Zimbabwe new government to be discussed Thursday

http://news.yahoo.com

1 hour, 22 minutes ago

HARARE (AFP) - Zimbabwe's three main political rivals will meet Thursday to
discuss the make-up of a new cabinet after signing a power-sharing deal
earlier this week, ZANU-PF's chief negotiator said.

"The three principals are going to discuss the allocation of the 31
ministers as to who from ZANU-PF gets the 15 ministers and from the two
factions of the Movement for Democratic Change has 13 seats under Morgan
Tsvangirai and the three from the MDC led by Arthur Mutambara," said Patrick
Chinamasa.

Robert Mugabe stalls Zimbabwe's new government

http://www.telegraph.co.uk

Doubts have begun to emerge about Zimbabwe's power-sharing agreement after
President Robert Mugabe again postponed talks over dividing cabinet jobs
between his allies and the Movement for Democratic Change.

By Sebastien Berger in Harare
Last Updated: 8:04PM BST 17 Sep 2008

Mr Mugabe chose to attend the central committee of his Zanu-PF party instead
of meeting Morgan Tsvangirai, the new prime minister. Zimbabwe has been
without a cabinet since the presidential election's second round in June -
and the president seems in no hurry to choose one.

At the same time, the authorities said the constitutional changes needed to
enact the deal would not be passed for several weeks.

"These amendments would be tabled before parliament when it opens next
month," said Patrick Chinamasa, formerly Mr Mugbe's justice minister, in The
Herald, a state newspaper. Parliament has been adjourned to Oct 14 and he
said the date would not be brought forward.

The moves, or lack of them, since the agreement was signed on Monday have
seen the euphoria generated by the ceremony begin to dissipate. Mr Mugabe is
a past master at manipulation - and it appears he may be returning to form.
A senior Western diplomat described the delays over the cabinet negotiations
as "powerplays by Mugabe".

"Mugabe is behaving as if he is still the government - 'sorry, the PM can go
whistle while the ruling party's Politburo sits and meets'."

He pointed out that in Kenya, where a similar power-sharing agreement was
signed earlier this year, talks on forming the new cabinet took almost two
months. Mr Mugabe's party is insisting on holding all the security
ministries. Crucially, Zanu-PF may also be demanding control of the home
affairs ministry, which includes the police. Mr Tsvangirai had believed this
vital post would be filled by the MDC - and any backsliding could be a
"dealbreaker".

"Zanu-PF is playing hardball," said the diplomat, adding that it also wanted
the finance ministry. He added: "No-one is going to lend a bean to a
government where the finance ministry is headed by a Zanu-PF goon."

Nelson Chamisa, the MDC's spokesman, acknowledged that there was "anxiety in
the country".

"People would want to see movement in terms of the realization of the actual
deal," he said. "As the MDC, we want to urgently respond to the desperate
and dire situation Zimbabweans find themselves in."

The diplomat described the agreement as "imperfect to put it mildly" and
said that sections were filled with "the usual Zanu-PF self-justification".

On the question of how power was divided, he added: "It's still clear as mud
who does what." With executive authority shared between the president, the
prime minister and the cabinet - which Mr Mugabe chairs - the octogenarian
may have two of the three power bases.

"To put it mildly, there's uncertainty. Putting it unkindly, there's
confusion and contradiction. The agreement makes Morgan Tsvangirai prime
minister and the MDC is in government, which in a way is extraordinary, but
having done that it doesn't do anything else."

The diplomat added: "In my judgement, the guarantees are paper-thin. The
document itself is full of rubbish in parts, the structures are not clearly
defined and we haven't even got to first base in terms of filling those
slots. We're not dealing with a political science lesson here, we are
dealing with Robert Mugabe and his thugs. This will be up to Tsvangirai and
the MDC to fight their way through. They have been fighting on the outside,
now they are fighting on the inside."

Zimbabwe's ZANU-PF still in strong position after deal: Mugabe

http://news.yahoo.com

50 minutes ago

HARARE (AFP) - Zimbabwe's ZANU-PF party is still in a dominant position
after signing a power-sharing accord with the opposition, President Robert
Mugabe told his party's central committee on Wednesday.

"We remain in the driving seat.... We will not tolerate any nonsense from
our new partners," Mugabe said on national television.

The 84-year-old president and the leaders of the two opposition factions of
the Movement for Democratic Change, Morgan Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara,
will meet on Thursday to discuss the make-up of a new cabinet after agreeing
to an unity government earlier this week.

"The success of the agreement depends on the understanding and support it
gets from our people," Mugabe said.

"It's your responsibility to explain its importance and meaning to all our
people. We urge you to do your best in trying to understand the document."

'Tensions in Zanu-PF after power-sharing deal'

http://www.sabcnews.com

September 17, 2008, 19:00

Thulasizwe Simelane, Harare
Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe, under pressure to convene a meeting to
allocate cabinet positions, today met members of his party's central
committee. This comes amid reports that the power-sharing deal he signed on
Monday with opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai has caused serious tensions
within Zanu-PF.

The meeting could not take place yesterday, as Mugabe was consulting the
party's highest decision making body, the politburo. The MDC has described
the delay in convening the meeting as regrettable.

Analysts say Mugabe's significant power concessions could mark the beginning
of Zanu-PF's demise in the Zimbabwean political landscape.

Mugabe has some tough decisions to make. He has to trim his current cabinet
from 30 to just 15 ministers and eight deputy ministers. Analysts say the
fact that Mugabe is consulting the politburo and central committee signals
tensions within his party.

". Mugabe can use . the hierarchy to ensure that the party heavyweights get
the posts, and those are not hard to identify . Likewise for the MDC,
there's a hierarchy as well," says Ibbo Mandaza, a Southern African
Political Economy Series Trust researcher.

Both parties are believed to have their eyes on the key ministries of
finance, home affairs, and foreign affairs. The task at hand is daunting and
Zimbabwe's new ruling alliance cannot afford to stall the effort to better
the lives of a nation bruised by a decade of political bickering.

Parliament to give Zim deal teeth

IOL

    September 17 2008 at 02:57PM

By Angus Shaw

Harare, Zimbabwe - Key aspects of Zimbabwe's power-sharing deal will
not take effect until next month when parliament meets and makes the
necessary constitutional changes, a senior aide to President Robert Mugabe
was quoted as saying Wednesday.

Patrick Chinamasa's comments in the government-controlled Herald
newspaper were likely to add to concerns that Mugabe's agreement to cede
some power for the first time in 28 years, signed with fanfare Monday, will
founder on delay and political dissension.

Among other things, the constitution needs to be changed to create the
post of prime minister, which will be filled by Morgan Tsvangirai under the
power-sharing deal. Mugabe remains president under the agreement.

The deal has been criticised privately by some in the opposition who
are unhappy that it gives Mugabe too much power and the chance to play on
tensions between the two opposition groups.

Mugabe's party and officials from the two parties with whom he will
share power were supposed to meet Tuesday to discuss how to share out
Cabinet posts, but the talks were indefinitely postponed without
explanation.

It was unclear when the new government would be sworn in.

Constitutional amendments would "regularise" the agreement signed by
Mugabe, Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara, leader of a faction that broke away
from Tsvangirai's opposition party, Chinamasa said, according to the
newspaper.

"These amendments would be tabled before parliament when it opens next
month," he was quoted as saying, adding there will be no move to open
parliament before October 14, as originally planned.

The deal provides for 31 ministers - 15 from Mugabe's party, 13 from
Tsvangirai's and three from Mutambara's. Allotting those posts will mean
pushing out Mugabe loyalists who now hold Cabinet posts.

The Herald said the decision-making politburo of Mugabe's party met
Tuesday in Harare to discuss the power-sharing agreement, and that the
party's central committee meets Wednesday. Ruling party officials would not
comment on the politburo meeting, the Herald said.

Zimbabweans are desperate for a political solution so their leaders
can concentrate on a growing economic crisis. The country has the world's
highest inflation rate even by the official figure of at 11 million percent,
and independent economists put it much higher. Food and other basics are
scare, and aid agencies say more and more Zimbabweans are going hungry.

The international Red Cross said Wednesday its trucks would leave
warehouses in the main Zimbabwe cities of Harare, Bulawayo and Mutare,
carrying nearly 400 tons of maize, beans and cooking oil for the some 24 000
needy Zimbabweans. More shipments will follow in coming months.

The nation's central bank put a new 1 000 Zimbabwe dollar note into
circulation Wednesday, an acknowledgment of inflation's effect on the buying
power of the 500 Zimbabwe note that had been the largest denomination.

Central bank governor Gideon Gono, who has been struggling to address
the financial crisis, told The Herald the political settlement gave him
hope.

Mugabe's critics say his policies - including his orders in 2000 that
white-owned farms be seized and given to blacks - led to the economic
collapse. Mugabe blames Western sanctions imposed because of his poor human
rights record, saying they have led investors and aid agencies to avoid
Zimbabwe. - Sapa-AP

'Bob's commitment unquestionable'

IOL

    September 17 2008 at 09:35AM

Johannesburg - Zimbabwe's new Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai on
Wednesday voiced confidence about President Robert Mugabe's commitment to a
power sharing deal, saying the unity government would work.

"I'm quite certain (...) his commitment to the agreement is
unquestionable," Tsvangirai told South Africa's Talk Radio 702, referring to
a path-breaking accord aimed at ending ruinous political and economic chaos.

"At a personal level, we don't have a strained relationship," he said,
adding that the two traditional foes had had some positive interaction
during recent talks which led to the deal signed on Monday.

"So I'm quite confident that we can work together for the good of the
people. I mean that's the whole intention," he said.

Talks to allocate the ministerial posts of the new government were
postponed Tuesday as Mugabe's ruling Zanu-PF called a meeting of its top
leadership to discuss the cabinet positions.

A multi-party cabinet is to be led by Mugabe, who has ruled Zimbabwe
since independence in 1980, as president. The opposition Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) leader Tsvangirai holds the newly created post of
prime minister.

MDSC breakaway faction leader Arthur Mutambara will take one of the
two deputy prime ministerial posts.

On whether he will have veto powers over Mugabe, the MDC leader said:
"The president and myself will not have a veto over anybody, but we will
work to co-operate between the council of ministers and the cabinet. One
reports to the other."

"All decisions are by consensus which means there has to be
agreement," he added.

The Zanu-PF has been allotted 15 portfolios in the new cabinet, in
which Tsvangirai party's will hold 13 posts. The MDC faction led by
Mutambara will have three posts.

Mugabe will chair the cabinet while Tsvangirai will chair a council of
ministers.

The power-sharing deal was reached after protracted talks mediated by
South African President Thabo Mbeki with Zimbabwe's political crisis having
intensified after the 84-year-old Mugabe's re-election as president in a
widely condemned one-man, second round poll in June.

Tsvangirai boycotted the vote despite finishing ahead of Mugabe in the
March first round, citing violence against his supporters.

Mugabe's party was also defeated for the first time in legislative
elections held in March.

About the past decade, Zimbabwe's economy - once a hailed as an
African model - has collapsed with the world's highest inflation rate,
chronic shortages of foreign currency and food and skyrocketing
unemployment. - Sapa-AFP

Mugabe's party fully behind power-sharing deal

http://www.monstersandcritics.com

Africa News
Sep 17, 2008, 19:39 GMT

Harare - Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe's party 'unanimously endorsed'
this week's historic power-sharing agreement at meetings over the past two
days, a spokesman said, quelling fears the party was about to back-track on
the agreement.

'At the meetings (of the leadership of Mugabe's Zanu-PF) it was agreed that
the document signed had the interests of the party at heart and it was
unanimously endorsed. So the president will meet the other principals on
Thursday and finalize the issue of allocating the ministries,' Zanu-PF chief
negotiator Patrick Chinamasa told Deutsche Presse-Agentur dpa.

Chinamasa also confirmed Thursday's meeting between Mugabe, Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) leader Morgan Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara,
leader of an MDC splinter faction, on national television.

The meeting to finalize the distribution of posts in a new 31- member
cabinet had been due to take place Tuesday.

But Mugabe instead reverted to his party's politburo and central committee
amid signs some party hardliners were finding the prospect of giving up key
ministries to the MDC a hard pill to swallow.

On Monday, the world watched as Zimbabwe's leaders committed themselves to
sharing power in a transitional government, as part of a regionally brokered
initiative to end a decade of worsening repression and hardship under
84-year-old Mugabe.

The deal made Mugabe executive president and head of state with reduced
powers, while Tsvangirai becomes prime minister and effective head of
government. Zanu-PF gets 15 ministries, Tsvangirai's MDC gets 13 and the
remaining three go to Mutambara's faction.

Sources say that the MDC is prepared to let Mugabe retain the defence
ministry, which controls the army while insisting it take home affairs,
giving Tsvangirai control over the police. Both the army and police have
been used in past crackdowns on the MDC.

The agreement is seen as the last hope to pull the country back from the
brink of collapse.

Inflation is put officially at 11.2 per cent but is estimated at several
times that and the Zimbabwe dollar is worth only one thirty- thousandth of a
US dollar, despite the Reserve Bank slashing 10 zeroes off the currency less
than two months ago.

The Bank introduced a new 1,000 dollar note (10 trillion dollars in old
money) Wednesday in a bid to end cash shortages but the new note can only
buy a loaf of bread.

'The zeros seem to be coming back no matter how often they slash them,' said
John Robertson, an economic consultant. 'What we need in Zimbabwe is a clear
change of policies. Start production and then inflation will start easing
up.'

Human rights groups wary .. as youth training to continue

http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk


Wednesday, 17 September 2008 13:24
HARARE - Local and international human rights watchdogs will be
scrutinising events following this week's power-sharing deal - particularly
in relation to the section that deals with youth training, militias and
camps.
The deal affirms "the desirability of a national youth training
programme which inculcates the values of patriotism, discipline, tolerance,
non violence, democracy, equality, justice and respect."
The MDC has long charged that the "green bombers", war veterans and
some members of the Zimbabwean army were behind violent campaigns that
helped Mugabe's party retain power in elections in 2000, 2002, 2005 and
2008.
During its election campaigns, the MDC promised to dismantle torture
camps set up around the elections and disarm Zanu (PF) members and their
allies as soon as they got into power.
The deal signed Monday retains the institution of ruling party youth
brigades.
"The parties hereby agree that all youths regardless of race,
ethnicity, gender religion and political affiliation are eligible to
participate in the national youth training programmes," said the agreement.
As a safeguard, the parties insist the programme must be run on a
non-partisan basis.
MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai said his party had been forced to make
"painful concessions" to make the deal fly.
Human Rights Watch said this week any transition to democracy
following the power-sharing agreement would remain fragile unless the
political leadership took steps to address human rights abuses.
Georgette Gagnon, Africa director at Human Rights Watch, said: "They
should release political prisoners, dismantle torture camps set up around
the elections and disarm Zanu (PF) party members and their allies. Any deal
should immediately end ongoing violations and hold to account those
responsible for past abuses."
Gagnon added that Zanu (PF) supporters, government-backed "war
veterans" and "youth militia" continued to terrorize Zimbabweans in rural
areas.
"The government has failed to dismantle the torture camps that it
established in the immediate aftermath of the March 29, 2008 general
elections," Gagnon complained.

Cabinet to start work, as soon as it is announced

By Tichaona Sibanda
17 September 2008

A new inclusive cabinet, likely to be announced by Robert Mugabe on Friday
will start work immediately thereafter without necessarily having to wait
for constitutional amendment number 19 to be passed in Parliament.

Amendment number 19 is to be introduced in Parliament anytime after October
14 when it reconvenes for the 7th session. According to Professor Welshman
Ncube, one of the main architects of the inclusive power sharing government,
it might take Parliament up to 60 days to pass the amendment into law.

"Cabinet will in the meanwhile be appointed by the President to their
ministerial positions by virtue of party appointments, as agreed during the
talks. It effectively means cabinet will start business the day it is
formed," Ncube said. There is speculation this might be done on Friday as
the principals are due to meet on Thursday to finalise the distribution of
ministries and the appointment of the cabinet.

Media reports had suggested that most aspects of the deal won't come into
effect until next month, which raised concerns that the new look cabinet
would have to wait until then to begin its work.

The constitutional amendment seeks to give legal force to the power sharing
deal that was signed by Mugabe, Morgan Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara on
Monday in Harare. The amendment also creates the post of Prime Minister,
which has already been filled by Tsvangirai.

Ncube said while he was relieved the negotiations were over, they remained
cautiously optimistic the deal would move the country forward. The
constitutional law expert admitted it would be difficult to work with Mugabe
and other members of the Tsvangirai faction because 'we have fundamental and
ideological differences.'

"There is a great deal of personality clashes among the players. We also
differ fundamentally on policy and there is also the difference of style, so
yes, we might encounter some turbulence on the way," Ncube said.

He added; "As long as people are sufficiently tolerant, we believe it must
be made to work as it is the only choice we have."

SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news

Can Mugabe let go?

http://www.nationalpost.com

With a power-sharing agreement signed, Zimbabweans are asking:

RW Johnson, National Post  Published: Wednesday, September 17, 2008

This week's power-sharing deal between Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe
and two opposition leaders, Morgan Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara, marks,
as Tsvangirai noted in his first speech as prime minister, "the rebirth of
our nation," and the "building of a New Zimbabwe."
The signing ceremony, conducted before notables from the United Nations, the
African Union and the 16-nation Southern African Development Community
(SADC), paid fulsome tribute to the mediator of the settlement talks,
President Thabo Mbeki of South Africa. The watershed, it is hoped, will
bring to an end nine years of strife, which has caused over a third of the
Zimbabwean population to flee abroad, and killed perhaps another million
through starvation, political violence, AIDS and the collapse of the
country's health system.

The settlement provides for Mugabe to preside over a cabinet of 31
ministers, 15 belonging to his previously ruling Zanu-PF party, 13 to
Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), and three to Mutambara's
splinter MDC. In addition, Tsvangirai will chair an overlapping council of
ministers that supervises the government. While Tsvangirai will control the
police, Mugabe will still aim to control the armed forces.

In his own speech, Mugabe rambled widely, accused the opposition of
violence, boasted of his own greater experience -- and was frequently booed.
What his speech showed is that the deal is almost certainly unworkable: The
man who has ruled the country alone since 1980 has not really accepted the
change for what it is, and clearly hopes to continue rule by presidential
decree.

Indeed, the whole ceremony papered over Mugabe's monstrous bad faith in
recent months. Tsvangirai clearly led Mugabe by a considerable margin in
this year's presidential elections -- until Mugabe conducted a campaign of
all-out violence that forced Tsvangirai to withdraw. Even so, the opposition
managed to win the parliamentary elections. In any even half-way democratic
country, Mugabe and his party would now be out of power. It was only thanks
to support from Mbeki-- who is now posturing as a great savior and
mediator -- that Mugabe was able to hold out for a compromise deal.

With two centres of power and, in effect, two conflicting cabinets, the deal
is almost certainly unworkable. Tsvangirai said he signed the deal because
"my belief in Zimbabwe and its peoples runs deeper than the scars I bear
from the struggle." The word "scars" here is meant quite literally. In 1998,
Mugabe's thugs tried to throw Tsvangirai out of a 6th floor window. Less
than two years ago, Tsvangirai was beaten within inches of his life. No
wonder Tsvangirai added that the deal "can only be a temporary measure, like
a candle in a dungeon."

Tsvangirai said the first task of the new government would be to "unlock the
food already in the country and distribute it to our people" -- without
mentioning that it has been kept locked up by Mugabe, who wished to ensure
it got distributed only to his supporters, while opposition supporters were
deliberately starved.

The crunch is bound to come quickly. Mugabe and his henchmen have everything
to lose from this. Probably the first big issue will be the sacking of
Gideon Gono as Governor of the Reserve Bank. Mugabe has used Gono, a key
henchman and his own private banker, to control the economy; and Gono has in
turn been rewarded with stolen farms and other looted assets. Foreign donors
have made it clear that not a cent will be handed over while Gono remains in
office; but if he goes, so does Mugabe's control of the economy.

Another point of contention is Tsvangirai's determination to invite back the
British Military Assistance and Training Team (BMATT), which trained the
army and police after Zimbabwe's independence. This would mean 200 British
military personnel on the ground. It would also mean the professionalization
of security forces that until now have acted as partisan thugs for Mugabe
and his henchmen. In particular, BMATT's first order of business would be to
help crack down on the murderous "war vets" and Green Bomber youth league,
both of which were instrumental to Mugabe's efforts to terrorize white
farmers and opposition blacks.

In other words, the agenda favoured both by Tvangirai and the major Western
donors will serve to dismantle Mugabe's violent and corrupt system, and
prepare the way for free elections in which both Mugabe and his party will
face annihilation.

In his speech, Mugabe raged on about those who had the temerity to want to
see him leave the scene after 28 years in power: He still cannot believe
anyone would attempt such sacrilege. The next few weeks will show whether he
intends to subvert the deal now reached -- or whether he will be pushed
aside by a determined opposition seeking to restore hope and order to a
nation that has been systematically looted and ruined by Robert Mugabe. - RW
Johnson is emeritus fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford, and Southern Africa
correspondent for The Sunday Times.

Misa Appeals to Incoming Government to Prioritise Transformation of ZBC Into Independent Public Service Broadcaster

Media Institute of Southern Africa (Windhoek)

PRESS RELEASE
16 September 2008
Posted to the web 17 September 2008

MISA-Zimbabwe welcomes the signing of the agreement by Zanu PF and the two
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) formations as a development that should
usher in a new era of tolerance and diversity of views underpinned by
fundamental reforms that respect the right to freedom of expression and
access to information by citizens.

The media and most critically radio and television because of their wider
reach, play a critical role in creating the required platform for national
dialogue that will input into the envisaged era of national healing,
stability, harmony, reconciliation and economic development.

MISA-Zimbabwe is therefore appealing to the incoming inclusive government to
prioritise the transformation of the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC)
from a state broadcaster into a truly independent public service broadcaster
(PBS) that serves the citizens objectively and impartially as a matter of
extreme urgency.

The role of the PBS is that of enhancing the national collective
responsibility of engaging the people of Zimbabwe to actively participate in
national discourse by freely expressing, imparting and accessing information
through the broadcaster irrespective of one's political affiliation,
religion, ethnicity, colour or creed.

The African Charter on Broadcasting (ACB), which calls for a three-tier
system of broadcasting that includes public service, commercial and
community broadcasting can be used as a benchmark for the enactment of the
enabling legislation and policy formulation. The Charter stipulates that:

a. all formal powers in the areas of broadcast and telecommunications
regulation should be exercised by public authorities protected against
interference, particularly of a political or economic nature, by, among
other things, an appointments process for members which is open,
transparent, involves the participation of civil society, and is not
controlled by any particular political party.

b. all state and government controlled broadcasters should be transformed
into PSBs, that are accountable to all strata of the people as represented
by an independent board, and that serve the overall public interest,
avoiding one-sided reporting and programming in regard to religion,
political belief, culture, race and gender.

c. PSBs should, like broadcasting and telecommunications regulators, be
governed by bodies which are protected against interference.

d. the public service mandate of PSBs should be clearly defined.

e. the editorial independence of PSBs should be legally guaranteed.

f. PSBs should be adequately funded in a manner that protects them from
arbitrary interference with their budgets.

ZBC should therefore be run by an independent board which is representative
of civil society, the media, churches, labour and the business community
among others. This will cushion the institution from falling into the helms
of political and economic interests that compromise its public service
mandate.

MISA-Zimbabwe remains committed to playing its contributive role towards
that eventuality and reiterates its position that an enabling environment
can only be created through:

1. An immediate cessation of the arrest, harassment and torture of all
journalists and media houses reporting on Zimbabwe.

2. The granting of permission to all media houses, (both foreign and local)
to cover the political situation as it unfolds.

3. The suspension and subsequent repealing of all repressive legislation
that targets the media, and in particular, the Access to Information and
Protection of Privacy Act, the Public Order and Security Act, the
Broadcasting Services Act and the Interception of Communications Act. In
their place, all media policy should be guided by the principles outlined in
the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights, the Windhoek Declaration
and the African Charter on Broadcasting.

4. An immediate conversion of the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation from a
state broadcaster into a public broadcaster under the guidelines outlined in
the African Charter on Broadcasting.

Economic 'meltdown' casts a shadow of gloom

IOL

     September 17 2008 at 11:10AM

By Donna Bryson

The crush of people snaking across a packed-dirt parking lot near the
border crossing was one sign of the tough work ahead for Zimbabwe's leaders
now that they have agreed to a coalition government.

In line were hundreds of Zimbabweans seeking asylum - a measure of how
fear of Robert Mugabe and gloom about the nation's economic meltdown have
not abated.

Some said they were wary because Mugabe was still in a position to
unleash violence on his enemies.

Others said that while they found hope in the agreement signed on
Monday, they did not expect their country's economic crisis to be quickly
resolved.

Under the pact, Mugabe remains president and head of government,
chairing the Cabinet. Morgan Tsvangirai is prime minister and head of a new
Council of Ministers responsible for forming government policies.

Observers worry that rather than resolution, the agreement heralds
government paralysis.

South African immigration officials say that when they first set up a
temporary office for asylum seekers at a fairground near the border two
months ago, only about 400 people a day sought help. That has grown to more
than 1 000 a day - about the number that gathered there on Tuesday.

Some aid groups estimate that in recent weeks as many as 6 000
Zimbabweans have been crossing into South Africa every day. Many go back in
a few days carrying groceries and other essentials that are increasingly
scarce at home. But there has also been a spike in those seeking refugee
status.

The Musina offices - a row of trailers just inside the fairground
gates - can handle only about 400 applicants a day.

It took only an hour after the offices opened at 7.30am on Tuesday for
the first 400 in line, some of whom had been waiting all night, to get a
chance to fill out forms. The hundreds who were left sprinted across the
street to a vacant lot and jostled for position before a clerk taking names.

Those on his list, who would be given priority the next day, settled
down to wait in a lot littered with ash left over from the previous night's
fires and lengths of cardboard used as mattresses. Children gathered around
a blackened paint pot balanced over a fire to await a breakfast of porridge
and milk.

While most were men, more and more women and children were coming,
said Alexis Moens, an official with Doctors Without Borders, which was
providing medical care for Zimbabweans and other immigrants in this border
town.

"My feeling is that now more women and children are coming than before
(because) the situation is getting a bit more desperate," Moens said.

Robin Mucheana reached South Africa on Saturday and had been in line
at the fairgrounds every morning since then.

Mucheana said he had been growing oranges, guavas, avocados and
vegetables on a small farm in Chitungwiza, south of Harare, for 15 years.

This year, with official inflation the highest in the world at 11
million percent, he could not afford seedlings, seeds or fertiliser. He and
his wife resorted to selling vegetables on the streets, but were barely
making enough each day to feed themselves and their three children.

"In the morning, you wake up with bread selling at 8 trillion
(Zimbabwe dollars), at five in the evening you get it at 10 trillion. And on
Thursday again, new prices," he said. "The hunger is the main issue. Some
people are dying."

The International Red Cross estimates more than two million people are
hungry in Zimbabwe, and that the number is going to rise to five million,
about half the country's population, by the end of the year.

High prices aren't the only reason Zimbabweans are struggling. The
last harvest was poor, and Mugabe's government restricted the work of aid
agencies in June, accusing them of siding with the opposition before a
presidential runoff. The ban was lifted last month, but aid agencies say it
takes time to gear up.

"People are eating berries, people are eating roots, people are eating
anything they can get their hands on," said James McGee, the US ambassador
in Zimbabwe. "We're seeing it all over the country."

McGee added that the political violence that followed elections in
March and sent many Zimbabweans fleeing across the border had subsided, but
not completely disappeared.

He said there were signs of tension in areas where the deaths of
parliamentary candidates or other issues meant new elections would have to
be held.

Mucheana, a farmer hoping for refugee status, said he found reason for
"plenty of hope" in Monday's agreement because it brought the opposition
into government. But he said he did not expect change to come quickly.

Richard Zuza, a pastor in Harare, said the agreement was a start. But
he was also in line for asylum yesterday, as he had been for the last four
days.

He feared returning because new elections were being held in his area
and he had counselled his congregation not to vote for Mugabe's party.

He said he wanted more details of the agreement, such as whether
Tsvangirai's party or Mugabe's would get the ministries overseeing police
and the army, two institutions accused of fomenting violence against
Mugabe's opponents.

"If they don't give Mr. Tsvangirai those soldiers, I don't think
anything can change," he said. "Mugabe must resign. Then everything will be
all right."

This article was originally published on page 5 of Cape Times on
September 17, 2008

Zimbabwe issues new 1,000 dollar note

africasia

HARARE, Sept 17 (AFP)

Zimbabwe's central bank Wednesday issued a new 1,000 dollar note in a bid to
ease widespread cash shortages as the country battles the world's highest
inflation rate.

According to the bank, "introducing the new 1,000 Zimbabwe dollar note was
for your (Zimbabweans) convenience."

The bank has introduced a series of new notes since August, after the
central bank struck 10 zeros off the local currency.

There have been chronic shortages of cash amid hyperinflation which was last
reported at 11.2 million percent.

Banks have imposed daily withdrawal limits of 500 dollars for individuals
and corporates, which is only enough for a bus ticket from the suburbs to
central Harare.

Because of the restrictions, long meandering queues have become a familiar
sight outside banks, with some depositors sleeping outside to be at the
front of the queue.

Zimbabwe's economy has been on a downturn for a decade with high
unemployment and food shortages in a country where at least 80 percent of
the population live below the poverty line.

Two weeks ago, the reserve bank allowed selected shops and wholesalers to
quote prices in foreign currency, in a bid to curb the burgeoning black
market trade in basic commodities.

Once hailed as a model economy, Zimbabwe's fortunes have nosedived since
2000 when veteran ruler Robert Mugabe seized white-owned farms and handed
them over to landless blacks, often with no farming skills.

On Monday Zimbabwe political parties signed a power-sharing accord aimed at
ending the country's economic and political crisis.

Hopes ride high on Zimbabwe deal

Wednesday, 17 September 2008 14:12 UK

By Karen Allen BBC News, Zimbabwe Morgan Tsvangirai may have persuaded Robert Mugabe to sign over some of his executive powers but Zimbabwe's prime minister-designate now has a very short honeymoon period to prove himself. The BBC is still operating under restrictions in Zimbabwe, but what reactions we have been able to gather show that large numbers of people believe Mr Tsvangarai can deliver and start the process of re-building a shattered economy. It stands in stark contrast to the more sceptical assessment of many in the diplomatic community. We want to see people no longer afraid to walk down the street with an MDC T-shirt - no longer afraid to look a policeman in the eye James McGee US ambassador to Zimbabwe Zimbabwe deal: Key points They want this deal to work, but the "vintage Mugabe" who blamed his country's ills on former colonial powers during his post-deal speech, suggests a man locked in the past and unwilling to face up to the future. As one diplomat said, the challenge will be to "turn what could be a trap for Morgan into an ambush for Mugabe" - a sentiment revealing deep concerns about just how committed the man who has run Zimbabwe for nearly three decades is to power-sharing. 'We have to believe' In a squatter camp on the edge of Harare, a man in his 20s who lost his job as a gardener when the money to pay him ran out, said they had no other choice but to have faith in this new beginning. Zimbabwe's hospitals are suffering because of the economic crisis He is pinning his hopes on the new unity government delivering food, and a stable economic environment which would improve his chances of getting a job and restoring his dignity. And young professionals, who spoke in secret locations away from the prying eyes of intelligence operatives, said they believed Mr Tsvangirai had the capacity to hold his ground against his former political foe. Articulate and measured, young men from Zimbabwe's Christian Student Association said Zimbabweans need the watchful eyes of the international community to monitor events in the coming months. One implored potential donors to "believe in a deal which we have to believe in" if there is to be any hope of rehabilitating this once prosperous nation. Culture of intimidation We've only gleaned a partial picture. With the security situation still precarious, it has been hard to gauge reaction in rural areas where Mr Mugabe has drawn much of his support. MDC supporters believe their leader can deliver a stable economy But there are without doubt people who are smarting. People who were in the pay of the party, whose lifestyle of political patronage is now under threat. Intelligence and security chiefs were absent from Monday's historic signing in ceremony. Whether their boycott signals plans to undermine the deal is impossible to know at this early stage, but diplomats are monitoring the environment carefully. Tangible signs that the culture of intimidation is being reversed will be one of the benchmarks they will use to determine if, and when, to deliver billions of dollars of life-saving aid. As James McGee, the US ambassador to Zimbabwe, put it: "When we talk about respect for human rights we want to see people no longer afraid to walk down the street with an MDC T-shirt - no longer afraid to look a policeman in the eye... those are the little things that show there has been a change in attitude." Expectations high Driving around the streets of Harare gives the impression of a benign capital, a place where the streets are paved and the buildings stand tall. But it is a facade. Inside the hospitals there are shortages of medicine - many people have died from cholera recently, deprived of drugs. Behind the facade of modern Harare there are acute shortages And the banks are stuffed with worthless cash. It is not unusual to see plastic bags stuffed with notes that have no value, discarded on the street. Expectations that this deal will begin to reverse some of this economic chaos are riding high. Mr Tsvangirai's first test will be his ability to secure key cabinet posts. In particular in the finance portfolio, giving the MDC greater leverage over the economy, allowing the government to shape policies that restore property rights and market mechanisms back to Zimbabwe. The next test will be getting food out to the desperate people who need it and clearing the red tape that prevents humanitarian agencies from distributing aid. Food has been used by Mr Mugabe's Zanu-PF party as a political cattle-prod - they've ensured it reaches friends, but withheld it from foes. If the new prime minister can make real headway in distributing food to a country facing the threat of starvation, then he could reap a huge moral dividend which the international community may be willing to reward. Like the power sharing deal in Kenya, this is a huge political experiment dependent on the personalities of the key players and the political will to change. There is the potential for the whole thing to combust, a scenario which would see the end of Morgan Tsvangirai's political career. But optimists believe that Zimbabwe's landmark pact, will be the catalyst that breathes new life into a broken country.

Worst-case scenario for South Africa and Zimbabwe

Thabo Mbeki has helped the tyrant Mugabe retain power and destroyed his own
credibility

William Gumede
guardian.co.uk,
Wednesday September 17 2008 15:33 BST
It could not have been more ironic. On the very day that South African
President Thabo Mbeki finally sealed a desperately needed power-sharing deal
in neighbouring Zimbabwe between the ruling Zanu-PF and the opposition
Movement for Democratic Change, his own ANC is debating whether to impeach
him for behaving autocratically.

It sums up the legacy of a man who promised so much, in terms of building
democracy at home and in Africa, but who failed woefully to live up to his
own rhetorical flourishes. The ANC's national working committee, which runs
its day-to-day affairs, has now agreed to fire Mbeki, pending legal advice.

Mbeki had hoped that delivering a deal in Zimbabwe would help restore some
of the lost credibility at home and in his ruling ANC. This is not to be.
Mbeki sees this Zimbabwean deal as a vindication of his much derided "quiet
diplomacy" over Western gunboat diplomacy, and finally a victory for his
personal dictum of "African solutions for Africa's problems". But many
within the ANC believe a tougher approach earlier on may have ultimately
been less costly.

Judge Chris Nicholson's judgment last Friday, which temporary dismissed
Jacob Zuma's corruption trial because the prosecutors did not follow the
proper procedures, also damned Mbeki for using public institutions to trip
up opponents, giving his local opponents the ammunition they have long been
waiting for to dismiss him.

Mbeki's biggest error in the last decade was to naively believe Zimbabwean
strongman Robert Mugabe's promises of better behaviour, only to be betrayed
later as the old tyrant backtracked.

The fact that this is a deal worked out by Africans themselves should not
obscure its inherent flaws. The big worry remains that in the power-sharing
agreement in Zimbabwe, like the one in Kenya, the opposition party and
leader that actually won the poll got short-changed, while the sitting
leader and government that cheated are richly rewarded.

That itself is a recipe for future instability. It means African dictators
can rig the vote but retain their power by threatening more violence and by
agreeing to African mediation. Instead of a short, transitional government
Mugabe is now entrenched for a full term in office.

Admittedly, Mugabe has ceded some presidential powers and given Morgan
Tsvangirai additional powers as executive prime minister - on paper, a 50:50
split of power. Control over the security forces has been divided, with
Mugabe running the military and intelligence services and Tsvangirai in
charge of the police. Tsvangirai also gets the finance department, with
responsibility to resuscitate the economy - driven to the brink of collapse
by Mugabe's kleptocracy, back to life.

This cannot happen without generous western financial help and support from
Zimbabweans in the diaspora who fled Mugabe's terror. All the repressive
laws are still on the books. Those that committed human rights abuses are
not being prosecuted, neither are their victims being compensated.

Mugabe has only agreed to these very minimal concessions because of the hard
reality that the state is now bankrupt, and there is no outside financial
help forthcoming unless he agreed to share power. The threat of further
sanctions tightened the screws more.

Among African peers his support dwindled as it became clear that his bogus
claims to fight western domination on behalf of other Africans was shown for
what is: a fake, used to disguise his and his junta's fact looting of
Zimbabwe and terrorising of its citizens.

By supporting Mugabe instead of the long-suffering people of Zimbabwe,
African leaders undermined their own fight against global inequality in
politics, trade and finance. This has been clear for some time now to the
ruling ANC in South Africa, although evidently not to Mbeki. When the party
pointed this out to Mbeki, he characteristically ignored the counsel.

For some time now, the ANC rightly believed that increasing pressure on
Mugabe and his junta was the best way to prevent further loss of life,
economic decline and more refugees fleeing into South Africa.

The ANC had changed from seeing Zanu-PF and other errant liberation
movements as friends only because they, too, fought colonial powers, no
matter how brutal their record in power. Mbeki ignored this.

The ANC endorsed MDC and its leader Morgan Tsvangirai as the legitimate
winners of the March 2008 elections, and wanted them to be appropriately
rewarded - not Mugabe. With the Zimbabwean deal, Mbeki may have prolonged
Mugabe's stay in power, but failed to do so for himself.

---------

Comments

  spectreovereurope
  Sep 17 08, 3:43pm (about 5 hours ago)

    .......a tougher approach earlier on may have ultimately been less
costly
  .
  What "tougher approach" would you expect to have been "less costly"?

 
        bbgood
  Sep 17 08, 3:47pm (about 5 hours ago)

  Its about time someone told this tyrant where to go. Just because he
supposedly liberated Zimbabweans single handed does not necessarily give him
the right to abuse those people he is supposedly liberated. Zimbabweans
deserve better and I believe that Mbeki and the rest of Africa have done
Zimbabweans a disservice. I hope people like him are a dying breed. Africa
needs leaders like Mandela not idiots like Mugabe. Quiet diplomacy my foot.
Mbeki did not lift a finger to tell Mugabe to stop the human right abuses in
Zimbabwe. He only told Mugabe to sort things out because he wanted to save
his own skin.

 
   
   
   
   
    AstroFungalInfection
  Sep 17 08, 3:47pm (about 5 hours ago)

  Perhaps you watch a different news channel to me- but it seems that
Zimbabwe is already in the worst case scenario.

     
    Jamozki
  Sep 17 08, 4:13pm (about 5 hours ago)

  The ANC is currently undergoing a power struggle and is rift with
divisions. Mbeki is essentially a lame duck and in truth his last ditch
attempt at brokering a deal in Zimbabwe (which in truth promises very little
anyway), is too little too late. No-one in SA wants him around anymore and
he is definitely perceived as ineffective and self serving.

  What SA really needs is an official opposition party to the ANC who are
currently attempting to muffle the press as well as disbanding the
independent police unit the Scorpions (set up to investigate corruption).
The encouraging thing though is that South Africans seem prepared to fight
for their hard won democracy and will not stand idly by and just let the ANC
rewrite the constitution to serve themselves. More and more people are
coming out in open criticism of the ANC.

  In Zimbabwe they are already so far gone that it remains difficult to view
the future with any kind of optimism as long as Mugabe and Zanu PF remain in
any form of governance. Jacob Zuma has up till now been critical of the
Mugabe regime, what remains to be seen is how much of this criticism was
genuine or simply a cynical opportunity to voice opposition to Mbeki's
policy of quiet diplomacy in order to gain more popularity for himself.

  Next year is a big year for SA.

     
    bass46
  Sep 17 08, 4:22pm (about 5 hours ago)

  Tiny Mbeki does deal to keep his hero Bob in power by any means possible.

  No surprise at all, unfortunately.

 
        phco
  Sep 17 08, 4:23pm (about 5 hours ago)

  I agree that it is a disastrous betrayal of the hopes and intelligence of
ordinary people in Africa.

  There was a good mechanism to get rid of incompetent and oppressive
leaders, namely an election, which was overridden in the name of not
besmirching the "honour" and "dignity" of the incumbent by throwing him out
of office.

  In Kenya and Zimbabwe both opposition leaders should have demanded that
which the people need to control a government - a new and fair election -
and to think that can be sidestepped by these "powersharing" deals shows
Africa has not yet understood democracy, and insults the intelligence of its
people.

  If the following is true:

  "Mbeki sees this Zimbabwean deal as a vindication of his much derided
"quiet diplomacy" over Western gunboat diplomacy, and finally a victory for
his personal dictum of "African solutions for Africa's problems"."

  then Mbeki is lost in his own pseudo-intellectualism. There is no western
gunboat diplomacy in Africa - it is a phrase from a time long gone - a kind
of insult to connect people you dislike with something abhorrent as
imperialism.

  "African solutions for Africa's problems" is just "clever talk" to show
you think you have some depth of knowledge when what Africa needs is old
fashioned human solutions for human problems - they are not that different
to those anywhere else in the world. The "African" bit seems to be keeping
some kind of respect for people in power and authority who deserve no
respect at all, and more like a prison sentence for their crimes and
incompetence.

    KWillow
  Sep 17 08, 4:51pm (about 4 hours ago)

  um, where was the public statement from the ANC endorsing Tsvangirai?
Their approach has been ridiculously softly spoken - a true insult to the
suffering people of Zimbabwe. Where was the statement that declared Mugabe
and his junta as the torturing muderers they are? Zuma may have hinted at it
briefly but where were the strong AFRICAN words against the regime similar
to those of Australia, Britain and USA? Botswana and Zambia issued the
strongest statements as far as I am aware but lets not kid ourselves and put
the ANC in the same vein.

        Jamozki
  Sep 17 08, 5:02pm (about 4 hours ago)

  Indeed KWillow, the silence from the ANC has been deafening.The disturbing
thing is their reluctance to criticize a fellow "comrade" when he has
obviously led his country into the abyss. Particularly when the collapse of
Zimbabwe has had such an adverse direct affect on SA due to the immigrant
situation (hence the recent xenophobic violence which proved to ultimately
be the final nail in Mbeki's coffin due to his incompetent handling of the
crisis).

  The only voice in SA (to my knowledge) who has been openly vociferous in
his criticism is Tutu and unfortunately he is not involved in government and
has little influence.

    superbatman
  Sep 17 08, 5:04pm (about 4 hours ago)

  William, thanks for the article. An interesting read indeed.

  I agree with everything you say with regards to Mbeki's stance on
Zimbabwe, but we should not forget the role of the military in that country.
Let us not forget that after the first multi party elections in SA, the
government was a power sharing deal between the old Nats and the ANC. The
Nats quickly saw that there was little or no real risk of things going wrong
and then stepped down from the government of national unity. Lets hope that
Mugabe and the supportive military realise this too within a few years and
leave government too.

  What scares more though, is the current stance of the ANC with regards to
the Media and the juduciary. Although Mbeki may have had political motives
in trying to get rid of Zuma, the resulting backlash of the party and its
supporters (including the ANCYL, Cosatu and SACP) seems to suggest and imply
that there is something to hide. Statements made by the ANCYL of killing
anyone who harms Zuma are akin to the tacticts of intimidation used by the
Mugabe Regime. Although i have no strong nor adverse feelings for Mbeki, his
term is up and his economic policies were good inorder to broaden the
economic foundations in SA and bring economic stability. What is needed now
is to leverage the economic foundations established to ensure wealth
distribution.

  However, when members of the ANC tri-partiate alliance and the ANCYL make
statements of bloody murder and do not allow the course of justice to take
place indepenently, one is not sure whether the recent judgement for Zuma
itself was a result of intimidation. I think the outcome would have been the
same had the ANC propaganda and intimidation machine not been in full swing.
Having said this though, the behaviour of the the ANC highlights its
relative immaturity at governing and fear of political, legal and due
process. This is i suppose acceptable to a degree as even after 14 years the
party still needs to try and shed its liberation role. The only problem i
think that arises now is whether the ANC is starting to act like ZANU-PF did
once it shed its liberation role and realised that when the honeymoon was
over, people realised that they where not so good as a government.

  So, William, why has the ANC not publically rebuked its members for their
statement's and allowed the judiciary to place its proper role? If Zuma had
nothing to hide, he would not be afraid of the courts and would not try to
stop all the evidence gathering methods. When there smoke, there is usually
a fire.

    SharifL
  Sep 17 08, 5:04pm (about 4 hours ago)

  William: I beg to differ. A bad peace is better than a good war. War only
brings misery. Wait and see how it develops. Mugabe is over 90.

    zapzap
  Sep 17 08, 5:16pm (about 4 hours ago)

  Mugabe and Mbeki are living proof that intellectual cleverness (much
revered in Africa) is not the same thing as wisdom. Mugabe has a string of
degrees and a great facility with the English language while his friend
Mbeki is a detached ,urbane intellectual- spent most of the last five years
caught up in the fog of their own rhetoric while their countries burned.
Mandela is not a great speaker but what he lacks in oratory he compensates
for with wisdom, foresight and a most profound understanding of human
psychology(almost NLPsque). He used both to great effect in service of his
country.

    riziki
  Sep 17 08, 7:12pm (about 2 hours ago)

  This is the sale of the century. There are incredible bargains to be had,
David Coltart, a leading member of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC),
now a Senator, told The Times.

    Palastova
  Sep 17 08, 7:52pm (about 1 hour ago)

  Thabo has been so deeply up Bob's backside since 2000, that you could
barely see his toes sticking out, He has, at best, turned a blind eye to
Bob's violence, repression and election rigging and, at worst, actively
supported him.

  SA has been the only country which has been any position to apply any real
pressure to Mugabe. Apart from the fact that it is in SA's own interests to
ensure that Zim does not collapse into anarchy (what with millions of
refugees having crossed the Limpopo), it has had a moral duty to do so. The
irony is that the ANC, which during the apartheid years howled for sanctions
to be imposed on SA and for SA to be isolated, has bent over backwards to
protect Zim (as well as other repressive regimes such as Burma and Sudan)
from sanctions and the like.

  Mbeki bears personal responsibility for what has happened in Zim. Yet that
is not all. He has actively promoted AIDS denialism and allowed that
alcoholic liver-conning clown Manto "Dr Beetroot" Tshabalala-Msimang to
remain as Mnister of Health. Furthermore he has presided over an
increasingly corrupt, unaccountable, arrogant and intolerant government. And
last but not least, he has shattered the sense of national purpose and unity
developing under Mandela, by infusing his policies with racial obsession.

  His legacy is the utter betrayal of the hope of 1994.

  Yet things can only get worse, as SA faces the presidency of Jacob
"Showerhead" Zuma, a man of highly questionable morals and judgment at best,
and surrounded by a crowd of one-eyed ideologues who, given half the chance,
will pack SA down the Zimbabwe route in short order.

  Thank God I no longer live in SA. I just worry myself sick for my friends
and family still there.

    UncleVanya
  Sep 17 08, 8:21pm (37 minutes ago)

  'Can a Leopard Change its spots?' - No of course not. "To Sup with the
Devil, take a very long spoon!

  A bad deal for the MDC. Mugabwe and Zanu-Pf will hold onto power at
whatever costs. Even if Mugawbe does stand down and retires with his stolen
Millions, he will still be a rallying point for Zanu-Pf as long as he lives.

  As for M'Beki of SA, well he too is an old man and like his old ANC
Comrades, will soon be fading away. The great danger to SA is that it could
descend in tribalalism and chaos like Zimbabwe. But this will be of their
own making, and it will of course be blamed on their old Colonial masters,
just like Mr Mugabwe keep doing.

  It is just hoped that calmer and wiser heads prevail in Zimbawbe, and in
SA. Zimbabwe certainly needs all the help it can get. But any material and
financial help must go to those who need it most, and not into the pockets
and bank accounts of corrupt politicians and military leaders.

    VincentUkraine
  Sep 17 08, 8:50pm (8 minutes ago)

  The author wrote some many words without actually saying anything.

  He repeats all the tired keywords of the British media propaganda -- 
crimes, torture, terror, meltdown , cronies, Tsvangirai "won" the elections.
he obviously forgot to add "breadbasket of Africa," "once prosperous" etc.

  He goes on to slander Mbeki and attempts to the power struggle in the
ANC to the situation in Zimbabwe (he even claims that the ANC endorsed
Tsvangirai), but he did not say whether Mbeki put a gun to Tsvangirai's head
to force him to sign this agreement. Tsvangirau could simply have refused to
compromise if he did not want to do a deal.

  Tsvangirai knows that he did not win any electiob. He got the most votes
in the first round but failed to win enough to claim outright victiry. He
himself claimed he won 49.3%, yet these "experts" keep telling us he won the
election.

  What happened to the remaining 50.7% of Zimbabweans who did not vote to
Tsvangirai? Most of them voted for ZANU, so all this nonsense about
Tsvangirai winning is nonsense, and he knows it.

  The elections were never free or fair. The West attempted to rig the
elections in favor of Tsvangirai by sabotaging the economy, attempting to
starve the Zim people into vote thing "right" way, Western "aid" agencies
used food distribution as a means of campaigning for Tsvangirai, and they
illegally financed his party. Mugabe also did his best to rig the elections
in his favor. The result was a stalemate.

  When you have a stalemate, the best outcome is a compromise.

  The alternative was the West's gunboat/megaphone diplomacy, which failed
at the G8 and failed at the United Nations.

Kenya PM cautions Africa against grand coalition system

http://www.kbc.co.ke

Written By:Graham Kirwa   , Posted: Wed, Sep 17, 2008

Prime minister Raila Odinga is now cautioning the African continent not to
fashion grand coalition politics.

Odinga says the precedence taking root in African after political standoffs
was a threat to the inherent right of popular sovereignty granted to the
people in which the ballot decides.

With Kenya having embraced the concept and Zimbabwe just three days old in
the Grand coalition politics, questions are now emerging as to whether
Africa is sacrificing the more cherished democracy at the altar of power
sharing deals.

Odinga whose office is a creation of the politics of power sharing is now
warning the continent that this is not a recipe for solving political
crisis.

He said Africa was going through a period of political transition and that
multi-party democracy should not be relegated to the periphery

Speaking after meeting a delegation from Denmark led by the Danish State
Secretary IB Petersen on Wednesday Odinga said he had asked Zimbabwean Prime
minister Morgan Tsvangaria to stand firm and not surrender his quest for
democracy.

He however said Kenya's grand coalition government was on track despite the
challenges it was encountering.

Tensions ease but shortages rampant in Zimbabwe

http://www.washtimes.com

ANGUS SHAW ASSOCIATED PRESS
Originally published 02:45 p.m., September 17, 2008, updated 02:43 p.m.,
September 17, 2008
HARARE, ZIMBABWE (AP) - The soldiers shoved their way to the front of the
winding line waiting to get cash at the bank. But this time was different:
The military men were jeered, told "things have changed," and were forced to
take a place at the back.
Already, Zimbabweans say, they can feel change.

President Robert Mugabe signed a power-sharing deal Monday with his bitter
opposition rival, an accord that promises to return democracy to a weary
nation beaten up and beaten down by political violence and economic
collapse.

While the signing ceremony was going on, a group of militant Mugabe party
supporters barged into a downtown supermarket and demanded a new delivery of
scarce sugar. Before, they would have got what they wanted.

Instead, witnesses said the supermarket manager told the gang _ including
feared veterans of the war that swept Mugabe to power at independence in
1980 _ that they could only have two, 2-kilogram (4.4 pound) bags each and
that they had to wait in line with everyone else.

When they balked, he called police, who got them to leave.

Witnesses said an officer was overheard saying: "Forget it. Everyone has the
same allocation now."

Just the day before, the police probably would have refused to confront the
militants. But the witnesses still did not want to be named, fearing
retaliation from the war veterans.

Zimbabweans, wary but hopeful, were trying this week to figure out the
intricacies of the deal that has the country's ruler for 28 years, President
Robert Mugabe, relinquishing some power to bitter rival Morgan Tsvangirai.

Mugabe, 84, went from being praised as a liberator who freed the former
British colony from minority white rule to being vilified as an autocrat. He
and Tsvangirai, 56, have been enemies for a decade, and Tsvangirai has been
jailed, beaten, tortured and tried for treason _ charges that were dismissed
in court.

The men's parties have yet to decide how to divide up portfolios for the
Cabinet, where Mugabe's party has 15 ministers, Tsvangirai's 13 and a
breakaway opposition faction led by Arthur Mutambara has three.

But the government-controlled Herald newspaper said Wednesday that key
aspects of the power-sharing deal won't go into effect until next month.

Continued political delay means only more time before economic problems can
be addressed. A resurgence of political violence, though, seemed unlikely.
The country has been largely calm since June, and Mugabe and his rivals have
said they want the agreement to work and the country to move forward.

Nelson Chamisa, spokesman for Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change,
said the wait was tense.

"Clearly there is anxiety in the country," Chamisa said. "People would want
to see movement in terms of the realization of the actual deal. As the MDC,
we want to urgently respond to the desperate and dire situation Zimbabweans
find themselves in."

Monday's agreement commits the parties to ensuring the police and military
are "impartial in the discharge of their duties."

Both forces, along with war veterans and other Mugabe party militants, are
blamed for violence around elections this year that killed more than 100
opposition supporters, left thousands with broken limbs from beatings and
drove tens of thousands from their homes.

In downtown Harare, supporters of Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic
Change are wearing their party T-shirts and caps and waving their openhanded
salute. In the past, they were wary of displaying party regalia and police
frequently seized T-shirts and opposition literature during searches of
buses and cars at road blocks.

At least two regular checkpoints in eastern Harare had disappeared by
Tuesday.

During skirmishes between rival party supporters Monday, a police commander
was overheard instructing his men in the local Shona language to "go by the
book," or observe regulations on crowd control. Water cannon trucks were on
standby but were not used nor was tear gas fired.

In the streets of the township of Chitungwiza, an opposition stronghold
south of Harare, celebrations over the signing of the agreement went on late
into Monday night, residents said.

Before, police and troops imposed an unofficial curfew in areas like
Chitungwiza, forcing bars and cafes to close early, and dispersing
gatherings at late-night markets and shops.

"It's almost like the old days. I don't feel threatened," said Ali Paraje, a
mineworker visiting his family in the capital. "It's a start. Let's see how
it works out, but it's good, and it's very good for my first born," he said,
holding the hand of his 4-year-old son.

But an easing of repression will not put food on the table in Zimbabwe,
which has been embroiled in political and economic turmoil since the
seizures of thousands of white-owned commercial farms began in 2000. The
seizures are blamed for destroying the agriculture-based economy in this
former regional breadbasket.

Official inflation is now given as 11 million percent, by far the highest in
the world. Independent financial institutions put real inflation closer to
40 million percent and rising daily.

In the past two weeks, prices of basic foods have more than doubled. Bread
is almost impossible to find and supermarket shelves are emptier than ever
before. In one store in the Harare suburb of Avondale, at least 330 yards of
shelves were completely bare Tuesday, showing the worst shortages of goods
since government-imposed price controls curbed production and spurred black
market trading in June 2007.

In a move that acknowledged the failure of its monetary policies, the
government last week announced it would license 1,000 wholesalers and 200
retailers to sell goods in foreign currency. That is a relief for those who
have U.S. dollars and South African rand, but does nothing for the poor.

Tsvangirai said Tuesday that the United States would help with humanitarian
aid but that U.S. development aid will be on hold until the new unity
government proves its commitment to democracy.

Mugabe had blocked agencies from working months ago, charging they were only
feeding opposition supporters. Last week he said he was ending the ban, but
the agencies say they still have to reregister with the government and it
will take time to get going again.

Muchadeyi Masunda, the independent mayor of Harare who is also a respected
business leader, said Monday's agreement calls for "magnanimous give and
take" by politicians.

"The economy has been under attack for too long," he said. "There has to be
a paradigm shift in every sense of the word. Let's all lead by example and
actually do things that reflect the realities on the ground."

Food aid distribution begins in Zim

IOL

    September 17 2008 at 03:30PM

Geneva - The Red Cross said it will start on Wednesday to distribute
emergency food supplies across Zimbabwe to reach around 24 000 vulnerable
people in the poverty-stricken country.

Trucks will leave warehouses in the cities of Harare, Bulawayo and
Mutare later on Wednesday with 383 metric tons of food aid to provide almost
24 000 people with enough maize, beans and cooking oil for a month, the
International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRC) said
in a statement.

The IFRC operates a food security operation worth 27,7-million Swiss
francs (about R211-million) in Zimbabwe destined to help a total of 260 100
people each month.

"This is a critical period for these communities," said Peter
Lundberg, head of the IFRC's delegation in the Zimbabwean capital Harare.

"They have already faced months without enough food and, for many
families, the situation has deteriorated drastically in recent weeks," he
added.

Zimbabwe's economy has been on a downturn for a decade with high
unemployment and food shortages in a country where at least 80 percent of
the population live below the poverty line and inflation is estimated at
over 11-million percent.

Two weeks ago, the reserve bank allowed selected shops and wholesalers
to quote prices in foreign currency, in an attempt to curb the burgeoning
black market trade in basic commodities.

Once hailed as a model economy, Zimbabwe's fortunes have nosedived
since 2000 when veteran ruler Robert Mugabe seized white-owned farms and
handed them over to landless blacks, often with no farming skills.

On Monday Zimbabwean political parties signed a power-sharing accord
aimed at ending the country's economic and political crisis. - Sapa-AFP

Security chiefs salute new PM

http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk


Wednesday, 17 September 2008 14:57
HARARE - It's official, Zimbabwe's security chiefs have began saluting
new Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, officials from both Zanu (PF) and the
MDC have confirmed.

 Tsvangirai is now in direct and total control of Zimbabwe's Home
Affairs ministry that houses the police, customs, immigration and national
registry.

According to a senior MDC and newly-appointed government minister,
Tsvangirai is set to summon police commissioner Augustine Chihuri to his
office to discuss how the new look police would operate in a democratic
country under true rule of law.

"The first to salute Tsvangirai was the Police Commissioner-General,
Augustine Chihuri. Army generals did the same before the signing of the
power-sharing deal on Monday," an MDC senior party official told CAJ News.

Prior to the signing of the power-sharing deal the Zimbabwe Defence
Forces commander, Lieutenant-General Constantine Chiwenga and other service
chiefs vowed never to salute the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
president Morgan Tsvangirai accusing him of being "a sellout".

"It's now mandatory for both police and army chiefs to do exactly what
they swore never to. Tsvangirai is Zimbabwe's new prime minister and should
be accorded due respect," said one former freedom fighter after the signing
ceremony at Harare International Conference Centre on Monday.

Both president Robert Mugabe and prime minister Tsvangirai, who are
sharing power, now command equal authority and respect in Zimbabwe. - CAJ
News.

Speaker calls for unity for power-share deal to work

http://www.zimbabwejournalists.com

17th Sep 2008 19:32 GMT

By Ian Nhuka

BULAWAYO - The new Speaker of the House of Assembly, Lovemore Moyo, is
confident that the power sharing agreement signed on Monday in Harare can
stand the test of time if there is unity among all signatories.

Moyo, who is also the national chairman for the mainstream Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC), said this while addressing members from civil
society Wednesday during a meeting organised by Bulawayo Agenda here.

He said President Robert Mugabe, MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai and Arthur
Mutambara of the breakaway faction of the MDC must honour their commitments
to the deal for the betterment of the nation.

Zimbabweans have had enough of the economic crisis and need a respite, said
Moyo, which can only come if the political protagonists stick together.

"All parties concerned must honour the deal and work together in observing
and realising the wishes and concerns of the electorate," said Moyo.

"People look upon us to fulfill their long-awaited wishes and now that there
has been an agreement parties must work towards satisfying people's needs."

Mugabe, Tsvangirai and Mutambara signed the power-sharing pact after lengthy
negotiations that were mediated by South African President, Thabo Mbeki.

SADC mandated Mbeki to bring the three parties to the negotiating table and
the African Union endorsed the dialogue.

In terms of the deal, Mugabe becomes the head of state and government but
with limited powers.

Tsvangirai becomes the Prime Minister, while Mutambara becomes his deputy.

Zanu PF will have 15 ministers, while Tsvangirai's group will have 13. The
other two will go to Mutambara in a 31-member cabinet.

The three parties are in the process of coming up with the ministers.

Zimbabweans are now awaiting the appointment of the cabinet. The people are
expecting the Cabinet to pull together towards the revival of the economy,
which has been on the decline for about a decade.

Zimbabweans want industrial growth, the stabilisation of the local currency
and access to good education, healthcare as well as the availability of food
among other things.

"The deal calls for unity of purpose from all people and that means people
even at grassroots level must appreciate one another and learn to work
together in reviving the country and for development of us all," added Moyo.

Turning to civil society organisations, he said they must be impartial and
co-operate with the new government. Most of them felt left out of the
power-share talks with the ZCTU, the country's umbrella labour body, totally
against the deal.

Prime Minister Tsvangirai says Mugabe can't be prosecuted

http://www.latimes.com

The Zimbabwe president can't be held accountable for political violence
during his 28-year rule, but others may be, the new prime minister tells The
Times.
By Robyn Dixon, Los Angeles Times Staff Writer
September 17, 2008
HARARE, ZIMBABWE -- Zimbabwe's new prime minister said President Robert
Mugabe could not be held accountable for the political violence during his
28-year rule but that others might face prosecution in the future.

Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, leader of the Movement for Democratic
Change, spoke to The Times at his home Tuesday, a day after his longtime
opposition group signed a power-sharing agreement with Mugabe and his
ZANU-PF party.

The issue of prosecutions over political violence and killings is so
contentious that it was left out of the deal negotiations. One senior
ZANU-PF figure said Mugabe would abandon the deal and unleash violence
rather than face prosecution.

Tsvangirai said the president's past actions were "not prosecutable."

"I don't think Mugabe himself as a person can be held accountable," he said.
"But there are various levels of institutional violence that has taken
place, and I'm sure they'll be able to look at that.

"Let the rule of law apply. Isn't that what we all cry for?"

The deal leaves in question whether Mugabe will dominate the new government
and how Tsvangirai will work with bitter opponents in the long-ruling
ZANU-PF. Many likely members of the Cabinet, which will be divided between
the ruling party and the former opposition, are hostile to the new prime
minister; some were responsible for past violence against his colleagues and
supporters.

Critics are questioning why Tsvangirai signed the accord without knowing who
will control the security forces and which Cabinet posts his party will get.

On Tuesday, Tsvangirai predicted that some ministers would actively work
against him, but he said Mugabe would not be a problem because the president
had "given up" -- despite his defiant speech upon signing the accord.

"There's an inherent suspicion, there's inherent mistrust of Robert Mugabe,"
Tsvangirai said.

"It's understandable given his history, given his role. It's part of his
legacy.

"But he also must understand that the future is not in the hands of Robert
Mugabe," he added. "The future is in the hands of those who are advocating
for change of direction, because that is what is going to rescue this
country. And I think he appreciates that."

Tsvangirai said the president's speech offering only half-hearted support of
the deal was "vintage Mugabe at his best -- unrepentant, defiant, even when
he was giving up."

The deal is an attempt to resolve the political crisis over disputed
elections. ZANU-PF lost control of parliament in March, and Tsvangirai
outpolled Mugabe in a first-round presidential vote, leading to a long
political impasse and violence that killed more than 120 opposition
activists.

Tsvangirai said he aimed to win over progressive ministers in ZANU-PF and
sidestep opponents determined to block him.

Tsvangirai desperately needs to attract Western aid to rebuild the shattered
country. He acknowledged that Western governments were cautious because the
deal left Mugabe as president. But he asked them to recognize the accord as
a positive step and support it, "because they were supporting the democratic
struggle in the country."

"They are skeptical because they mistrust Mugabe, but they are also aware of
their obligations," Tsvangirai said. "What they're trying to look for is:
Are we in charge of the agenda? Are we putting together a reform program in
line with our policies? How do we restore people's freedoms? How do we
restore economic viability?

"These are the things that would give them positive signals."

robyn.dixon@latimes.com

Pulling Zimbabwe from the brink

http://www.jamaica-gleaner.com

EDITORIAL -
published: Wednesday | September 17, 2008

All's well, they say, that ends well. Hopefully, Zimbabwe now has a chance
at a good ending.

But as the other cliché goes, there are many a slip between the cup and the
lip.

To that end, the world will have to keep a watchful eye on Robert Mugabe,
while being careful to avoid or support the kind of precipitous action that
would undermine the power-sharing agreement signed on Monday between Mugabe
and his political opponents. For, this pact, while on the face of it may
seem unwieldy and cumbersome must serve to pull Zimbabwe back from the brink
of complete ruin and falling into the category of another of Africa's failed
states.

Under the agreement, Mugabe, who has clung to power despite the disputed
presidential election in March, will retain most of the constitutional
executive authority. But, he will have to share power with his rival, Morgan
Tsvangirai, whose Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) won most seats in the
March parliamentary elections, and Arthur Mutambara, who leads an MDC
splinter group.

Two vice-presidents

Tsvangirai will be prime minister and will have Mutambara as one of his
deputies and another from his own faction of the MDC. Mugabe will have two
vice-presidents from his Zanu-PF party.

Mugabe will chair the Cabinet, but with Tsvangirai as the deputy. However,
Tsvangirai will have responsibility for overseeing the development of
policies by the Cabinet as well as head the council of ministers, made up
primarily of Cabinet members, who will assess the implementation of
policies.

In that regard, the agreement provides a complex system of checks and
balance on both men that will demand genuine commitment from this government
to work. Yet, even before it gets to that stage, this deal could unravel if,
having been cajoled and strong-armed into this agreement, the leaders now
fail to compromise on the formation of a government.

The accord is straightforward about the size of the Cabinet: 31 members, 15
from Zanu-PF, 13 from Tsvangirai's faction of the MDC and three from
Mutambara's. The potential sticking point, however, is whose party gets
which ministry.

Mugabe's opponents

For instance, Tsvangirai is known to want the police, accused of
intimidation of Mugabe's opponents, under his control. The MDC - as well as
its supporters in the West which have imposed sanctions in Zimbabwe - will
likely want the key economic ministries on the assumption that it is
necessary to unlock foreign economic support and private investment. And it
will be good politics for the MDC if its ministers are seen to be the ones
lifting Zimbabweans from the distress of unfathomable inflation and
unemployment.

Assuming that they form the government in short order, Mugabe and Tsvangirai
have other difficult matters to work through; not least of these is the plan
to have a new constitution ready for a referendum in 18 months. With the
grab of white-owned farms declared irreversible, there is the question of
whether, as suggested in the agreement, Britain, the former colonial power,
will now compensate the farmers for their lost land.

At the bottom line, this agreement, ultimately, is about returning Zimbabwe
on a path to democracy. Should it gain traction, Mugabe, in his waning
years, may yet salvage some of the reputation he deservedly earned as a
freedom fighter, but badly squandered in the role of despot.

Sick & tired of hopelessness

Comment from a Correspondent

Sent: Wednesday, September 17, 2008 8:01 PM
Subject: The Herald editorial neglects pointing out why recovery required

http://www1.herald.co.zw/inside.aspx?sectid=622&cat=10
Economic recovery hinges on agric

ZIMBABWE'S economic recovery hinges on agriculture. Nothing else but a
substantial increase in production of both food and cash crops can give the
nation food security, adequate raw materials for the bulk of its industry
and exports to restore the balance of trade.

At the moment, Zimbabwe is having to spend scarce foreign currency on food,
and because this is an essential first call on export earnings, the rest of
the economy has to go without vital imports.

Industry, and in particular the huge agro-industries, is working at way
below capacity because it does not have the raw materials it needs.

The national budget is strained well beyond breaking point by the need to
ensure that no one starves. There are no options at the moment to the
desperate measures taken to ensure that everyone has enough to eat, but the
economy has been severely damaged by this necessary emergency action.

There has been a lot of talk of rescue packages now that an inclusive
Government is being formed, but these will not put Zimbabwe back on its feet
permanently unless farming is fixed and the nation once again produces
enough food for its people with a healthy balance left to export along with
cash crops.

Unless farm output rises, Zimbabwe will need rescuing again next year, and
every year, until agriculture is working properly.

Government has put together a number of schemes to boost production in the
coming season, and put in place more controls to ensure that real farmers
get the support, rather than "dealers" who sell their fertilizer and seed.

But more is needed. President Thabo Mbeki of South Africa was clearly
impressed by the total unanimity of the Zimbabwean delegations when he was
facilitating the political deal on this point and has made an appeal to
Africa to help Zimbabweans plant their crops this year.

This is the first, and the most urgent and the most vital rescue package.

We hope the appeal brings support and at the same time we hope Zimbabweans
remember we cannot beg from our neighbours again. We have to make it work.

At the same time, this season must be the final test for those granted farms
during land reform. Many of the new farmers have made a go of farming and
are producing while others are doing well, but it has become clear that they
were given larger farms than they can manage.

But along with the many producing, there are also many who have done little
or nothing.

Everyone, including the political parties in this week's agreement and
traditional leaders, who spoke vehemently on this topic at their just ended
national conference, now agrees that those who do not use their land must
lose that land and others able to use it moved in.

We now need to reinforce the successes of land reform, not carry the
failures whose incapability not only hits themselves but damages the nation
as a whole.

Now we have changed our national view of land from private property that can
be used or abused at will to one where farmland is regarded as a national
asset to be shared, we must follow through the logic of that change.

This means that we must accelerate the granting of leases and support to
those farmers who are producing adequately.

They deserve this support. Those who hold more land than they can use but
who are making a good job of the part they can manage and develop should
have their holding reduced to a more realistic size and then given the same
support so they can boost productivity on that section.

And those who have done nothing, or virtually nothing, must be moved off the
farms and have their land allocated to those with proven track records or
who are graduating out of the many agricultural colleges.

It should be possible, in the land reform programme, to allocate modest
plots near business centres that can be sold to those who just want a
country house with a few chickens and vegetables. Such plots will meet a
need without diverting valuable farmland to the weekend "farmer", who, in
fact, is no farmer but just someone wanting a piece of land for relaxation
and recreation.

Farming land must be reserved for and, where necessary, re-allocated, to
those who want to farm and who have shown they can farm, either because they
are doing so already or because they have passed an approved course and are
now ready to produce.

Zimbabwe turns guns on France at UN rights council

http://news.yahoo.com

2 hours, 10 minutes ago

GENEVA (AFP) - Zimbabwe on Wednesday launched a fierce attack against France
at the UN Human Rights Council, saying its actions in Rwanda and Corsica
should stop it criticising any other state's rights record.

"We challenge the EU through France to address issues of human rights in
Corsica, in the collectivities and overseas departments or regions,"
Zimbabwe's ambassador Enos Mafemba said.

"We also ask France what its role was in the genocide in Rwanda," he added.

Rwanda's government last month published a report alleging that France was
aware of preparations for the 1994 genocide, contributed to planning the
massacres and actively took part in the killings.

Paris has vehemently rejected the report.

The Zimbabwean ambassador's ire had been sparked by comments by French
ambassador Jean-Baptiste Mattei -- speaking on behalf of the European
Union -- which expressed concern at recent political violence in the
southern African country.

Mafemba said the EU displayed a "holier than thou" attitude to human rights,
and that Zimbabwe "will be convinced that the EU is honest and sincere about
human rights for all if it stops politicisation, selectivity and hypocrisy."

He also urged France, which currently holds the EU's rotating presidency,
not to become a "mouthpiece for the British Labour regime and other racist
groups."

Britain is the former colonial ruler of Zimbabwe and veteran President
Robert Mugabe has long accused Prime Minister Gordon Brown and his
predecessor Tony Blair of seeking to destabilise the country.

Once hailed as a model economy, Zimbabwe's fortunes have nosedived since
2000 when veteran ruler Robert Mugabe seized white-owned farms and handed
them over to landless blacks, often with no farming skills.

On Monday, Zimbabwean political parties signed a power-sharing accord aimed
at ending the country's economic and political crisis.

Trust us, and keep cash coming: MDC

http://www.theaustralian.news.com.au/

Jan Raath, Harare | September 18, 2008

MORGAN Tsvangirai, the prime minister-designate of Zimbabwe's incoming
transitional government, has urged the West not to withhold desperately
needed funds because of paranoia about President Robert Mugabe's presence in
the new administration.

"One has to understand we have entered into this deal with the object of
transforming this country," Mr Tsvangirai said yesterday.

"Mugabe may appear as an aberration to the West, but he has entered into an
agreement with us. They should have belief and faith with us, instead of
being paranoid with Mugabe."

With world commodity prices high despite the credit crunch, due mainly to
demand from China and India, international mining houses -- many based in
London -- have been itching to clinch deals in Zimbabwe.

The resource-rich country is awash with untapped reserves of gold, platinum,
diamonds, copper and a host of lesser minerals. Its game parks and wildlife
offer undreamed-of opportunities in tourism, especially with the 2010
football World Cup in neighbouring South Africa.

Mr Tsvangirai dismissed suggestions that Mr Mugabe would attempt to reverse
the agreement and restore himself to exclusive power.

He also pledged to guard against a return to the bloody campaign of violence
unleashed before presidential runoff elections in June when more than 120
people were murdered by state-directed forces.

"It was the darkest period in our history that the army and other
paramilitary militias were unleashed against unarmed civilians," he said.
"It can never be allowed to happen again."

Mr Tsvangirai would not discuss the allocation of ministries in the new
government, but his party, the Movement for Democratic Change, is understood
to be prepared to leave Mr Mugabe's ZANU-PF in control of the Defence
Ministry -- thereby keeping on side the generals who have supported Mr
Mugabe. The MDC is determined to run the Home Affairs Ministry, including
the police.

Asked if white farmers would be put back on the land to produce food in what
otherwise promises to be the country's worst agricultural season yet, Mr
Tsvangirai said: "Let's not have this racial divide between black and white.

"We are talking of farmers. We have to give sufficient support and capacity
for people to produce. Zimbabwe must encourage farmers of all colours to
produce. The issue of white farmers has to be discussed in the context of
land ownership.

"That will be dealt with by an independent land commission, where the issue
of multiple farm ownership will have to be dealt with."

Meanwhile, there were already signs of change to the cronyism of the Mugabe
era.

A suburban supermarket received a large consignment of sugar on Monday, and
a long queue formed. A gang of Mr Mugabe's "war veteran" militia arrived
and, as usual, demanded the lion's share.

"Police were already there, controlling the queue," said a witness. "They
ordered the war vets to get into the queue like every one else. They
obeyed."

The Times