deserve a consolation award just for that. |