Mugabe delays Zimbabwe coalition talks

Financial Times

By William Wallis and Tony Hawkins in Harare

Published: September 17 2008 22:10 | Last updated: September 17 2008 22:10

Talks on forming a new government in Zimbabwe were further delayed on
Wednesday as Robert Mugabe met members of his Zanu-PF party amid tensions
over the wisdom of a new power-sharing agreement.

On Monday the president signed away some of the overwhelming powers he has
accumulated during 28 years in office, to his bitter rival, Morgan
Tsvangirai, the prime minister designate.

But on Wednesday the two had still to open negotiations over the composition
of the cabinet, in which Zimbabweans have begun to invest hopes for an end
to the political violence and financial misery they have endured over the
past decade.
Discussions on government positions, left open under the terms of the deal
brokered by Thabo Mbeki, South Africa's president, were postponed as Mr
Mugabe met first with his politburo, and then with the national executive
committee of his Zanu-PF party amid wrangling and divisions over who stands
to lose most.

There are misgivings on all sides about the agreement. But in recent
days ­tensions have begun to ease.

For the first time in months supporters of Mr Tsvangirai's Movement for
Democratic Change have walked into central Harare in party T-shirts
emblazoned with the words "New Zimbabwe". Anecdotes are beginning to
circulate, of police clamping down on abuses by Mr Mugabe's supporters.

MDC optimists interpret these as signs that power is already slipping away
from Mr Mugabe and that once a government is formed it will naturally
gravitate towards the new prime minister.

"Mr Mugabe is an old man. He has to be managed in the African way. With time
he will slip into the background. But you cannot take over instantly. It has
to be done incrementally," said a senior MDC figure. She and others stake
their hopes on gaining three vital concessions from talks still to come:
control of the home affairs ministry, which governs the police; the finance
ministry; and the appointment of a new central bank governor to tackle
inflation, estimated to be running at 40m per cent.

The finance ministry is the lesser battle. Both Mr Mugabe and moderates in
Zanu-PF appear to have accepted there will be no international package to
prevent mass starvation and rescue the world's fastest-shrinking economy, if
they still hold the purse strings.

But unless the MDC controls the police as well, officials in the movement
recognise that there is little chance of persuading the outside world to
come to Zimbabwe's rescue.

"If we can't guarantee the rule of law no one will give us any money," an
adviser to Mr Tsvangirai said, adding that in the worst case scenario
disputes over ministerial positions would jeopardise the deal.

Neither spokesmen for the MDC nor Zanu-PF could say when negotiations on the
new government might conclude. Days of uncertainty could extend to weeks.

A political analyst close to Zanu-PF said that when an administration is
eventually formed it still risks being derailed by the system it inherits
and parallel power centres written into the agreement. He said Zanu-PF
officials, unlike their opponents, have experience running ministries,
security services and publicly-owned companies and can use these to obstruct
Mr Tsvangirai, ensuring that he fails.

That is, unless he can convince them that the old days are over and they
have to switch loyalties or resign, the analyst said.

"This [the wrangling over the make-up of the cabinet] is a pivotal moment,"
said one senior western official.

Whether it moves in the right direction, he suggested, is still very much up
to Mr Mugabe, his army generals, who were absent from Monday's signing
ceremony, and party officials.

Power sharing is humiliation: Mugabe

Sydney Morning Herald

September 18, 2008 - 6:26AM

Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe has told his party that sharing power
with rivals was a "humiliation" that would have to be accepted because the
party lost March elections.

Mugabe was shown on state television addressing a meeting of top party
leaders called to prepare for dividing the Cabinet among his ZANU-PF and two
opposition factions as stipulated in a deal signed on Monday.

Mugabe loyalists will lose Cabinet seats to make room for the opposition.

"If only we had not blundered in the March ... elections we wouldn't be
facing this humiliation," Mugabe said.

"This is what we have to deal with."

While Mugabe's assessment was hardly gracious, it was an indication he would
not abandon the deal, and should help calm fears his agreement to cede some
power for the first time in 28 years will founder.

Long-simmering and bitter differences as well as the nation's economic
collapse have put the deal under intense pressure.

Mugabe aide Patrick Chinamasa told state TV the three parties involved would
meet tomorrow and could have a Cabinet by the end of the day.

The meeting on allotting Cabinet posts had been expected yesterday, but was
delayed while Mugabe's party met on its own.

Earlier today, state media quoted Chinamasa as saying key aspects of the
power-sharing deal would not go into effect until next month.

Zimbabwe's constitution needs to be changed to create the post of prime
minister, which is to be filled by main Mugabe rival Morgan Tsvangirai.
Under the power-sharing deal, Mugabe remains president.

"These amendments would be tabled before parliament when it opens next
month," Chinamasa told the government-controlled Herald newspaper, saying
there would be no move to open parliament before October 14 as originally
planned.

It was unclear when the new government would be sworn in. Tsvangirai and the
Cabinet might begin work without a formal swearing in, pending the
constitutional amendments.

Mugabe, 84, has been in power since independence in 1980 and went from being
praised as a liberator who freed the former British colony from minority
white rule to being vilified as an autocrat.

He and Tsvangirai, 56, have been enemies for a decade, and Tsvangirai has
been jailed, beaten, tortured and tried for treason - charges that were
dismissed in court.

The power-sharing deal has been criticised privately by some members of
Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change, who are unhappy that it leaves
Mugabe as president and head of the government.

They fear Mugabe will exploit that, especially by playing on tensions
between the two opposition groups.

The agreement provides for 31 ministers - 15 from Mugabe's party, 13 from
Tsvangirai's and three from faction leader Arthur Mutambara's.

Continued political delay means only more time before dire economic problems
can be addressed. A resurgence of violence, though, seemed unlikely. The
country has been largely calm since June, and both Mugabe and his rivals say
they want the agreement to work.

Nelson Chamisa, spokesman for Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change,
said delays were worrying.

"Clearly there is anxiety in the country," Chamisa told The Associated
Press.

"People would want to see movement in terms of the realisation of the actual
deal. As the MDC, we want to urgently respond to the desperate and dire
situation Zimbabweans find themselves in."

But George Charamba, Mugabe's spokesman, told AP there was no cause for
worry and he was spending today at his farm outside Harare.

"If I was worried, I would have been in Harare," he said.

Zimbabwe has the world's highest inflation rate even by the official figure
of at 11 million per cent, and independent economists put it much higher.

Food and other basics are scare, and aid agencies say more and more
Zimbabweans are going hungry.

Mugabe's critics say his policies - including his orders in 2000 that
white-owned farms be seized and given to blacks - led to the economic
collapse.

Mugabe blames Western sanctions imposed because of his poor human rights
record, saying they have led investors and aid agencies to avoid Zimbabwe.

AP

"Several weeks" before cabinet is sworn-in -- ZANU-PF

http://www.hararetribune.com

Wednesday, 17 September 2008 22:10

ZANU-PF officials reminded Zimbabweans that it will take 'several weeks'
possibly months, before a new cabinet is sworn in. The announcement was a
major blow to Zimbabweans who thought that the signing of the government of
national unity (GNU) deal Monday would automatically see their lives change
for the better.

At first, there were claims that the appointment of the cabinet was just a
temporary delay, but sources on the ground said that was not the case.
ZANU-PF has not intention of giving up power fast, but is dragging it feet,
taking its time before it implements the GNU deal, analysts said.

As text-book example of how ZANU-PF intends to drag out the implementation
of the GNU deal, analysts pointed to Robert Mugabe who, instead of meeting
Morgan Tsvangirai to put together the new cabinet, chose to spend some time
with ZANU-PF cronies Wednesday. Mugabe was said to be 'consulting' with his
ZANU-PF colleagues.

In defence of ZANU-PF, former minister of justice and cheif ZANU-PF
negotioator during the GNU talks Patrick Chinasa said it was not possible
for a new cabinet to be formed as the relevant constitutional changes
haven't been made.

"These amendments would be tabled before parliament when it opens next
month," Chinamasa said.

The Zimbabwe Parliament has been adjourned to Oct 14. Strangely, Chinamasa
said the October 14 date would not be brought forward, effectively implying
that the cabinet would not take office for another two months or more.

It took two months for a cabinet to be formed in Kenya where a similar deal
was hammered former United Nations chief Kofi Annan.

Delays in the formation of a new cabinet has seen confusion and foreboding
grow in Zimbabwe, replacing the hope and euphoria that had been generated by
the signing of the GNU deal Monday.

Nelson Chamisa, the MDC's spokesman, acknowledged that there was "anxiety in
the country".

"People would want to see movement in terms of the realization of the actual
deal," he said. "As the MDC, we want to urgently respond to the desperate
and dire situation Zimbabweans find themselves in."

The GNU deal, it appears, will not automatically bring relief to the
suffering people of Zimbabwe. There will be several weeks of hardship, pain,
and suffering as ZANU-PF takes its time in implementing the GNU deal.

The reluctance by ZANU-PF to push through with the implementation of the GNU
deal has seen many western nations with sanctions on ZANU-PF adopt 'a
wait-and-see' attitude, opting to see real changes before they can lift the
sanctions.

Zimbabwe deal: 'Good, bad and ugly'

 

Wednesday, 17 September 2008 17:59 UK

By Paul Reynolds World Affairs correspondent BBC News website South African President Thabo Mbeki: deal maker The Zimbabwe agreement was put together after South African President Thabo Mbeki realised that events were running out of control and that Robert Mugabe had to be reined in, according to a senior Western diplomatic source. The implication is that the diplomatic campaign against Mr Mugabe waged by Britain, the US and the EU was not the trigger for change. The result is some way from the demand by a British government minister in June that "Robert Mugabe has to go." President Mugabe has not been removed. He has been reduced - but not, it seems, through Western pressure. The election According to this account, the sequence of events was this: President Mugabe thought he would win the elections in March. He was deeply shocked that he did not. His Zanu-PF party was severely rocked and there a moment of crisis during which Mr Mugabe's removal was contemplated. Then the security forces stepped in and said that he would stay and they would fight. What the diplomat called a "staggering campaign of terror" was unleashed to crush the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). The Zimbabwe agreement: now comes the hard part He put the dead at around 2,000, far higher than the 200 given to western governments by the MDC as the death total for its own workers. "Bodies were strewn across Mashonaland," said the source. The figures are impossible to verify. The MDC was broken even before the run-off election in June and withdrew. This galvanised South Africa's neighbours, especially the governments of Zambia and Botswana, and it had its effect on Mr Mbeki. He had always hoped for a deal and was now shocked at the violence. His fears were confirmed by senior South African military officers, whom he sent to Zimbabwe for a first-hand look. "The real authors of this agreement are chaos and collapse," said the source. The negotiation President Mbeki then decided that Mr Mugabe should not be left in sole charge after the election and he told Mr Mugabe this, according to this account. Part of Mr Mbeki's motivation, it was suggested, was that his time in office was coming to an end and he wanted to have an agreement as part of his legacy. Zimbabwe's leader began to negotiate. President Mbeki developed his earlier concept of a power-sharing agreement. He claimed that Zimbabwe voters had in effect called for this in the March election because the voting was so divided. He then drafted the agreement. It nearly failed. At one stage Morgan Tsvangirai almost walked out. In any event he did not get the transitional arrangements towards new elections and a new government that he had hoped for. But he accepted the compromise eventually. The deal There is now an agreement described by the western diplomat as "the good, the bad and the ugly". The good, he said, was a commitment to economic change (no more printing of money, for example) and talk of a new constitution (though not for 18 months). However, the good was balanced by the bad and the ugly. The most worrying element was a lack of clarity about where power actually lay. There is to be a cabinet chaired by President Mugabe and a Council of Ministers made up of the same people but chaired by Prime Minister Tsvangirai. The first will decide policy and the second will carry it out. The MDC and its breakaway faction do have a majority in both. The share-out of ministries has not been fully agreed, though Mr Mugabe retains control over the military and Mr Tsvangirai says he must have the police. Western governments think that the agreement could go either way - either to confirm Mr Mugabe in effective control or to confirm a shift of power. So until this becomes clear, they are refusing to deliver the major economic rescue plan that is waiting in the wings. Instead they will try to get a quick agreement for humanitarian aid to counter what they regard as creeping starvation in the country. Paul.Reynolds-INTERNET@bbc.co.uk

Early signs of discord in Zim over rights abuses

http://www.zimonline.co.za

by Cuthbert Nzou Thursday 18 September 2008

HARARE - Zimbabwe's political leaders appeared to speak with discordant
voices on Wednesday on the sensitive subject of how to achieve national
healing while ensuring those who violated human rights are brought to
justice following a unity accord signed earlier this week.

Morgan Tsvangirai - Prime Minister-designate in a new government of national
unity with President Robert Mugabe and another opposition leader Arthur
Mutambara - told a British newspaper that some senior members of Mugabe's
government could face trial over political violence. Mugabe himself will not
be tried, according to Tsvangirai.

But, in a quick reminder of how fragile the unity agreement between the
three political rivals is, a senior official of Mugabe's ZANU PF party and
Mutambara's faction said the parties had not agreed what to do with
perpetrators of human rights abuses.

They said whatever course of action the three parties may eventually decide
to take, it should be aimed at "achieving national healing rather than
punishment and retribution" - clearly insinuating Tsvangirai may have jumped
the gun when he spoke of bringing Mugabe's lieutenants to justice.

ZANU PF deputy spokesman Ephraim Masawi described Tsvangirai's remarks as
"unfortunate" and charged that the incoming prime minister loved to point
fingers at others while his own MDC party was also guilty of committing
political violence.

"The agreement is clear that we must have national healing, but how to
achieve that is yet to be fashioned," Masawi told ZimOnline. "It is
unfortunate that Tsvangirai speaks of ZANU PF members facing trial, ignoring
that his party was also responsible for political violence in the countdown
to the June 27 presidential election run-off."

The ZANU PF official claimed that all of Zimbabwe's three main political
parties were guilty of committing political violence, citing a statement
issued by the parties last month in which they not only condemned past
political violence but also accepted responsibility.

"Every party admitted committing violence and we wonder why Tsvangirai only
mentions ZANU PF members. The issue of whether perpetrators will face trial
or not rests with the parties when they deal with how to heal the nation as
prescribed in the deal they signed on Monday," said Masawi.

Mutambara would not comment directly on Tsvangirai's calls for ZANU PF
officials to be brought to trial but said whatever action the three parties
decide to take should aim to heal the nation and not to achieve retribution.

He said: "We must have restorative justice that seeks to incorporate the
views of the victims, to rehabilitate individuals and communities that were
brutalised through the abuse of human rights and crimes against humanity."

In an interview with The Times newspaper, Tsvangirai said while Mugabe could
let off the hook, those in his inner circle should stand trial for political
violence and other crimes.

"I don't think Mugabe himself as a person can be held accountable. But there
are various levels of institutional violence that has taken place and I'm
sure we'll be able to look at that," Tsvangirai reportedly said. "Let the
rule of law apply . . . We all cry for the rule of law, and if somebody's
committed an offence he should be prosecuted."

The MDC leader, who was himself brutally assaulted and injured by police
last year, said the new government was committed to ensuring there would be
no repeat of the violence, which he described as "the darkest period in our
history".

Political violence and human rights abuses have accompanied Zimbabwe's
elections since the 1999 emergency of Tsvangirai and his MDC party as the
first potent threat to Mugabe and ZANU PF's grip on power.

For example, Tsvangirai says that more than 100 members of his MDC party
were killed and more than 10 000 others displaced in political violence in
the run-up to the June presidential run-off election

Tsvangirai, who pulled out of the run-off to protest the violence and
despite having led Mugabe in the first round of voting in March, blamed the
violence on ZANU PF militia and state security forces.

Zimbabwe's power-sharing deal is the first real opportunity in nearly 10
years for the crisis-sapped southern African nation to begin a chapter of
national healing and recovery.

However, many in and outside Zimbabwe remain immensely skeptical that the
deal clinched after seven weeks of tortuous negotiations could stand the
strain given the deep personal animosity and mistrust among the political
leaders. - ZimOnline

Is Gono a goner?

http://www.zimbabwetoday.co.uk/

The new Zimbabwe may be about to claim its first victim

Tomorrow, (Thursday) Gideon Gono, who today is the governor of Zimbabwe's
Reserve Bank, may be yesterday's man. His resignation from his role as the
mis-manager of the country's economy is confidently expected in the morning.

Gono, a long-time comic favourite of this site, is credited with helping to
ruin the finances of Zimbabwe over a period of years, and the Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) has always said it would fire him once it was in
government. That day has come.

Earlier this year, MDC secretary-general Tendai Biti, who is tipped to
become Minister of Finance in the new power-sharing executive, said: "Gono,
not inflation, is the number one enemy of this country.

Observers believe that the prompt removal of Gono from his post will be one
of the key indices that western government and donors will use to judge
whether the newly-constituted government is genuinely reformed and a fit
recipient for aid.

Gono, who is also President Mugabe's personal banker, will probably jump,
rather than be pushed. His second term as RBZ governor expires in two
months' time, and even someone as incapable of forecasting the future as he
has proved to be must surely realise that his time is up.

Sources at the Reserve Bank said that last Thursday, after the agreement
between Zanu-PF and the MDC was reached, Gono looked angry and shaken. "He
was far from his usual cheerful self," said an aide. "He told us bluntly
that he would be leaving soon."

If he goes, observers like me will miss Gideon, for the entertainment he
provided with his oafish bumbling.  What we won't miss is the record
inflation, the huge unemployment, and the collapse in health, education,
banking and agriculture sectors for which he, amongst others, was and is
directly responsible.

Posted on Wednesday, 17 September 2008 at 15:20

US Stance On Zimbabwe Government To Be 'Performance-Based' - Ambassador

VOA

By Blessing Zulu
Washington
17 September 2008

The United States like other Western countries has been guarded in its
initial response to the Zimbabwean power-sharing deal signed by President
Robert Mugabe and longtime adversary Morgan Tsvangirai this week in Harare,
though a State Department spokesman this week said it is "heartening" to see
such an agreement has become possible.
On Wednesday U.S. Ambassador James McGee articulated more specific criteria
by which Washington will measure the success of the agreement, calling for a
"ratcheting up" towards adherence to key principles including the
restoration of the rule of law, respect for human rights, a crackdown on
corruption, and the restoration of a market economy.

McGee told reporter Blessing Zulu of VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe that he is
"cautiously optimistic," but that all parties to the deal must implement in
good faith.

If the new unity government can show that it is moving to meet the
principles set out by the United States, "we will be very, very pleased with
this arrangement," he said.

Asked what it would take for Washington to lift its sanctions targeting
President Robert Mugabe's inner circle, McGee said this would be
"performance-based."

"Our reengagement with Zimbabwe will be based upon the performance of this
government. And if this government is moving in a positive direction, then
our response will be a very positive one," he said. But, if the government
"continues along the same path as previously our response will be...likewise
in that same direction."

As to ramping up food assistance to an increasingly hungry population, McGee
said that although the power-sharing agreement does not assert the right of
NGOs to deliver aid, the U.S. is telling its partners to "get out there in
the field and do their job."

McGee added that, "We don't expect to have any issues from anyone in this
country," noting that prime minister designate Morgan Tsvangirai has told
him that "he himself will be out in the field next week seeing to the food
insecurity problems."

On the economy, McGee said market mechanisms must be restored - and strong
action must be taken to break the hyperinflationary cycle that has taken
hold.

"First of all the uncontrolled printing of money has to be stopped. The
central bank has to be reined in." Zimbabwe must restore the rule of law so
companies don't have to fear confiscation and can make "fair profit" to
recoup costs. Above all the government must reassure people "that there is a
true turnaround happening in this country."

'Deal sidelines civil society in constitution-making'

http://www.zimonline.co.za

by Nqobizitha Khumalo Thursday 18 September 2008

BULAWAYO - Zimbabwe's human rights lawyers say this week's power-sharing
deal between the country's political leaders could see ordinary citizens
sidelined from the making of a new constitution for the country.

Zimbabwe's present constitution was drafted by the country's former colonial
master Britain with some input from former liberation movements but with no
consultation of citizens.

Many analysts trace the country's governance crisis to the independence
constitution that was written more as a ceasefire document between
nationalist guerillas and the white colonial government rather than a
charter for good governance and democracy.

The Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR) said in a statement on
Wednesday: "The people of Zimbabwe, and civil society, are at risk of once
again being marginalised in the process of constitution-making due to the
unnecessary and overriding powers of Parliament at key stages of the
process."

Mugabe and his younger rivals - Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) party
leader Morgan Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara who heads a breakaway faction
of the opposition - signed an agreement on Monday to form a power-sharing
government that will have the need to ensure a democratic constitution is in
place within 18 months as one of its priorities.

The ZLHR said it welcomed the power-sharing deal as a positive first step
forward towards resolving the multi-facetted crisis the country is facing
but said it was concerned that the deal appeared to allow political leaders
to chop and change the country's constitution through Parliament without
input from Zimbabweans.

The lawyers body raised particular objection to the fact that ZANU PF and
the two MDC formations were going to use Parliament to incorporate into the
constitution clauses from a draft constitution known as the "Kariba draft"
which was written by four senior officials of the parties and is known to
the political leaders and no one else.

It said: "ZLHR notes that reference is made in the power sharing agreement
to an inclusion of certain Chapters and sections of the "Kariba draft"
Constitution in the proposed Constitutional Amendment No.19. We remind the
political parties that this document remains shrouded in secrecy and has
never been made public.

"The entire draft should be made public immediately in order for full
scrutiny to be brought to bear on provisions which will have an impact on
the general citizenry, especially where a document crafted by four
individuals is to be relied upon."

The ZLHR also criticised the powers vested in the president of the republic
under the new power-sharing deal which it said hindered transparency in the
conduct of government business and could in some cases have severe
implications in the promotion and protection of human rights.

The power-sharing deal that keeps Mugabe as president while Tsvangirai
becomes prime minister, with Mutambara as his deputy, is seen as the first
real opportunity for Zimbabwe to reverse a political and economic crisis
afflicting the country for nearly 10 years.

But analysts have questioned whether the deal can stand the strain given
deep-seated mistrust between the main players involved, while civic society
say the power-sharing pact looks more like an agreement of political elites
that may turn out to have had little to do with the interests of ordinary
Zimbabweans.  - ZimOnline

Will Matebeleland get its pound of flesh?

http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=4319

September 17, 2008

By Bhekithemba Mhlanga

EVERY picture tells a story. The picture of Mugabe, Mutambara and Tsvangirai
after signing the 'deal' portrayed a bitter Mugabe having to stand next to
the "despicable" Tsvangirai.

He surely must have felt like he was standing next to Gordon Brown. Arthur
Mutambara looked like a young boy who could not wait any longer before
rushing off to the school grounds to show off his new prized possession.

For the people of Matebeleland the picture could have told a different
story. For the first time in a very long time no leader from that part of
the world was part of the set-up. There was no Enos Nkala, no Joshua Nkomo
nor Dumiso Dabengwa - there was nobody. To think it is this very part of the
country that by default will decide the sway of discussions and decisions in
Parliament!

It would not be out of place to contemplate how the three leaders will
recognise the significant contribution that Matebeleland holds in the
corridors of power. When they have their own little discussions - and they
will be many - who among them will truly and honestly take up the mantle for
Lupane, Kezi and Mawabeni?

For MDC Mutambara the question should be fairly simple to answer. All his
cabinet posts must be made up of MPs and or senators from this part of the
country. There is no point in Mutambara or any of his Executive Council
kidding themselves that they are a national party - they are not. He is only
Deputy Prime Minister as a result of the elections of those MPs and
senators.

The challenge for MDC Tsvangirai is no different. The message will not be
lost to Tsvangirai that the people of Matebeleland have provided the party's
oxygen without fail since its formation and it is only proper that their
role and contribution is acknowledged accordingly. There will be an
expectation of proportional representation among the cabinet ministers from
Matebeleland in Tsvangirai's group. The leverage that Thokozani Khuphe,
Lovemore Moyo and others have or do not have will be reflected in the
cabinet make.

Let there be no mistake, the four cabinet posts for Mutambara do not count
as part of overall cabinet ministers from Matebeleland. They are separate
number altogether.

This is not tribal politics but an acceptance and acknowledgement of the
facts that have given birth to the structures of political power that are in
place now.

Some will argue that since the Speaker of Parliament is from Matebeleland
that should be sufficient to appease the spirits of Joshua Nkomo, Lookout
Masuku, King Lobhengula and others, it is not. If the truth be told, the
Speaker of Parliament was delivered kind courtesy of the Mutambara MPs who
by default may have realised that a perfect opportunity had arisen to tilt
the pillars of power towards Matebeleland.

Zanu-PF faces no such problem. If the rumblings from disgruntled ex-Zapu
members about the process and the outcome of the inclusive government are
anything to go by, it is the realization that they are at their weakest and
most irrelevant point. They can be dispensed with without costing the
original Zanu-PF anything. A more than proportionate allocation of posts to
the Zanu-PF losers from Matebeleland will provoke anger up and down the
corridors of Zanu PF headquarters. People will have done their numbers and
quickly realised that this time round, there is simply not enough jobs to
parcel out.

But why should this issue be cropping up now to drown the euphoria of the
'deal'? Because it's a difficult conversation that people do not like to
have but must be heard.

The issue of who holds which and how many cabinet posts has a strong bearing
on appointments to various posts of influence in government and the public
sector. It is these ministers, if they do their jobs effectively, who will
decide who seats on which board, the budgets allocated to different
projects, the postings to the diplomatic posts, who heads the media and
communications bodies and many more.

People from Matebeleland have shown before that they can burn down any
political party's perceived firewall and deny them the space they think is
theirs. Ask Mugabe he knows better, Tsvangirai he has benefited from it and
so has Mutambara.

All the people of Matebeleland should ask for now is their pound of flesh.
It is not their legitimate right to play second fiddle all the time. They
deserve more and better.

Archbishop calls for 'humility' from new Zimbabwe government

http://www.christiantoday.com/

Posted: Wednesday, September 17, 2008, 11:52 (BST)

Following the historic Zimbabwe power-sharing agreement, the Catholic
Archbishop of Harare has called for "a lot of courage and a lot of humility"
from its leaders to turn the crisis-hit country around.

Speaking to staff of the Catholic development agency CAFOD in Harare, Robert
Christopher Ndlovu said that he was cautiously optimistic for Zimbabwe's
future.

It was "amazing", he said, to see President Robert Mugabe and opposition
leader Morgan Tsvangirai coming together and signing the agreement.

"It brings that big sigh of relief that at long last we are going
somewhere," he said.

"I am cautiously optimistic, I think the differences have been very deep and
it will take a lot of courage and a lot of humility on the part of our
political leaders, to really turn the situation around . Obviously it is
never too late to change such situations.

"But one of the worrying things at the moment is that the nation needs a lot
of healing. There has been a lot of violence in the last few months and
there is a lot of bitterness amongst people."

He compared the current situation to that which faced the country after its
bitter struggle for independence.

"We remember in 1980 when we reached the state of independence - all the
destruction that had taken place in this country - yet people came together
and built the nation. Now we have hit another snag. But with this signing I
hope that it can help us again come together and rebuild Zimbabwe again, and
as Christians, I think we need to contribute our bit to the process."

The Archbishop was also very clear on the need for restrictions to be lifted
on aid agencies trying to ease the chronic food crisis.

"I think the government will now need to open the [humanitarian] space and
facilitate, because this space has been closed by the previous
government.with the banning of the non-government organisations and
restricting even the churches' distribution programme.

"It has been extremely difficult - the bottle necks that have been put in
place have meant that it has been virtually impossible to help the people
and it is my hope that with this new arrangement the church, and indeed
other non-governmental organisations, will be given the space to help our
people in this moment of need."

The Zimbabwean Catholic Church has a strong history of both providing care
and support for those affected by the country's economic, social and
political crises and repeatedly challenging the Zimbabwean government to
reflect the needs of its people.

It works in partnership with CAFOD in a food aid programme which targets
110,000 of the most vulnerable people across the country.

The Archbishop called upon Zimbabwe's neighbouring countries to step up to
the challenge of helping the new government.

"There has been this dilly-dallying attitude in the region and it has been
frustrating ... I'm hoping that now, they will really pull together and help
the new government to live up to the commitments they have made."

A Decade of Despair and Deprivation

http://english.ohmynews.com


Zim torture survivors call for convictions and compensation

Gail Muza and Stephen Tsoroti

     Published 2008-09-18 03:31 (KST)

For the first time in almost a decade, opposition members paraded unhindered
in the streets of Harare, the capital of Zimbabwe. People in the streets
could be heard airing out their views without fear or intimidation.

At the Rainbow Towers Hotel, where the leaders of the country's three main
rival political parties converged on Monday to sign a power-sharing deal
that will end the political impasse that has brought the country's economy
to its knees, a vociferous crowd of mostly opposition members sang their
hearts out.

As we made the rounds through the crowd, a woman belonging to the opposition
Movement for Democratic Change -- the party of Morgan Tsvangirai -- spotted
our camera bag and hailed us to come closer. She asked if we were
journalists and we promptly answered that we were. She asked us if we could
spare a minute with her. She motioned us closer and in the midst of the
crowd showed us the scars, carved by knifes, on her thighs.

"They did this to me. I never thought I would see this day," she said, the
gleam of smile on her face.

"I hope they will find the perpetrators and convict them." She went back to
her singing.

As the political leaders brace for their responsibilities in the new
Government of National Unity (GNU), many of the country's citizens who were
at the receiving end of Robert Mugabe's terror campaign are urging the
authorities to convict perpetrators of violence and calling for compensation
to mitigate the damage they have done.

"I strongly feel the new government should move swiftly to address this
issue as many people are smarting from the effects of torture," said Violet
Muskwe, a torture survivor.

"The country has to remember that at the height of this conflict, women's
status and dignity was eroded. Humiliation and loss of dignity as a result
of this conflict is apparent in a great number of women and girls, as most
of them were abducted, raped and killed at will," Muskwe said.

The period from 1999 -2008 witnessed frightening increases in politically
motivated violence with over 4,359 cases having been documented from January
to April of this year by the Zimbabwe Peace Project, indicating a 470
percent increase from the pre-election levels of 795 cases. The victims in
these recordings were mostly women.

The nature of violence shifted from incidental election violations to
systematic and organized forms of violence characterized by increases in
malicious damage to property, torture, abduction, rape and forcible
displacement. Manifest in these ugly forms was the need to inflict permanent
harm on the victim. This violence was aimed at disenfranchising a very
significant percentage of the voter population in Zimbabwe.

The violent scourge, just like an infectious disease, spread across all 10
provinces. Even the relatively calm provinces of Matabeleland North,
Matabeleland South and Bulawayo suffered from the politically motivated
violence.

While there has been to some extent a coordinated effort to document abuses
and atrocities, the postelection measures to deal with the trauma has been
limited in its scope and coverage. This has been made difficult mainly by
the banning of relief agencies and organizations that deal with these
specialized fields.

David Herts of the Center for Victims of Torture said there was need to move
swiftly to counter the deadly effects of this traumatic period as it would
destroy the sense of community.

RBZ Erred in Licencing Forex Shops: NECF

http://www.radiovop.com

HARARE, September 17 2008 - The National Economic Consultative Forum
(NECF), says it had proposed that the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe should
introduce foreign currency denominated zones instead of licencing 1000
retail shops.

Last week, Central Bank governor, Gideon Gono, announced that 1000
retailers and 200 wholesalers would now be allowed to sell goods in foreign
currency, in a bid to improve availability of goods on the shelves.

In its first public attack on the RBZ's introduction of foreign
currency denominated shops, NECF said the central bank had erred in
licencing shops instead of zones.

"Our vision was to create not 1000 shops - but zones," Nhlanhla
Masuku, NECF's spokesperson said Tuesday.

"In Harare we had proposed Westgate, High Glen and Chitungwiza
shopping centre and in Bulawayo, Nkulumane and Bulawayo Centre, to be ring
fenced as forex shopping zones for ease of monitoring."

Masuku said NECF is still lobbying for its programme to be
implemented. Under NECF's proposal, all shops at a mall would be allowed to
sell their goods in foreign currency for ease of monitoring.

Masuku said the central bank's initiative would make monitoring shops
difficult.

He said NECF had mobilised resources to send teams to other countries
on a fact finding mission and the body had done some regional bench marking
on prices to remove the distortions.

"We are not happy with the implementation because it does not protect
the consumer," Masuku said.

Eighteen thoughts on an extraordinary week

My deal wish list

http://kubatanablogs.net/kubatana/?p=794

So. They have finally agreed to something.

Like everyone, I am just waiting to see the viability of the DEAL. I am just
finding it a bit hard to be optimistic momentarily because for starters I
know too well the people we are dealing with. I know there is a chance of
somebody reneging on their role in the agreement simply because they have
done it before and that is my biggest worry. Like President Tsvangirai
(doesn't yet smoothly roll off the tongue); we are gonna have to trust
Mugabe.

Well, since this DEAL is supposedly in the name of the ordinary people, I
have a few things that I'd like to see evolve from this agreement. Some of
them are touched upon and promised in the agreement:

-A practical and sustainable economic recovery plan and fiscal policies that
will gain back the trust of international donors and investors and see an
end to food shortages plus restoration of public services. They can start
with booting out Mr Gono, if the rumor that he's quitting is not true. It
would also be nice to have a reasonable daily cash withdrawal limit that
actually takes you to work and back.

-Cessation of intolerance of divergent political orientation and the respect
and upholding of the rights to freedoms of speech and association.

-An end to chaotic land grabs by so-called chefs and a plausible land audit
to hold anyone sitting on idle land accountable. We need farmers who know
what they are doing else we'll continue to starve and beg.

-The setting up of a Truth commission should be in the offing to bring
justice for victims of traumatic violence that characterized the contentious
elections. This may only be done after more immediate needs like economic
revival, but a lot of Zimbabweans hope for justice in a new Zimbabwe.

-A complete overhaul of the health sector with a possible replacement of the
long-serving Minister of Health Dr Parirenyatwa. This time we'd appreciate a
minister who is more focused on saving lives instead of threatening to take
lives for political gain.

Those are a few among my many wishes, and I have a couple of smaller, more
specific ones, like having ZINWA booted out for instance They have failed us
miserably and we are just sick (literally) and tired of dirty water.

Above all, I wish that all parties keep their side of the bargain, cooperate
and comply with the provisions of the agreement. Otherwise this DEAL is not
for me. It would have been all just usual pomp and fanfair for an egotistic
few.

Being the miserable pessimist my friends say I am, I'm glad in a way to find
that there are several of us out there who just cant trust anymore and are
concerned about any equation that equals Bob. History of the 1987 Unity
Accord taught us that much. I find a number of people are agreeable to the
deal; BUT with conditions. I've also heard a couple of whispers that if the
MDC did not have something up their sleeve, they wouldn't have signed. This
remains to be seen.

Could it be that possibly the only way of ousting a tyrant is to do it from
the inside?

This entry was posted on September 17th, 2008 at 8:47 am by Natasha Msonza

Our duty to Zimbabwe

http://www.sowetan.co.za

17 September 2008
Sowetan says:

There can be no gainsaying that the Zimbabwe deal is not perfect.

Ordinarily we should be condemning the fact that Robert Mugabe is still part
of the government even though he lost the March elections and it was only
when he ensured he was the only horse in the race that he "won" what was
supposed to have been a run-off election.

Many analysts have correctly decried this as setting a wrong precedent for
the continent, especially after Kenya's ruling elite decided to hold on to
power despite the views of that country's electorate.

But Zimbabweans have generally welcomed the deal. The duty of the
international community is not to prescribe to them what is good or not, but
to support them in these trying times. This may be a marriage of
convenience, but the difference between this and other such unions is that
the parties here say they want to make it work.

Our commitment to Zimbabwe should therefore be to its people, not even their
governments. We therefore should not prophesy doom. Instead, we should urge
our government, which has already done stunningly to place Zimbabwe where it
is, to continue using whatever influence it has to ensure that Zimbabwe
restores its place as one of Africa's best hopes. It is the least we can do
as neighbours.

Zimbabwe urged to focus on strengthening democracy

SABC

September 17, 2008, 08:00

Thami Dickson
The United Nations (UN) Secretary General Ban Ki Moon says Zimbabwe must
focus on strengthening its democracy and improving its human rights record
before engaging the international community to lift the sanctions imposed on
that country. This is after Zimbabwean government representatives at the UN
called on the world body to demonstrate its commitment to support the newly
established government of national unity in that country by pushing for the
removal of sanctions against Zimbabwe.

Harare is arguing that the power sharing deal can only be sustained when
economic sanctions are lifted. They say this will allow investors to invest
so as to rebuild the economy and restore stability in that country.

In pursuit of political changes in Zimbabwe, the European Union bloc of 27
countries has frozen critical aid projects in Zimbabwe. The United States
has also banned trade with Zimbabwean mining companies and pushed away many
potential investors. Credit lines which provided Zimbabwe with much needed
foreign currency have been closed as well. They also froze all assets and
money belonging to a number of Zimbabwean government officials in banks
within the US.

Their attempt however to internationalise sanctions against Zimbabwe through
the UN Security Council failed, as South Africa, Russia and China voted
against the proposal. Boniface Chidyasiku, Zimbabwean ambassador to the UN
says Ki Moon indicated the UN is ready to assist Zimbabwe especially with
its humanitarian challenges as it rebuilds itself. But it's too early to
consider lifting the sanctions, he says.

Ki Moon says he hopes that the power sharing deal in Zimbabwe will be
respected by all parties concerned to achieve peace and stability in the
country.

Zimbabwe gold production falls 44% up to August 2008

http://www.apanews.net



APA-Harare (Zimbabwe) Zimbabwe's gold production declined by 44
percent during the first seven months of 2008, weighed down by an unstable
economic environment highlighted by runaway inflation and a weak exchange
rate.

Figures released by Zimbabwe's Chamber of Mines on Wednesday showed a
sharp drop in gold output from 4,686 kilogrammes during the period between
January and July 2007 to just 2,624 kg in the comparative period this year.

The chamber blamed administrative glitches at the Reserve Bank of
Zimbabwe (RBZ) which delayed payments to producers for gold deliveries as
well as an uncompetitive exchange rate.

"Data at hand indicate that there are some producers that have not
been paid for deliveries made in 2007," the miners' body said in a
statement.

The RBZ is the sole buyer of gold and other precious minerals but has
lately been accused of insensitivity to miners' concerns, often reacting too
slowly to grievances forwarded to it by industry representatives.

The Chamber of Mines has repeatedly said the official exchange rate of
around 90 Zimdollars for every US dollar which miners are paid for a third
of their earnings was unviable as this could not meet their Zimdollar costs.

The mining sector is the biggest foreign currency earner in a country
battling its worst ever economic crisis and its collapse could bring more
misery to the majority of Zimbabweans who are squeezed by the world's
highest inflation rate of more than 11 million percent, unemployment above
80 percent and shortages of hard cash and food.

JN/tjm/APA
2008-09-17

Zimbabwe Farmers Wait for Promised Compensation

http://www.voanews.com



By Tendai Maphosa
Harare
17 September 2008

One of the reasons Zimbabwe's economy is such a mess is the collapse of the
commercial farming sector. This is due in part to the government's chaotic
and sometimes violent land-reform program launched in 2000. The recently
signed political power-sharing agreement states that the land reform is
irreversible. Tendai Maphosa reports for VOA from Harare.

Agriculture used to be Zimbabwe's number-one foreign currency earner. But
since the land-reform program began taking farms from whites, the country
has had to rely on food imports and aid handouts. The black farmers who took
over the land were ill equipped in terms of farming skills and capital to
maintain production.

The mostly white Commercial Farmer's Union and the Justice for Agricuture
group represent less than 1,000 commercial farmers. Of these less than 300
are actively farming, down from 4,000 at the beginning of the farm seizures.

Some white farmers have left Zimbabwe, but others are still in the country
fighting to get their farms back or to be compensated.

The Zimbabwean government has said it would only compensate farmers for
improvements on the farm, not the land.

It says former colonial-power Britian should compensate for the land.

The recently signed power-sharing deal underscores this and also adds that
land acquisition and redistribution is irreversible.

The Commercial Farmers' Union did not respond to VOA's request for an
interview, but Justice for Agriculture's John Worsley-Worswick said while
the agreement addresses compensation for land, responsibility for other
compensation lies squarely on the shoulders of current and future Zimbabwean
governments.

"They are talking about compensation for the land, our compensation issues
are not confined to the land only; we are talking about the fixed
improvements on farms, we are also looking at the fact that no farms have
been legally acquired and no farmer has been compensated fairly or
equitably," he said.

Worsley-Worswick listed grievances for which farmers are demanding
compensation - including loss of earnings, loss of equipment, relocation
costs and cost of litigation.

He said his organization would rather negotiate with the government than
continue with litigation, which he described as a fallback position. The
Justice for Agriculture spokesman warned that should the government not be
prapered to compromise, his organization would try to block international
assistance necessary for Zimbabwe's recovery.

"We have got to find a way forward that frees up the title in this country
and re-engages international financial support," said Worsley-Worswick.
"Certainly if our property rights continue to be infringed we will make
every effort to have that support culminated."

A spokesman for the British Embassy in Harare told VOA that while Britain
views support of rural recovery as part of a wider recovery package for
Zimbabwe, it has never accepted responsibility for the compensation of
farmers.

The power-sharing agreement acknowledges the haphazard manner of the
land-reform program and proposes a non-partisan land audit for the purpose
of establishing accountability and eliminating multiple-farm ownerships.

Critics of Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe have accused him of giving the
best land to ranking members of his government and party. They also charge
that some of the beneficiaries have more than one farm while many
Zimbabweans are still land hungry.

Black Zim farmers lose bid to move on to white farms

http://www.mg.co.za

WINDHOEK, NAMIBIA Sep 17 2008 17:15

A regional tribunal on Wednesday dismissed the land claims of 343 black
Zimbabwean farmers who argued they cannot move on to seized white-owned
farms as the owners were still present.

The farmers applied for relief last week to move on to commercial farms that
are under an interim protection order given earlier this year to nearly 80
white farmers, led by Michael Campbell.

Judge Ariranga Pillay rejected the application, saying the tribunal had no
jurisdiction over the matter as it was not a dispute with the state but with
the group of white farmers.

"The 343 applicants have not adduced any evidence before us that they were
denied access to justice and have suffered racial discrimination or loss and
this application is frivolous, constitutes an abuse of process and is
consequently thrown out," Pillay said.

The full bench of five judges of the Southern African Development Community
tribunal is expected to deliver judgement at the end of this week on the
Campbell group.

The group remained on the farms on the grounds that seizing farms without
compensation in Zimbabwe was unconstitutional and violated their human
rights.

In 2000, a small group of 4 500 white farmers in Zimbabwe were forced to
hand over millions of hectares of land in what President Robert Mugabe
trumpeted as a land-reform programme to right injustices of the colonial
era.

While landless black Zimbabweans were meant to be the beneficiaries of the
controversial programme, some farms ended up in the hands of Mugabe
supporters. -- AFP

The culture of fear

http://www.hararetribune.com

Wednesday, 17 September 2008 15:47 Columnists - Critic @ Large

Fear is defined as a feeling of agitation and danger caused by the presence
or imminence of danger, whether the threat is real or imagined. The world
correctly describes the atmosphere engulfing the Zimbabwean populace at this
juncture. Fear is a tool that the Robert Mugabe led government has fully
utilized to ensure its political survival and continued dominance in the
Zimbabwean political arena. Laws like the Emergency Powers Regulations
(Maintenance of Law and Order) which allowed for detention without trial,
the banning of public meetings and curtailment of political activity were
laid down in pre-independence Zimbabwe  as a way of silencing political
dissent.

The same laws have in the last decade been adopted by Mugabe's government
and have been used to serve the same purposes, guaranteeing him political
survival. Usage of fear by Mugabe as a weapon for crushing dissent is traced
back to January 1983 when the Korean trained 5th brigade a.k.a  Gukurahundi
or the rain which washes away the chaff before the spring rain. was
mobilized under Colonel Perence Shiri and unleashed in Matabeleland,
particularly targeting Zapu supporters ,who the government accused of
supporting dissidents.

Five Brigade was different from all other army units in Zimbabwe at the time
because it was directly subordinated to the Prime Minister's Office (Mugabe)
and was responsible for mass murders, beatings, and property burnings in the
communal living areas of Matabeleland were hundreds of thousands of
supporters from Nkomo's political wing, Zapu lived. An estimated 20 000
people, mainly from the Ndebele ethnic group lost their lives. A report by
the Zimbabwe 's Catholic Commission on the atrocities narrates how the
gruesome acts of violence were carried out , events that shockingly contrast
to the recent spate of violence against the  opposition MDC that has left
more than 200 of its supporters dead and an unknown number missing.

Mugabe has been possessed with political power since taking over from Ian
Smith in 1980 and has left a trail of blood behind that follows him to this
day. The underlying motive behind Gukurahundi was to destroy opposition
against his rule and in the process cultivate a culture of fear that
effectively ruled out dissent from Zimbabwean society.

It has to be noted that pre and post election organized political violence
has long been used by Mugabe as a tool for destroying opposition party
structures and support bases since he took over the reigns of government
from Smith in 1980. Abduction and disappearance of hundreds of supporters
and officials from the opposition Zapu were common during the 1985 election
year and these were mainly carried out by the CIO (Central Intelligence
Organization) and PISI (Police Internal Security Intelligence Unit). Some of
the victims were released but the whereabouts of others is not known to this
day. During this period Zanu PF Youth Brigades were responsible for violence
againt Zapu supporters in both urban and rural areas. The government seemed
to sanction their behavior, resulting in mob beatings, intimidation and
murder of innocent civilians for supporting Zapu. The 1990 election was also
characterized by systematic violence and intimidation of the then current
opposition against Mugabe's corrupt rule, taking the form of Edgar Tekere
and his Zimbabwe Unity Movement (ZUM).

As usual, state machinery was used for repression of the opposition a
notable example being the shooting of  an opposition candidate Patrick
Kombayi and five other opposition members who were campaigning against  the
then  Zanu PF Vice President, the late Simon Muzenda. The victims were shot
by Muzenda's bodyguards who were members of the government's CIO. The 1995
election was the least contested election and probably the most peaceful,
but however it was not completely uneventful. Margaret Dongo's court
challenge over the election fought in Harare South revealed that in addition
to irregularities in the voter's roll, the government also stuffed the
ballot boxes, such that there were over 1 000 more ballots counted than had
been issued to voters. Fidelis Mhashu, a former Zanu PF member, who
contested the 1996 Chitungwiza mayoral election as an independent was
attacked and beaten by a crowd of Zanu PF supporters reported to include
four MPs, including Cabinet Minister Witness Mangwende. Despite his being
badly beaten, the police, who were present at the time of the attack, did
not lay any charges.

Mugabe's dogs of war were unleashed during the 2000 election period, and a
systematic wave of violence was unleashed against supporters of the newly
formed MDC that resulted in a reported 40 deaths during the pre election
period. In campaign speeches, Zanu PF leaders and candidates seemed to
sanction the use of violence and intimidation against political opponents
and contributed substantially to the climate of fear that overshadowed the
election campaign. Statements from witnesses, testimony in the High Court
and various newspaper reports quoted Zanu PF candidates threatening MDC
supporters with assault or death. Violence escalated as Mugabe took onboard
war veterans to spearhead his campaign, leading to the regrettable farm
invasions and lawlessness across the country. The campaign against white
farmers then developed into an operation which also targeted farm laborers,
people in the communal lands, teachers and nurses, people in the towns and
cities and businesses known to be supportive of the MDC, propagating the
culture of fear practiced by the Mugabe government and also polarizing Zanu
PF and MDC.

Dissent against Mugabe's misrule and mismanagement of the economy took the
new form of mass work stay aways in the 2003. The Movement for Democratic
Change and the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions organized amass stay aways
on 18th and 19th of March and on the 3rd and 4th of April 2003 respectively.
Mugabe employed the element of fear and a violent back lash commenced that
witnessed the assault and torture of civilians composed of officials from
both organizations and ordinary Zimbabweans perpetrated by the police, army
and CIO.

Incidents of rape, indiscriminate assault and murder allegedly committed by
the security forces were reported countrywide, silencing dissent and
effectively cultivating fear into the hearts of many Zimbabweans directly
and indirectly affected by the activities. Reports surfaced of how army
helicopters flew at uncomfortably low altitudes in Chitungwiza and of armed
soldiers wearing full combat regalia assaulted people walking in streets of
Zimbabwe's high density suburbs, forcibly closing beer halls and severely
assaulting patrons. Arrested officials from the organizations and persons
accused of perpetrating violence during the stay aways reported of severe
assault and torture by the police and CIO, leading to the death of victims
in some cases.

The 2005 elections were not different either, with reports of opposition
party supporters being intimidated and assaulted by the so called "war
veteran" and Zanu PF youth being wide spread. Opposition supporters and
civic organization members also reported of being followed to meetings by
police and members from the CIO. The second worst election period since 1985
is the recent March election that saw wide spread voter intimidation,
assault and murder on a grandiose scale, effectively inscribing fear and
terror in bold and capitals into the hearts of the Zimbabwean people and
permanently crafting Robert Mugabe as one of the most ruthless and evil
autocrat to walk the African continent.

The wave of violence that tore the country apart was directly linked to the
highest levels in Robert Mugabe's government, with the Joint Operations
Command made up of service chiefs from the police, army, air force and
intelligence being directly implicated in the organization and spear heading
of the violence. The police, whose role is to maintain peace and order, were
left as mere bystanders as they were under instructions not to arrest the
perpetrators who now operated with impunity. The end result was lawlessness
that left more than 200 unarmed civilians dead, a yet to be determined
number of missing people, traumatized communities that saw relatives and
friends seriously assaulted and murdered in cold blood, with no action being
taken to bring the perpetrators to book and finally a trail of blood that
once again leads to the despot Robert Mugabe.

The culture of fear has left a permanent mark on Zimbabwean society and is
now deep rooted in its way of thinking. A lot will be required to reverse
the effects of 28 years of terror and repression. The starting point will be
the formation of a government the people can trust.

God help us.

COSATU calls Zim deal a 'spreading virus'

By Alex Bell
17 September 2008

South Africa's trade union federation COSATU has said the deal signed on
Monday by Zimbabwe's political rivals 'marks a dangerous spread of the
Kenyan virus,' that sends a message to dictators that they can defy the will
of the people.

The Zimbabwean deal will see Robert Mugabe remain as President, while winner
of the March presidential elections, MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai will
become Prime Minister. The Zimbabwe Electoral Commission declared that
Tsvangirai had not won by a large enough majority in the March poll -
signaling an upsurge in politically motivated violence against MDC
supporters in the run up to the highly disputed run-off vote.

A similarly violent situation in post election Kenya saw a government of
national unity being formed - a government that the Zimbabwean power sharing
deal has been widely compared to.

COSATU said in a statement on Wednesday that the signed agreement marks a
retreat from the principles that the African Union and SADC are
supposed to uphold, and a 'return to the bad traditions of the Organisation
of
African Unity, that sacrificed the interests of the people to protect
dictators.'

The federation said it gives the deal 'cautious support,' adding it was
awaiting comments from the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions as 'it is only
the people of Zimbabwe who must judge whether or not this deal is in their
interests,'

COSATU's national spokesperson, Patrick Craven told Newsreel on Wednesday
that it is important that Zimbabweans 'are the judges of the deal,' but
added that the federation is gravely concerned that certain demands have not
been met. Craven explained that the deal 'does not reflect the March
elections' in that the MDC has a 'more junior role to that of ZANU PF.' He
also expressed concern that a 'draconian legislation is still in force,'
which could see opposition leaders remain targets of violence and arrest.

Craven argued that these concerns are based on the demands made by civil
society, and said at the 'heart of our worries' is that the public will is
still being ignored. He said this sets a bad precedent for the future of the
Zimbabwean government, as the will of the people urgently needs to be
enforced. Craven added that Kenya, with its government of national unity,
'set a very bad example' in that there is a 'shifting back' to a situation
where African leaders can turn their backs on atrocities being committed in
their neighboring countries.

COSATU also said in Wednesday's statement that it would wait for the go
ahead from the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions before continuing with the
proposed programme of boycotts, saying 'if they ask us to proceed we shall
do so.' The trade union federation had organised a mass boycott of goods
headed for Zimbabwe as a form of protest against Mugabe's continued term as
President after the run-off election in June.

SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news

Zimfest - what a blast!

http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk


Wednesday, 17 September 2008 15:15
CAPE TOWN - It felt like coming home at the Good Hope Centre here
recently when the Zimbabwean diaspora celebrated the Zimfest music festival
in true Zimbabwean style.

Different bands provided electrifying music that lasted for over 12
hours - including top SA groups Freshly Ground and The Rudimentals, Tristan
Waterkeyn, Coda, The Dirty Skirts and Hot Water.

The main purpose behind Zimfest was to raise funds for civil rights
group PASSOP (people against suffering suppression, oppression and poverty)
who assist refugees and asylum seekers in South Africa. The political and
economic crisis in Zimbabwe has forced its starving and penniless citizens
to flee to other countries and it is estimated that nearly 3 million
Zimbabweans have taken refuge in South Africa alone.

Zimfest organisers, John Bartman and Tristan Waterkeyn of Overtone,
were on their feet continuously making sure there were no glitches and Braam
Hanekom, founder of PASSOP, was there with an enthusiastic band of
Zimbabwean volunteers selling copies of The Zimbabwean newspaper to the
crowds. The Zimbabwean was one of the main media sponsors of Zimfest and
their huge banner adorned the entrance to the auditorium.

Other volunteers from the USA, Zambia, Malawi and South Africa came to
help with ticket sales, garbage management, souvenir sales and the many
other tasks involved in the event.  Zimbabwean crafters' stalls lined the
entrance hall with a colourful selection of Zimbabwean ingenuity. Others
provided snacks and cool drinks.

An event was a reminder of the thousands of asylum seekers in South
Africa who have suffered so badly since the pre- and post-election mayhem in
Zimbabwe. One Zimbabwean refugee and MDC supporter who wished not to be
named for security reasons told me: "They came to my house, (the militias)
tortured me and beat up my kids and wife and kids. Thank God they left me
alive but I was forced to flee to South Africa. They inflicted such terrible
pain on my flesh but they will never kill my hope and spirit".  He expressed
great appreciation for Zimfest saying it gave him a chance to meet with
other refugees, giving him motivation and hope in the knowledge that others
were in the same predicament here, struggling to survive and send food and
money back to their families.

Zimbabwean sanctions must end and Bob should do children's parties

  http://www.thoughtleader.co.za/traps

Michael Trapido

While cabinet posts are being allocated and the constitutional amendments
prepared, two additional issues of critical importance come to mind. The end
of sanctions allied to whatever investment (is there anything left out there
after the Lehman implosion?) can be made available and the rebuilding of the
Zanu-PF as a credible party.

I do not agree with the EU and USA on a wait-and-see approach for a number
of reasons; the situation is too dire to allow for this, it will impede the
progress being made and put a brake on the momentum being achieved by the
deal. Nor am I in agreement with the view put forward in the Mail & Guardian's
headline article covering Zimbabwe's projected recovery:

As the article says a lot will depend on the assistance from abroad.

Unlike those who are predicting doom and gloom for Zimbabwe, I believe that
the country will bounce back and a lot sooner than people are predicting.
Crucial to this has to be the ending of sanctions and whatever investment
has been earmarked for them, but held back pending resolution of the
political impasse, being made available immediately. While the country will
undergo a transitional period with all its attendant mistakes and mishaps, a
snowball-like momentum will gather pace as soon as people start showing
faith.

Vital to the success of this "joint venture" has to be tangible improvement
on the ground in terms of political stability, law and order, the economy
and social upliftment. Without international and local assistance this might
well fail where support could occasion a relatively speedy return to
stability and later prosperity.

A prosperous Zimbabwe will lift the entire region and provide a boost for
Southern Africa where up to now it has been a drain on the local economies
as well as the source of much political instability. If countries in the
region weigh up what it cost to prop up Zimbabwe and the benefit in
assisting her recovery then it will make financial sense to jump in
immediately.

What, for example, would South Africa save if just half of the exiles found
it safe to return home? How much weight would this take off our poorer
communities? We've seen the figures and a recovering Zimbabwe will be like
winning the Lotto for South Africa.

In addition to investment it is crucial to the well-being of Zimbabwe that
the Zanu-PF reverse the politics of survival and put together a set of
mainstream policies, which will enable it to contest the elections as a
credible alternative. At present they are the authors of the meltdown which
has brought the country to its knees. With the advent of the power-sharing
deal and the opportunity it brings to change course, they must set out to
prove that not only are they back but have a better product for Zimbabwe
than the MDC.

In terms of the election, the date of which will be set in 18 months time,
this will give Zimbabweans real choice and afford all parties the
opportunity to go out and canvas support with confidence rather than force.
If the Zanu-PF is still playing the part of spoilers they will retard the
progress of their party and the country.

As the world witnessed one of President Mugabe's hysterical, in every sense
of the word, tirades yesterday it must have dawned on the Zanu-PF that while
the president has served the party for many years, the future has to be
without him. He has had a long innings and it's time to say goodbye and
usher in a new and dynamic leadership. This is in the interests of the
party, the MDC and the country as it seeks to re-establish its credibility
and stability.

While I am acutely aware of the critics' suggestions that the army in the
hands of Mugabe is a recipe for disaster, I firmly believe that as more and
more stability returns the army will become less and less of an issue. At
present it guards an elitism which will become unnecessary if goodwill
returns as the economy starts to restore itself.

Sanctions and doomsayers could occasion the exact opposite and a return to
survival politics.

Regardless of the allocation of those cabinet seats and all the other
political posturing we are about to witness, Zimbabweans know that the time
has come to get back to business. The planet which has stood back powerless
in the face of the meltdown of that country must now roll the dice in favour
of this positive opportunity. The region has much to gain and very little to
lose if they get this right.

By the way if anyone is going up to Harare, perhaps they might find out if
the president does children's parties and Bar Mitzvahs. The look on Morgan
Tsvangirai's face when Mugabe started lambasting the British beats anything
Peter Kaye, Jeremy Clarkson and Seinfeld could have come up with.

Classic!

This entry was posted on Tuesday, September 16th, 2008 at 3:02 pm