AFP
HARARE (AFP) -
Lawmakers from Zimbabwe's ruling ZANU-PF and main opposition
parties on
Thursday unanimously adopted legislation paving the way for joint
presidential and legislative elections next year.
The decision came
two days after the two factions of the opposition Movement
for Democratic
Change (MDC), in a surprise move, reached an agreement with
the government
on the adoption of the bill.
Senior MDC members on Tuesday said they
would not try to block legislation
to amend the constitution under which the
electoral boundaries will be
changed, the number of MPs increased and
parliamentary elections brought
forward by two years.
All lawmakers
present at Thursday's sitting voted to amend the constitution,
said Kumbirai
Kangai, the deputy speaker of parliament.
"The result is that 111 members
have voted in favour of the bill and none
has voted against," he
said.
The MDC had previously denounced the proposed changes to the
constitution as
an attempt by veteran President Robert Mugabe, 83, and his
party to
effectively fix the result of next year's ballot.
SW
Radio Africa (London)
20 September 2007
Posted to the web 20 September
2007
Tichaona Sibanda
MDC President Morgan Tsvangirai faces
one of his greatest leadership tests
on Friday when he faces his party's
national executive to explain the
decision by MDC MP's to reach an agreement
with Zanu-PF on constitutional
amendments, to facilitate joint presidential
and parliamentary elections
next year.
The deal has provoked an angry
response from some party activists and civil
society. The National
Constitutional Assembly urged all Zimbabweans to
reject the constitutional
amendment, agreed to by the warring parties. They
argue that only a
people-driven process will guarantee a constitution that
will survive beyond
the self interests of the political parties involved.
Dubbed the 'the
great betrayal' by some sections of the media based outside
the country the
agreement has caused various civil groups to round on both
the Mutambara and
Tsvangirai led factions of the MDC. The NCA said 'they
have been poisoned
with the Zanu-PF chalice and drugged into bulldozing the
stupid
constitutional amendment number 18.'
Sam Siphepha Nkomo, the MDC
secretary for Home Affairs, said it was very
easy for people to comment
about the errors of others, when they are not in
the field of play. He added
that the national executive of the MDC will get
a full briefing on the
mediation talks and the deal that was struck on
Tuesday.
'I cannot
say the MDC has sold out and I would disagree with anyone who says
it has.
First of all who ever says that has no details about what has
happened. They
have no idea of what has been negotiated,' Nkomo said.
He reiterated that
the MDC cannot and will not sell out about anything. But
NCA chairperson Dr
Lovemore Madhuku begged to differ saying it was
'nonsense' for the MDC to
suggest it had not sold out, when they had done
exactly that.
'These
people have gone to bed with Zanu-PF and should forget about next
year's
elections. Nothing will change without a new people driven
constitution.
Mugabe will win and people will continue to suffer, but if
they want to
redeem themselves they should stop all this nonsense and come
back to the
people for advice,' Madhuku said.
Madhuku warned the MDC to be extra
careful about the mediation talks, as he
believed President Thabo Mbeki was
leading them towards joining a government
of national unity.
The Zimbabwean
(20-09-07)
NCA's Response to the Zanu PF/
MDC Agreement on the Proposed Constitution of
Zimbabwe Amendment (No. 18)
Bill
From its publication in the Government Gazette of July 18 2007,
Constitution
of Zimbabwe Amendment (No. 18) Bill was condemned unreservedly
by the NCA.
It stands condemned.
In various public fora, countless
grassroots meetings held across the
country and in the published statements,
the NCA has maintained its key
demand for a new, democratic and
people-driven constitution as a foundation
for good governance and economic
prosperity. The NCA stands for the
principle that constitutions must be made
by, and for, the people.
As a matter of principle, the NCA rejects piece-meal
amendments to the
current constitution. This approach is shared by a broad
section of civic
society. It is on the basis of this principle that the NCA
together with key
stakeholders in our society, opposed the Constitution of
Zimbabwe Amendment
(No. 17) Bill in 2005. On the same basis, it rejects the
Constitution of
Zimbabwe Amendment (No. 18) Bill.
The MDC is a member of
the NCA and has been a member since 1999. The NCA was
founded in 1997, some
two years before the formation of the MDC. For a long
time, the NCA has been
working with the MDC in the crusade for a new
people-driven constitution.
Thus in February 2000, the NCA teamed with its
members including the MDC and
mobilized Zimbabweans to vote NO in the
February 2000 referendum. The reason
for the NO vote was to protest against
the process. The NO vote was in fact,
about the principle of a people-driven
constitution and a demand for a
people-driven process. In this respect, the
MDC's decision to abandon the
principle of a people-driven constitution and
opting for a process driven by
political parties in Parliament is an act of
treachery.
The fact
that the two 'formations' of the MDC have been able to agree on
such a
fundamental issue of principle in relation to constitution-making
makes the
NCA wonder why the party split over the senate, itself a product
of
Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment (No. 17). Both formations seem to be
out
of touch with the aspirations of ordinary Zimbabweans who are clamouring
for
an open and genuine process of democratization. Accordingly, the claims
by
one of the MDC formations that it is 'closer' to the people must be
dismissed as hollow. Only a genuine and people driven-driven process will
bring the much-needed transformation of our society.
Notwithstanding its
endorsement by the MDC and the so-called amendments
coming out of the
dialogue process, Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment (No.
18) Bill remains
in essence, what it was on 18 July 2007 when it was
published UNILATERALLY
by Zanu PF. The NCA wishes to repeat here that
Amendment (No. 18) does not,
in any way, advance the interests of the people
of Zimbabwe. For instance,
it provides for the following:
· Zimbabweans will not be able to elect
a president of their choice
whenever the office of the president falls
vacant in between parliamentary
elections. Parliament will now elect a
president who can serve a term beyond
four years. In other words, Amendment
18 now creates a situation where a
person who has not been elected by the
people can govern Zimbabwe for four
years (but less than five years). The
MDC agrees to this.
· The size of Parliament has been increased beyond
the capacity and
requirements of the country. The House of Assembly
increases from 150 to 210
members, while the Senate balloons to 93 members
from 66. The MDC agrees to
this.
· It provides for a Human Rights
Commission when the Bill of Rights
has not been improved. The MDC agrees to
this.
· It does not provide Zimbabweans in the Diaspora the right to
vote.
The MDC agrees to this.
· It does not change the manner of
appointment of the Zimbabwe
Electoral Commission (ZEC), yet it entrusts ZEC
with more sensitive roles
such as the delimitation of constituencies. The
MDC agrees to this.
The inescapable conclusion is that the so-called
agreement on the Amendment
18 is nothing but a power-game. It must therefore
be rejected. What is
required for our country is a secure basis upon which
we are governed. This
secure basis comes from a new, democratic and
people-driven constitution.
Accordingly, the NCA urges all
Zimbabweans to reject piecemeal amendments to
the constitution and in the
process reject the proposed Amendment Number 18.
The NCA encourages
Zimbabweans to intensify the push for a new, democratic,
people-driven
constitution.
We will vote in 2008 under a new constitution!!
Inserted
by the NCA Taskforce
The Zimbabwean
(20-09-07)
Civil Society representatives met with the
South African mediation team on
18 September 2007 and impressed upon it
that the civil society in Zimbabwe,
in the face of the on-going talks
between Zanu-PF and MDC, remains committed
to the values and principles that
underline their operations.
The Civil Society emphasized that it
remains committed to:
-Advocating for participatory and people-driven
democratic processes in the
governance of the country.
-Lobbying for the
security of citizens, their enjoyment of freedoms of
movement, assembly and
association.
-Working for the establishment of a political and social
environment that is
conducive to holding free and fair
elections.
-Enhancing confidence and capacity among citizens, to ensure they
participate in governance issues in an empowered and informed
manner.
-Monitoring any political processes and developments for the purposes
of
enforcing checks and balances.
The representatives who met the
mediation team were drawn from different
civic organisations which included,
inter alia, the Zimbabwe Congress of
Trade Unions (ZCTU), Women's Coalition,
National Association of
Non-Governmental Organisations (NANGO), National
Constitutional Assembly
(NCA), Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights, Law
Society of Zimbabwe, Christian
Alliance, Women of Zimbabwe Arise (Woza),
Evangelical Fellowship of
Zimbabwe, Zimbabwe Election Support Network (ZESN)
and Crisis Coalition.
The Guardian
Press
Association
Thursday September 20, 2007 6:48 PM
Prime Minister
Gordon Brown threatened tougher sanctions against Zimbabwe,
after saying he
would boycott an EU summit if President Robert Mugabe was
present.
Mr
Brown said the UK would table proposals to the EU "in the next few days"
to
extend travel and financial sanctions against leading members of Mr
Mugabe's
regime.
He had already declared he would not attend the Europe-Africa
summit in
Lisbon in December if the Zimbabwean President was
present.
EU Development Commissioner Louis Michel backed Mr Brown,
demanding a ban on
Mr Mugabe from the summit. He told the EU politix
website: "I fully
understand and sympathise with those who are saying Mugabe
should not attend
the summit. I too share their concerns and, yes, I too
would prefer it if
Mugabe was not there."
Mr Brown's spokesman said
the Prime Minister had had discussions with other
EU leaders before publicly
threatening his boycott in protest at the plight
of Zimbabwe, and in the
face of continuing European travel sanctions imposed
on Mr Mugabe and 131
members of his Zanu-PF regime.
"The Prime Minister is saying that the
assumption is that Robert Mugabe will
attend, and on that basis he (Mr
Brown) would not attend," said the
spokesman.
Asked if the Prime
Minister would attend the summit if another member of the
Mugabe regime
represented Zimbabwe, the spokesman said: "That would be a
different
circumstance.
"The issue in relation to Robert Mugabe is that what we do
not want to do is
to do anything that diverts attention from the important
issues that the EU
Africa summit needs to address."
Robert Mugabe's
presence would be seen, in itself, as a diversion, the
spokesman
said.
While moving to isolate Zimbabwe's government, Downing Street
confirmed
Britain is to give more British aid money for the country. Already
Zimbabwe's second biggest donor, the UK will provide an additional £8
million to be delivered through the World Food Programme.
Reuters
Thu 20 Sep 2007,
7:58 GMT
BRUSSELS, Sept 20 (Reuters) - EU President Portugal said on
Thursday no
decision had been taken on whether to invite Zimbabwe's Robert
Mugabe to a
December EU-Africa summit after British Prime Minister Gordon
Brown
threatened a boycott.
Brown wrote in a newspaper article he
would not attend the summit set for
Lisbon in December if the Zimbabwean
president was present, accusing him of
having left his people in an
"appalling and tragic situation".
The December summit would be the first
between the EU and Africa in seven
years. Summit plans have been on hold
since 2003 because Britain and several
other EU states have refused to
attend if Mugabe did.
South Africa and other African states are expected
to insist that Mugabe be
allowed to attend.
Asked if it could
envisage the summit going ahead without Mugabe, an EU
Presidency source
said:
"The question of invitations has not yet been decided. The focus of
our work
now is on the substance of the summit. The meeting is not until
December."
The source, who requested anonymity, added that Lisbon wanted
the strongest
possible turnout for a summit it hopes will launch deeper ties
between the
27-member bloc and Africa.
"We want everyone to be there.
... Of course we'd like the British prime
minister to attend."
Brown
wrote in Thursday's edition of the Independent newspaper that Mugabe's
presence risked "diverting attention from the important issues that need to
be resolved. In those circumstances, my attendance would not be
appropriate".
Mugabe blames Western powers, especially former
colonial power Britain, for
the economic crisis and accuses them of plotting
with the opposition to oust
him.
Critics say Mugabe has presided over
the collapse of Zimbabwe's economy, now
marked by the world's highest
inflation rate of about 6,600 percent and
joblessness of about 80
percent.
He is subject to a European Union travel ban but that could be
suspended to
allow him to attend the December meeting in Lisbon.
EUpolitix
EU
commissioner Louis Michel has backed growing calls for Robert Mugabe to
be
banned from the upcoming EU-Africa summit.
But he refused to be drawn on
whether the December summit should still go
ahead if Mugabe, president of
Zimbabwe, attends.
"I fully understand and sympathise with those who are
saying Mugabe should
not attend the summit," Michel, commissioner for
development and
humanitarian aid, told this website.
"I too share
their concerns and, yes, I too would prefer it if Mugabe was
not
there."
Michel added, "However, would his presence at the summit be
sufficient
reason for not holding this very important event? The main
objective, let's
remember, is the summit itself and not the participants,
whoever they might
be."
The Belgian commissioner was speaking on
Wednesday after attending a Friends
of Europe conference on Africa in
Brussels.
His comments come as UK premier Gordon Brown said he would not
attend the
summit if Mugabe was present.
Brown's announcement on
Wednesday follows growing pressure to act over
Zimbabwe, particularly from
the South African cleric Desmond Tutu.
Zimbabwe is currently in the grip
of an economic and humanitarian
catastrophe and several MEPs, spearheaded by
British members Geoffrey van
Orden and Glenys Kinnock, have also called for
Mugabe to be banned from the
summit, due to take place in Lisbon.
The Telegraph
By David
Blair, Diplomatic Correspondent
Last Updated: 7:41pm BST
20/09/2007
A summit between African and European leaders
must go ahead regardless
of Gordon Brown's threat to boycott the gathering
if President Robert Mugabe
attends, the European Commission has
said.
Louis Michel, the aid and development commissioner, said: "We
think
that a single individual case cannot take as hostage the relations
between
two continents."
Mr Mugabe was banned from
visiting EU member states in February 2002.
But Mr Michel said this
restriction, which also applies to all Zimbabwean
cabinet ministers and
senior figures in the ruling Zanu-PF party, did not
stop them from coming to
international meetings.
In principle, he said this measure would
not prevent Mr Mugabe from
joining the summit in Lisbon in
December.
"I expect it is possible to have a compromise, but if
there is no
compromise, what can you do? The only option I cannot accept is
suppressing
the summit," Mr Michel said.
He denied that he was
criticising Mr Brown and said that he shared the
Prime Minister's view of
"how Mugabe is leading his country". But Mr Michel
said that Britain should
attend nonetheless.
Privately, EU officials believe that Mr Brown's
stance leaves room for
compromise.
The Zimbabwean leader could
be invited to attend the summit on the
understanding that he declines and
sends his foreign minister instead.
Mr Brown, who was thoroughly
briefed on Zimbabwe's crisis last month,
has not ruled out attending the
gathering under these circumstances.
A Foreign Office briefing note
reads: "We believe Zimbabwe should be
represented and are open to solutions
that allow for someone other than
President Mugabe to be
present."
The Foreign Office pointed to the precedent of a summit
held last year
with Asian countries. Burma's regime, which is subjected to
the same
restrictions as Zimbabwe's leadership, sent its foreign
minister.
But Mr Mugabe's foreign minister, Simbarashe Mumbengegwi,
appears as
number 78 on a list of 125 Zimbabweans subjected to restrictions.
In theory,
any assets these individuals hold in European banks should also
be frozen.
A British official contradicted Mr Michel's
interpretation of the EU
travel ban, saying that it did prevent anyone on
the list from attending
international summits. It was a "bit of a stretch"
to say that an exemption
could be used in these circumstances. "For us the
key thing is not having
someone who is on that list," he said.
If Britain sticks to this position, compromise will be unlikely. But
the
Foreign Office briefing suggests that London will yield and allow Mr
Mumbengegwi to attend.
Number 10
20 September 2007
Interviewer:
Prime Minister thank you for talking to us today. The evidence is clear, isn't it? I was in there myself last week, you have seen the reports this week, are you shocked by what you are seeing now in Zimbabwe?
Prime Minister:
What you have revealed is a tragedy at work. 4 million people have left the country, you have shown just how much suffering there is, 4 million people on food aid because of famine by Christmas, 80% unemployment, life expectancy at 37. No freedom of association, no freedom of the press, no freedom for the people of Zimbabwe. This is a tragedy that requires the whole of the world to speak up and also to act. And that is why next week at the Security Council we will be asking for a UN envoy to look at humanitarian assistance, that is why we want a European Union envoy to look and report on the situation, that is why we are stepping up humanitarian aid today in response to what you have shown and what we have now seen. And at the same time, for the day that democracy returns in Zimbabwe, we want to work with South Africa which is trying very hard under President Mbeki to resolve this situation, and with the rest of the African countries to design a programme of economic reconstruction for Zimbabwe. And we want to play our part with the African Union and with others in making it possible for people to restore and to build some prosperity in the future in a free country with a democracy.
Interviewer:
Prime Minister you also say you are going to boycott a meeting with Robert Mugabe. In all honesty is that, and more aid, and more UN monitoring, is that enough? Isn't the time now for decisive urgent action on Zimbabwe?
Prime Minister:
Well the world is speaking up, at the UN next week, at the European Union, the aid that we are going to give, but I want the African Union/European Union summit to go ahead. I applaud the Prime Minister of Portugal for what he is trying to do to build stronger relations between Europe and Africa. This is a summit that is necessary for Africa's sake, but of course it would be totally inappropriate for me to be there if President Mugabe, and because President Mugabe intends to come.
Interviewer:
But isn't the key to confront Mugabe, it is all about one man isn't it? You would be seeking regime change, wouldn't you, you want Mugabe to go don't you?
Prime Minister:
I think everybody wants democracy in Zimbabwe. We are making an offer about reconstruction after democracy is restored, but I am not getting into the business of talking about regime change here. We want elections, democracy, freedom for the people of Zimbabwe and we want to work with the rest of the African Union in particular. And as I said, I applaud the efforts of President Mbeki to move things forward. In this humanitarian tragedy all of us must play our part and I think the African Union/European Union Summit is an important event, but of course in circumstances where we have made our position clear on President Mugabe for many, many years, it would be inappropriate for me to be there.
Interviewer:
But the Archbishop of York is right, isn't he? This is urgent. I have been in there, I have seen the state of the people. Mugabe needs to go now according to those people who are suffering just across the border here.
Prime Minister:
The urgency of the situation has led us today to increase aid. That is being processed through humanitarian organisations, through NGOs. At the same time next week at the UN this issue will be raised. The European Union must have its envoy there. All the action that we can take will be taken and I am seized by your reports of course, by the urgency of what is happening when you have so many people suffering, inflation so high, people being forced out of jobs, lack of freedom in the country is clear. I know that in South Africa itself there are more than 3 million people who have left Zimbabwe, now in South Africa, so this is a problem that is spilling over into other countries as well. And I think the important thing is the combination of action that I am recommending today and of course that the African Union is encouraged to do what it can to make sure that conditions improve in Zimbabwe.
Interviewer:
Isn't the truth, Prime Minister, that the sanctions as they exist at the moment basically amount to stopping Robert Mugabe and his wife going shopping in Europe. Surely the Archbishop of York is right and much tougher sanctions are needed right now.
Prime Minister:
We are prepared to consider further sanctions. There are in fact 130 people or so who are subject to these sanctions. I believe that these sanctions could be extended to the families of people, some more people could be under sanctions. The sanctions are an indication of the abhorrence of people in Europe about what is happening in Zimbabwe and the travel ban and of course the commercial sanctions and everything else are very much part of that, but we will be prepared to extend these sanctions and we will do so with proposals to the European Union in the next few days.
Interviewer:
All right, what sort of sanctions Prime Minister do you have in mind?
Prime Minister:
The sanctions that I am talking about are to extend to the families of 130 officials the very same bans that exist for these officials at the moment. I think you have got to understand that Zimbabwe, and what has happened in Zimbabwe, ...
Interviewer:
I am sorry to interrupt Prime Minister, but with respect Prime Minister banning officials travelling is not going to do much for the people of Zimbabwe across the border here.
Prime Minister:
It is the combination of all the measures that we have been talking about, it is the combination of what we want to do through the EU envoy, through the Security Council taking the issue up, through supporting the efforts of President Mbeki. I think you know that there is a great deal of effort being put in by the African Union and by the leaders of the African Union, particularly President Mbeki, to try and resolve this situation, and I think it is the combination of all these things, including stepping up the sanctions and including us making it clear that while we are providing humanitarian aid to the Zimbabwean people to avoid famine, we are denying any support to the Zimbabwean government.
Interviewer:
Prime Minister you have made it clear you are passionate about Africa and
you have said you will not shirk your responsibility towards the people of
Zimbabwe. Is this not the time now for you to make and take a decisive lead?
Prime Minister:
The lead that we are taking is raising the matter through the UN, working through the European Union, supporting the African Union, supporting President Mbeki in his efforts, stepping up the sanctions where necessary, refusing to participate in events with President Mugabe. All these decisions that we are making are an indication that not only is there an abhorrence in Britain about what is happening, but there is a growing worldwide opinion. And I think it is important to remember that within the African Union there is a growing anger at what President Mugabe has been doing and a growing pressure for the restoration of democracy, a full democracy in Zimbabwe. And it is at that stage that the reconstruction, the help for the Zimbabwean people, the economic recovery plan and these things that we are working on with other members of the African Union and other members of the European Union, these can then come into play. This is a shocking tragedy that you have revealed over these last few days, it is something that you know and I know is getting worse as a result of the failure of President Mugabe to respond to what the world is saying and to the events in his own country, and the numbers of people who have been pushed into poverty and unemployment and into suffering as a result is something that is angering the whole world and it is the combination of measures, there are no easy answers to this question but it is the combination of measures that will in the end bring the results which we want, which is the restoration of full democracy.
Interviewer:
Finally Prime Minister it is clear, having been into Zimbabwe, that this is a man-made disaster and everybody in Zimbabwe says that he has to go. That is the truth of it isn't it? Are you going to push and push for him to go?
Prime Minister:
Well the restoration of democracy in Zimbabwe is what we are talking about. President Mugabe bears responsibility for what is happening in his country which has great opportunities for the future if the problems that now exist in Zimbabwe can be resolved. And as I keep repeating, while there are no easy or simple answers to what is a complex set of problems, the way forward is the combination of the United Nations, the European Union, African Union, the pressure of all countries, including the pressure of Britain, and the statements that we are making today that we will lead in the United Nations, in the European Union. We will refuse to sit down with Mugabe and at the same time we will help with humanitarian aid for the Zimbabwean people as well as plan for the reconstruction with other countries of the country when democracy is restored. I think that is the way forward and to respond to what you have been able to reveal as one of the great tragedies of our time in the reports you have done this week.
Interviewer:
Can I just clear up one thing? Do you accept that democracy cannot be restored while Robert Mugabe is in charge?
Prime Minister:
Well the issue for us in the rest of the world is the restoration of democracy, the issue for us is then the reconstruction of Zimbabwe, the issue is then that the unemployment, the poverty and the suffering of the people of Zimbabwe is then dealt with by measures that can be agreed with support not just from within the African Union but from the rest of the world and I think that is the principles on which we are basing our approach.
Financial Times
By William Wallis
in London, Tony Barber in Brussels, Alec Russell in
Johannesburg and Peter
Wise in Lisbon
Published: September 20 2007 20:01 | Last updated:
September 20 2007 20:01
Gordon Brown, Britain's prime minister, unleashed
a flurry of diplomatic
activity in Europe and Africa on Thursday by
launching a broadside against
Robert Mugabe and threatening to boycott a
European Union Africa summit
should Zimbabwe's president be allowed to
attend.
Opponents of Mr Mugabe said that Mr Brown appeared to have
misread the mood
both in Zimbabwe and in Africa and had - with his first
policy statement on
Zimbabwe since becoming prime minister in June - set
himself up for a battle
of wills with the Zimbabwean president.
In
recent weeks a diplomatic consensus has begun to emerge that the only
viable
policy is to fall behind diplomatic efforts to resolve the Zimbabwe
crisis
led by Thabo Mbeki, president of South Africa. This week there have
been
reports of some progress in talks, hosted by South Africa, between
Zimbabwe's ruling Zanu-PF party and the opposition.
Trevor Ncube,
Zimbabwean publisher and a critic of Mr Mugabe exiled in South
Africa, said
that in attempting to isolate Mr Mugabe at this stage and by
urging the EU
to extend arms sanctions and travel bans against Zanu-PF
members, Mr Brown
was diverting attention from the real issues behind the
crisis.
"It's
a position that the rest of the world expects from the British but
that is
not what those seeking a solution in Zimbabwe are looking for now.
We need
pragmatic and bold leadership," he said. "This plays into Mugabe's
hands. He
wants to paint the situation as a battle between the British and
Zimbabweans."
A senior member of Zimbabwe's opposition Movement for
Democratic Change said
that while he sympathised with the idea of stopping
Mr Mugabe from
"strutting on the international stage", Mr Brown's statement
was not "clever
or intuitive".
"Ratcheting up the pressure from
Britain does very little," he said. "We
advised Britain some time ago that
Mugabe should be allowed to attend [the
EU Africa summit in Lisbon] on
condition that Zimbabwe would be debated in
open plenary
session."
African leaders appeared to be closing ranks. Levy Mwanawasa,
Zambia's
president and head of a 14-nation southern African group seeking a
solution
to Zimbabwe's crisis, said he and other African leaders would be
reluctant
to attend the summit - scheduled for early December - should Mr
Mugabe be
barred. "I don't know how many of us will be prepared to go to
Portugal
without Mugabe," he said.
EU diplomats were left scrambling
to salvage the summit, with a compromise
that would see either Britain or
Zimbabwe represented at more junior levels
Monsters and Critics
Sep 20, 2007, 9:05 GMT
Harare - Zimbabwe's Poverty
Datum Line (PDL) has shot up to 12 million
Zimbabwe dollars per month,
around three times an average teacher's salary,
the official Central
Statistical Office (CSO) reported.
An average family of five needed 12
million dollars in August up from just
over eight million in June if it was
not to be classified as poor, the CSO
said.
The figure is way above
the average monthly salary for many Zimbabwean
teachers, police constables,
soldiers and shop floor workers, who often earn
less than four million
Zimbabwe dollars a month.
That salary now barely matches the Food Poverty
Line and puts the
wage-earners in the category of very poor, according to
the CSO figures.
The August 2007 Food Poverty Line for an average of five
persons in Zimbabwe
stood at 4,528,000 dollars, a statement read.
An
individual whose total expenditure does not exceed the Food Poverty Line
is
deemed to be very poor.
Although four million dollars equates to around
133 US dollars at the
government-set rate of exchange, it represents only 13
US dollars on the
widely-used parallel market for hard currency, where the
value of the
Zimbabwean dollar has recently plummeted.
Life is
getting harder for many Zimbabweans who struggle to survive amid a
dire
cocktail of food, power, water and drug shortages.
Long-time leader
President Robert Mugabe alleges that his country's
worst-ever economic
crisis is caused by Western sanctions and sabotage by
white-controlled
industry.
But his critics point to a catalogue of controversial political
decisions,
including a seven-year programme of white land seizures that has
slashed
agricultural production as well as foreign investment and tourist
confidence.
To make matters worse, many food items have disappeared
from shop shelves
following a state-ordered price slash in late June. Some
items like bread
and margarine have reappeared on the black market at prices
six or seven
times above those set by the government.
© 2007 dpa -
Deutsche Presse-Agentur
By Henry Makiwa
20 September
2007
The Zimbabwe government has been accused of holding back water
supplies from
Bulawayo, after revelations that a nearby dam would have
enough reserves to
serve the city for 18 months, if plans were made to
access the water.
It was learnt Thursday that Local Government Minister
Ignatius Chombo had
assured Bulawayo city elders at a meeting in August,
that construction of a
pipeline to draw water from Mtshabezi dam to Bulawayo
was in progress.
However a team of clergymen currently assisting the
Bulawayo city council,
together with the donor community and
non-governmental organisations, found
little evidence of work when they
visited the dam site last week.
The developments follow alerts raised by
the Bulawayo city council in the
state-controlled Chronicle newspaper
Thursday, advising residents in the
country's second biggest city to "brace
themselves for the worst ". The
paper reported that Inyankuni Dam, one of
the two dams left supplying
Bulawayo with water, was running
dry.
Pastor Promise Manceda, who leads a Christian alliance that is has
been at
the forefront of assisting Bulawayo residence with water, alleges
government
has reneged on its promise.
Manceda said: "The government
has shown little effort and care to resolve
the water crisis here. The
minister's promise has yielded nothing because
there's no trace of work
whatsoever at Mtshabezi and yet the people are
going through the worst water
crisis in the history of this city.
"There's an outbreak of diarrhoeal
diseases and in this situation there's
danger of cholera and dysentery
looming. We as the church, with the
assistance of other donor organisations
such as the Tear Fund, are doing as
much as we can to supply the people of
the western suburbs with 25 000 litre
tanks of water," Manceda
said.
If Inyankuni dam, now understood to be only 7 percent full, dries
up
Bulawayo will have only one supply dam, Insiza. According to official
information Bulawayo normally consumes 150 000 cubic metres of water daily,
but is now receiving only 69 000 cubic metres from the two dams.
The
city council has drilled boreholes in some parts of the city and
provided
bowsers in other areas. The crisis has created a thriving black
market as
some residents corruptly acquire water from unscrupulous city
council
employees at the cost of Z$10 000 for 20 litres.
Three of Bulawayo's
supply dams - Lower Ncema, Upper Ncema and Umzingwane -
have already been
decommissioned after drying up.
Speaking with the Chronicle, a Bulawayo
City Council spokesman, Pathisa
Nyathi said residents, most of whom are
receiving water supplies for a few
hours three times a week, should expect
an even tougher water rationing
schedule owing to the depleted
supplies.
Nyathi said: "Residents should expect the situation to get
worse. The levels
in Inyankuni Dam are now very low and we are expecting the
dam to be
decommissioned next month although it could even be decommissioned
before
the end of this month because the temperatures are extremely
high.
"Our salvation, as things stand now, will only come through the
rains," he
said.
SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news
pbs.org
Originally Aired: September 19, 2007
Zimbabwe government programs and
private businesses are suffering from a
severe increase in the country's
inflation. Independent Television News
reports on the effects on the
population.
GWEN IFILL: Now, a report on the struggle to survive
in Zimbabwe. Under the
authoritarian rule of President Robert Mugabe, this
African country has been
hit by sky-high inflation, and government and
private services are breaking
down. Some of the faces in this piece are
obscured to protect the
interviewees from possible government reprisals.
From Harare, the capital of
Zimbabwe, we have a report from Mark Austin of
Independent Television News.
MARK AUSTIN, ITV News Correspondent: Dawn in
Harare, and the few lucky
enough to have jobs begin the daily commute. It is
on foot, often for
several miles. There's no affordable petrol, so no
transport.
In the townships they have left behind, they are also walking for
miles. The
search is on for water, any water to keep their families alive.
Zimbabwe is
running out of almost everything; now it's running out of the
most precious
commodity on Earth.
In some places, wells are dug close to
raw sewage seeping from cracked
pipes. This is a broken country of broken
people.
Sixty-six-year-old Agnes Mapango doesn't have much to sing about.
She's had
no running water for three weeks now. This is a grandmother who
deals family
death certificates like playing cards.
ZIMBABWEAN
GRANDMOTHER: One, two, three...
Impacts on food, water
MARK
AUSTIN: Her four sons all died before they were 30, and so did their
wives.
So all nine of her orphaned grandchildren are her responsibility, and
it
isn't easy.
ZIMBABWEAN GRANDMOTHER: No water. Three weeks, no water, nothing
at all. No
money for school.
ZIMBABWE RESIDENT: Do you know what they're
cooking here?
MARK AUSTIN: A neighbor trying to support them says they have
nowhere near
enough food, either.
ZIMBABWE RESIDENT: This is not enough.
It pains me. It pains me. It pains
me, every day, every second, every
second, every second left to us it is
okay -- but for the kids. I cry for
the kids.
MARK AUSTIN: And what does the future hold for them, do you
think?
ZIMBABWE RESIDENT: I really don't know. I really don't know. I think
it's
dark. It's dark.
MARK AUSTIN: Dark, a dark future?
ZIMBABWE
RESIDENT: Oh, yes.
Teacher's view
MARK AUSTIN: And the sad thing
is, what we've witnessed here is not unusual
for Zimbabwe, where the water
shortages, the food shortages, and the AIDS
crisis have come together to
create what amounts to a humanitarian
catastrophe.
Under cover of
darkness, we enter another township on the outskirts of
Harare, where the
power is off more than it's on, where what food the people
can muster is
cooked outside on firewood, and where homework is by
candlelight.
MARK
AUSTIN: Harrison, hi.
ZIMBABWEAN TEACHER: Hi, Mark.
MARK AUSTIN: Thanks
very much for seeing me.
I've come to meet a teacher anxious to tell me how
bad things really are
here.
ZIMBABWEAN TEACHER: I can say from now
onwards, we are just a few steps away
from a total collapse. Everyone thinks
that it will be better if there's a
change of government.
Speaking
out
MARK AUSTIN: He knows by talking to me he's risking his life, but he
feels
he must speak out.
ZIMBABWEAN TEACHER: They are targeting you or
they abduct you and beat you.
You are tortured.
MARK AUSTIN: So are you
scared talking to me now? Are you frightened talking
to me
now?
ZIMBABWEAN TEACHER: Yes, I'm afraid, because if I'm found talking to
you,
they -- I will be attacked. But if we are to keep quiet, then we are
closing
our problems. The world won't know.
MARK AUSTIN: Though there are
only small signs of it so far, he predicts a
spontaneous explosion of anger
in Zimbabwe. The food queues we filmed with a
hidden camera are growing
longer by the day. Virtually empty supermarkets
symbols of Robert Mugabe's
disastrous economic management.
Before we left Agnes Mapango, we handed her a
bag of maize meal, the staple
food here. In today's Zimbabwe, they're
grateful even for the smallest of
mercies.
The Sowetan
Andrew Molefe
20
September 2007
Meet the black diamonds who would love to propose a toast
to Trevor Manuel.
They believe that there's no better time to make loads of
money than during
this time of crisis
As Zimbabwe rushes
headlong into the Apocalypse, he sat there, cool as a
cucumber, sipping
margaritas without a care in the world.
The young Zimbabwean man I
met at the Monomutapa Crowne Plaza in Harare
recently and who gave his name
only as Sam, is a typical Zimbabwean black
diamond.
His designer
wrist watch, linen shirt and high-gloss boots would have had a
combined
value that could feed an average Zimbabwean family for the whole
year.
On the other side of town, I met Mavis - not her real name -
having
sundowners in the Harare Holiday Inn.
She had brown suede
Prada slip-ons and her two-piece jean suit smelled of
money - lots of
it.
As the drinks brought down the barriers , she took me into her
confidence.
She was waiting for a "business associate" whom she had to
pay for a job he
did for her.
It turned out the business associate
was a transport man with a tanker who,
twice a week, runs errands for Mavis
by slipping into Botswana to purchase
fuel.
"Is business good?" I
enquired.
"Better than good," she said without modesty.
Mavis is
one of those people who believe that there's no better time to make
loads of
money than during times of crisis.
As the economy of her country crumbles
and price controls bite and the pumps
run dry, this is where Mavis and her
fellow flotsam and jetsam come in.
"I buy a tanker-full of fuel in
Botswana and sit tight on it until Harare
runs dry and the prices go up,"
said the fuel merchant of Harare, kicking
one expensively shod leg over the
other.
Sam is a mystery. Badly paid hotel staff fight over themselves to
be at his
beck and call and Harare's beautiful young things made a beeline
to our
table.
But he never spoke about himself. He leaves the talking
to his conspicuous
wealth. And the language is vulgar. On our first
encounter, he drove me to
my hotel in the most luxurious German sedan I have
had the fortune of
driving in.
On the other side of the scale of
Zim's wheelers and dealers are
black-market racketeers .
Robyn Dixon
of the Los Angeles Times wrote lyrically about the exploits of
one Kuda
Shumba: "Kuda Shumba spends his days on a motorbike sniffing out
items such
as sugar, cooking oil, bread, margarine or cellphone SIM cards,
risking
years in a dank prison if caught."
Shumba was said to boast: "You can
only afford those things if you're a
black-market guy."
Then I met
Daniel, who calls himself a tobacconist.
He's one of the big boys who
flood South Africa with poisonous Zimbabwean
cigarettes.
"Every time
your government hikes cigarette prices, my market expands
tenfold," he told
me.
"I love your Minister of Finance. May he continue with his sin
tax."
With that he raised a glass and toasted Trevor Manuel.
The Zimbabwean
(20-09-07)
The Zimbabwe
Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) has claimed that the first day
of the
stay-away was a success with many of those workers left in formal
employment
not going to work. However, the national action has been plagued
by state
intimidation. Suspected state agents raided the house of ZCTU
president
Matombo, but he was not home. They later went on to arrest Matombo's
brother
and a security guard, whose whereabouts are currently unknown.
ZCTU
secretary general Wellington Chibebe said: "There has been a lot of
intimidation and harassment of our members. Despite this we will go ahead
with our scheduled strike. The ZCTU remains committed to serving the
interests of workers who are heavily taxed and poorly paid." Chibebe told
New Zimbabwe.com.
ACTSA and the British TUC are taking to the streets
today in support and
solidarity of the struggle of Zimbabwean workers. The
demonstration takes
place outside the Zimbabwean Embassy between
12-2pm.
Workers in Zimbabwe are being intimidates by riot police to try
and prevent
the success of the ZCTU stay-away. We must all show our support
for the ZCTU
and also our disgust for these intimidation tactics by
demonstrating outside
the Zimbabwean Embassy. We have the right to protest
without fear of
intimidation and I hope that as many of you as possible
exercise that right
and stand with us as we stand with the workers of
Zimbabwe.
Action for Southern Africa - Peace, Justice,
Solidarity
Sent by ACTSA 231 Vauxhall Bridge Road London SW1V
1EH
Email: actsa@actsa.org Tel: 020
3263 2001
africasia.com
GENEVA, Sept 20 (AFP)
British Prime Minister Gordon Brown has made an "intelligent
move" in
threatening to boycott a summit of European and African leaders if
Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe attends, a human rights lawyer said on
Thursday.
Zimbabwean lawyer and human rights activist Tafadzwa Ralph
Mugabe said on
the fringes of the United Nations Human Rights Council that
Brown's stance
would help to underline a consistent British policy on
Zimbabwe.
"I would say that in the case of Mr. Brown, that is an
intelligent move,"
the lawyer told journalists.
Brown wrote in a
newspaper article on Thursday that the Zimbabwean leader's
presence at the
Lisbon summit in December would flout an EU travel ban on
him and his
entourage.
Brown said that it would undermine the summit and added: "In
those
circumstances, my attendance would not be appropriate."
The
Zimbabwean authorities regularly denounce any criticism of their regime
by
former colonial power Britain as imperialist in nature. President Mugabe
has
especially targeted former Prime Minister Tony Blair.
The lawyer said
that by taking a similar line to Blair, Brown can show that
British
criticism is not dictated by the whim of his predecessor but
motivated by
genuine concerns for the population.
"Mr. Brown's position becomes
intelligent because he was not expected to
pursue this policy, or at least
that's what Harare thought. The fact that he
does shows you that it was not,
I suppose, a personal policy of Mr. Tony
Blair," he added.
President
Mugabe once told Blair to "keep his pink nose" out of the troubled
southern
African nation's internal politics and accused him of trying to
topple his
government.
Mugabe, who is seeking a seventh term in office, has ruled
the former
Rhodesia since independence from Britain in 1980.
He has
blamed the country's economic woes on limited sanctions imposed by
the EU
and United States over claims that he rigged his 2002 re-election.
Vigil supporters joined a
trade union demonstration outside Zimbabwe's
London Embassy in support of a
two day stayaway called by the Zimbabwe
Congress of Trade Unions. The Vigil
was happy to support the demonstration,
jointly organised by ACTSA (Action
for Southern Africa, the successor to the
Anti-Apartheid Movement). The two
hour demonstration was attended by about
70 people or more, including many
leading trade unionists. The General
Secretary of the Trades Union
Congress, Brendan Barber, was there and said
'Zimbabwe's people are
suffering from Mugabe's appalling economic
mismanagement, corruption and
brutal repression. They are standing up for
their rights, and we must stand
with them.' He told the Zimbabwe Vigil that
he wanted to send a message of
hope to the people of Zimbabwe who had been
so brutally treated. He said
the workers of Britiain were fully behind
them. Trade unionists brought
along a variety of placards, among them:
'Honour the EU Zimbabwe ban', 'Drop
charges against trade unionists in
Zimbabwe', 'Respect freedom of
association in Zimbabwe' and 'Respect human
rights in Zimbabwe'. The TUC and
ACTSA were glad that so many Vigil
supporters attended to add colour and
vibrancy to the demonstration. Our
reporter there says several known CIO
people could be seen peeping out of
the Embassy but otherwise nothing seemed
to be going on in the building. It
was as if they had joined the strike
themselves.
Vigil co-ordinator
The Vigil, outside the Zimbabwe
Embassy, 429 Strand, London, takes place
every Saturday from 14.00 to 18.00
to protest against gross violations of
human rights by the current regime in
Zimbabwe. The Vigil which started in
October 2002 will continue until
internationally-monitored, free and fair
elections are held in Zimbabwe. http://www.zimvigil.co.uk
Reuters
Thu 20
Sep 2007, 11:11 GMT
LUSAKA, Sept 20 (Reuters) - Zambia's President Levy
Mwanawasa announced on
Thursday he would boycott an EU-Africa summit in
Portugal if Zimbabwean
President Robert Mugabe was not invited and said
other African leaders could
do so as well.
"I will not go to Portugal
if Mugabe is not allowed. I don't know how many
of us (African leaders) will
be prepared to go to Portugal without Mugabe,"
Mwanawasa told journalists in
Lusaka, the Zambian capital.
The Zambian leader's warning came hours
after it was reported that British
Prime Minister Gordon Brown would stay
away from the Lisbon summit in
December if the 83-year-old Mugabe was
present.
In an article published in Britain's Independent newspaper on
Thursday,
Brown said it would be inappropriate for him to attend if Mugabe
was present
because the Zimbabwean leader would divert attention from
important summit
issues.
The British leader also accused Mugabe of
leaving his people in an
"appalling and tragic situation".
Mwanawasa,
the head of a 14-nation southern African grouping that is trying
to end a
political and economic crisis that has prompted millions of
Zimbabweans to
flee the once prosperous former British colony, said Brown's
statement was
"unfortunate".
The Zimbabwean
(20-09-07)
by
Silas Nkala
Gaborone- While Zimbabwe is currently hit by critical shortages
of food, a
survey done by this reporter in Botswana's food retail outlets
established
that Dairibord Zimbabwe's products are flooding the shelves in
shops as the
company desperately tries to rake in foriegn currency there by
starving its
Zimbabwe markets.
The survey established that Dairibord
products such as fresh milk brands,
various brands of drinks, ice creams,
powdered miks, sour milk, and yogurt
brands are in large abundance in
Botswana's major supermarkets such as, Spur
stores, Chopper's, OK, Supa
Saver, and many others. Although demand is very
high for the products in
Botswana but supermarkets here never run short of
the Dairibord products
indicating that the company make constantly supplies
to Botswana.
Sources
privy to the Dairbord management told this reporter that since some
of their
product shave ingredients they import from other countries, they
have to
export their products to generate foriegn currency that will enable
them to
purchase the raw materials if they are to remain vaible. They also
revealed
that they intend to open new markets not only in Africa but world
wide not
just for their good, but also for the good of the nation at large.
While
consumers in Zimbabwe say they currently hardly get Dairibord products
from
the shops especially milk, Botswana consumers make choice of which
products
from the company they could buy. Although reports Dairibord posted
a decline
in the exports, but revellations on the ground here portray that
the company
make a lot of exports than local supplies deducing form the fact
that
Zimbabwe is currently in critical shortage of every foods stuffs.
The Zimbabwean
(20-09-07)
PRESS STATEMENT
20 September 2007
Harare
North MDC-Mutambara formation official, Fungai Bafana was arrested
yesterday
in Mount Pleasant for being in possession of a few copies of the
party
newspaper, "The Freedom News." He was held overnight and is still
detained
at Marlbourgh police station. Police intend to take him to Law and
Order at
Harare Central today, and doubtless the plan is to keep him in
detention
over the entire weekend.
For more information please call Brighton
Chiwola, the National Youth
Information and Publicity Secretary on +263 4
304289 or c/o 0912 247 141 -
or the Hon MP, Trudy Stevenson on 0912 247
141 or 304492
MDC Information and Publicity Department
New Zimbabwe
By Lebo Nkatazo
Last updated: 09/21/2007 00:46:54
ZANU
PF MPs on Wednesday dodged a crucial meeting that would have resulted
in the
passing of the Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment No. 18 Bill.
Slightly less
that 90 MPs were in parliament for the passing of the Bill
that requires a
two-thirds majority to sail through.
Zanu PF ordered all its MPs to
attend Thursday's session without fail.
The bill was eventually
passed.
In a statement Wednesday, Zanu PF chief whip Joram Gumbo said:
"All Zanu PF
members of the House of Assembly are kindly requested to attend
parliament
tomorrow Thursday, September 20, at 2pm without fail.
"I
kindly request all members who might have made prior appointments to
reschedule them to enable them to attend parliament."
Earlier in the
House of Assembly, Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa said
the Bill would be
put to vote Thursday.
The opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
lacked the votes to
block the amendment package, but party officials said
they decided not to
put up even a token fight as a gesture of good will
because of progress in
the South Africa-mediated talks.
Both factions
of the MDC have backed the amendment.
Makokoba MP Thokozane Khupe, who is
vice president in the MDC faction led by
Morgan Tsvangirai, said they backed
the proposals "as a confidence building
measure".
"We remain
committed to the principle of a new people driven constitution
and a
transparent and open process. Our friends and constituencies out there
must
know that we will never betray this principle; however we are alive to
the
ongoing discussions and the progress that has been made so far," said
Khupe
"History will judge our actions one day, but l am confident
that we as MDC
will be able to look history in the face and say we were
right."
Some of Mugabe's critics are particularly concerned about a
provision in the
amendment legislation that would enlarge parliament's upper
house, the
Senate, from 66 to 84 members and the lower chamber, the House of
Assembly,
from 150 to 210 seats. They say that could allow Mugabe to put
more of his
supporters in parliament.
Another provision would allow
parliament to nominate a successor for
president in the event Mugabe, the
only ruler since independence in 1980,
died in office or left because of ill
health or retirement. Despite that, he
is expected to run next
year.
The amendments also would for the first time harmonise presidential
and
parliamentary elections which will now be held on the same day on a date
in
March 2008, effectively reducing Mugabe's current term from six to five
years.
New Zimbabwe
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
THE
following is the full text of a speech made by Thokozani Khupe, the
deputy
leader of a faction of the MDC led by Morgan Tsvangirai, in
parliament on
Tuesday as Zanu PF and the MDC struck a deal on Constitutional
Amendment
18:
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Last
updated: 09/19/2007 20:05:35
HONOURABLE speaker Sir, it is with a heavy heart
and a weighted soul that I
rise to make this contribution to the second
reading debate on
constitutional Amendment No 18.
Mr. Speaker, l am fully
alive to the weight of responsibility that has been
placed on the shoulders
of our generation and in particular those of our
respective
parties.
Mr. Speaker Sir, as l speak now our country is in a serious
economic and
political crisis.
It is an economy that has sustained
ten years of negative growth rates, a
phenomenon unknown to countries that
have not gone through a physical war.
It is an economy that has seen
millions of fellow Zimbabweans flee the
border to unwelcoming, xenophobic,
cruel diaspora where our people are
subjected to degrading living
conditions.
It is an economy that has seen the reduction of our life
expectancy to 37
for men and 34 years for women and has resulted in an
unsustainable and
below par lifestyle of our people.
The economic
difficulties have been interpreted differently by our people.
On one hand
are those such as myself and the party l belong to, who believe
that at the
core of our current crisis lies the unfinished business of our
national
liberation struggle.
Whilst independence removed a settler colonial
minority regime, it did not
deal with three key issues.
Firstly it
did not extend freedom to the majority in line with the ideals of
our
liberation struggle.
Secondly it did not deal with structural economic
issues therefore failing
to provide for its people.
Thirdly and quite
critically it did not deal with the issue of land,
agrarian reform and land
redistribution.
The post colonial Zimbabwean state regrettably failed to
address these
issues significantly in the first decade of
independence.
At the same time contradictions began to emerge and a gap
was established
between the ideals of national liberation and the post
colonial rulers.
In our view, nationalism simply became exhausted,
creating the condition for
the inevitable emergence of a genuine opposition
political party, the MDC.
Thus the MDC emerged purely and simply out of
the resultant crisis of
governance.
On the other hand there are those
who believe that our problems are not
internal but external.
They
believe that our problems were created by some grand imperialistic
countries
whose agenda is to reverse the gains of our independence.
Our failure to
accept our diverse views, the need for coexistence and
tolerance has created
a polarised, vicious, and intolerant society.
Families are heavily
divided between Zanu PF and the MDC, between Zanu PF
and Zanu PF, and
between the MDC and the MDC.
Families are at war with each other.
Violence, corruption, vindictiveness,
mistrust, greed, patronage, jealousy,
and rumor mongering has become the
mainstay of our nation.
It is in
this context that we welcomed the SADC heads of state resolution in
Dar
Salaam of the 29th of March 2007, as being important and
revolutionary.
That resolution acknowledged the fact that there was a
missing link in
Zimbabwe, and this was dialogue of its own people and a
mutual recognition
of each others presence and legitimacy.
That Zanu
PF among other formations exists as a legitimate entity that
played a
critical role in liberating our country cannot and should not be
put in
issue.
Equally that the MDC exist as a genuine social liberation movement
with the
legitimacy and blessing of millions of Zimbabweans cannot and
should not be
put in issue.
More importantly it cannot and should not
be put in issue that none of these
formations is a sellout or is more
Zimbabwean than the other.
We are both stakeholders and citizens of this
lovely and beautiful land
called Zimbabwe.
With this in mind, the
dialogue that has taken place and is still taking
place has gone a long way
toward deconstructing the matrix of intolerance
and attrition in our society
and hopefully this process is irreversible. Our
party is committed to this
process.
At the core of that dialogue, in our view, is the need to deal
with the
issue of legitimacy in our society. In our view, that can only come
through
the introduction of a people driven constitution and free and fair
elections
thereafter.
Of course the issues of repressive legislation
such as POSA and AIPPA are
critical, so too are the issues of the
militarized state and the opaque
management of the electoral
process.
These are all issues covered in the agenda agreed to by the
negotiators on
the 19th of June 2007.
We remain committed to the
principle of a new people driven constitution and
a transparent and open
process.
Our friends and constituencies out there must know that we will
never betray
this principle; however we are alive to the ongoing discussions
and the
progress that has been made so far.
It is in this regard,
that as a confidence building measure we take the bold
decision of not
standing in the way of constitution amendment number 18 as
amended by the
negotiating teams.
In making this decision we are in no way abandoning
any of our principles or
are we betraying any cause, all we are saying is
that at this point in our
history the country is crying out for bold and
decisive leadership and not
populist grandstanding.
We are assured
negotiations are still ongoing and that they will deliberate
on the many
issues that are still outstanding in this proposed
constitutional
amendment.
For this reason and subject to the inclusion of the agreed
positions on the
following
. a comprehensive Bill of Rights,
.
an all inclusive citizenship provision,
. limits to presidential terms of
office,· an independent electoral
commission reporting to parliament, and
above all an irrevocable commitment
to the overhaul of security, media, and
electoral laws, we are not standing
in the way of the tabling of the 18th
Amendment.
We emphasise that our position is predicated on our view that
this should be
regarded as the first step towards a holistic resolution of
the national
crisis.
Honorable speaker sir, we are aware that a
commitment has been made to a
public process of making a constitution by
Zimbabweans for Zimbabweans -- a
process that we fully endorse.
Our
people out there need food, jobs, hospitals, and therefore we as
politicians
cannot decimate those aspirations.
Mr. Speaker Sir, history will judge
our actions one day, but l am confident
that we as MDC will be able to look
history in the face and say we were
right.
Hon Thokozani Khupe is the
deputy leader of a faction of the MDC led by
Morgan Tsvangirai
New Zimbabwe
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
THE
following is the full text of a speech made by Gibson Sibanda, the
deputy
leader of a faction of the MDC led by Arthur Mutambara, in parliament
on
Tuesday, September 18, as Zanu PF and the MDC struck a deal on
Constitutional Amendment Number
18:
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Last
updated: 09/20/2007 21:59:22
I STAND to add my voice to the debate on the
Constitutional Amendment Number
18 which is before this House.
Indeed
today is the beginning of a historic moment in this House. The
speakers who
have spoken before me on this debate have stated very clearly,
the Leader of
the House Hon. Chinamasa has already spelt out how the SADC
resolution led
to the dialogue that has come to a phase where we begin to
resolve the issue
before this House.
We have seen the Berlin Wall fall, the Cold War
between the West and the
East come to an end, and indeed we have seen 27
years of one man imprisoned
on an island becoming a Head of State after 27
years, because there was the
will and the commitment.
I find today
that, between the two parties who are represented here in this
august House,
we can find the solution to the crisis in Zimbabwe. The
Amendment is a
landmark in that it has started to put in place solutions to
some of the
issues that have bedeviled our nation of Zimbabwe.
We are in the process
of making history and finding a solution to our
crisis. Despite the
divisions that occur between the parties, I think
maturity has come to be
realised in this House.
It is my honour that I support and add my voice
to the smooth passage and
the continued dialogue between Zanu PF and
MDC.
Yes, as the Professor and Hon Khupe have stated, we are one
formation when
it comes to resolving the issues that are facing this
country, and indeed we
are united as Zimbabweans who are sitting here, who
have been elected from
all the constituencies here represented, and it is a
duty upon us as elected
representatives to find the solutions to the
political, economic, and social
crisis we are facing.
Indeed, I
support the smooth passage of this Amendment 18 to the
Constitution of
Zimbabwe.
New Zimbabwe
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
THE
following is the full text of a speech made by Professor Welshman Ncube,
the
secretary general of a faction of the MDC led by Arthur Mutambara, in
parliament on Tuesday as Zanu PF and the MDC struck a deal on Constitutional
Amendment Number
18:
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Last
updated: 09/20/2007 21:59:21
I RISE to make a contribution to the debate on
the Constitution of Zimbabwe
Amendment No. 18 Bill. I begin by fully and
unconditionally endorsing the
remarks of my colleague Hon Khupe and wish to
add the following.
I confirm what the Minister of Justice, Leal and
Parliamentary Affairs, has
said in his statement in respect of the process
and content of the
negotiations which are taking place between the
government of Zimbabwe and
Zanu PF on one hand and the MDC in its collective
sense - (Laughter!).
For the avoidance of doubt, particularly for those
in the media fraternity
who keep speaking the language of MDC negotiating as
two formations - that
is not the case. At the negotiating table there is one
MDC.
For those of our compatriots who love our beautiful country, some
might be
alarmed and say those of us in the MDC might appear on the face of
it to be
abandoning the principles we have fully enunciated over the last 8
years on
how we believe a new Constitution for Zimbabwe must be
made.
Let me take the opportunity to explain and enunciate those
principles and
how they fit in with what we are trying to do in order to
resolve the
national crisis.
I can speak authoritatively on these
principles because I can say I was
there at the beginning of the NCA and the
crafting of its principles. For
those who are not aware, the very first
meeting which conceptualised and
began the process of constituting the NCA
took place in Belgravia, and was
convened by Tawanda Mutasah, attended by
Brian Kagoro, Everjoice Win,
Priscilla Misihairabwi-Mushonga and myself.
Thereafter, the NCA as we know
it was constituted and formed.
In the
process of its birth and in trying to define its mission and its
guiding
principles, it hired as a consultant and retained the services of
Justice
Ben Hlatshwayo, who was not a judge then, to come and document the
same -
the foundation of the NCA issues. In the interest of time, that
document was
then debated and adopted by the task force of the NCA.
At that time I was
the spokesperson of the NCA and President Tsvangirai was
the chairperson.
The NCA agreed that we needed a new constitution for
Zimbabwe which would be
crafted or written in an open, transparent and
participatory
manner.
In that regard, we as members of the NCA were there to oppose two
things.
One: the piecemeal amendments to the Constitution of Zimbabwe, Two:
the
unilateral manner of setting such piecemeal amendments.
Mr.
Speaker, it is important to understand those two principles. Let me say
that
these two principles were conceptualised, conceived and adopted, not to
be
verses in a bible. They were strategic and tactical principles which were
intended to forge the making of a people-driven constitution.
I
despair today when I read and hear the attempt to transform these
principles
into some fundamentalist decrees which, we are told, are to be
regarded as
completely sacrosanct. As far as we understood them, they were
supposed to
be means to an end.
Zimbabwe today, as Hon. Khupe has said, is faced with
a national crisis
which all of us acknowledge. We might differ as to the
causes and sources of
that crisis, but I think we all, across the political
divide, agree that we
are in a crisis. Consequently those of us who love
this country are saying
that somewhere along the line as a people we lost
each other.
Notwithstanding the intolerance Hon. Khupe talked about,
notwithstanding the
anger and emotion, if we are to move forward, Mr.
Speaker, we need to find
each other. (Mr Zwizwai: Murima imomo) Laughter-
What we are attempting to
sow within the dialogue that we are engaged in is
to find each other.
Our contribution to supporting the Amendment Number
18, as to be amended at
the Committee Stage as explained by the hon.
Minister, is our attempt to say
"let us reach out to each other, let us find
each other, let us give
confidence among ourselves."
If what it takes
to find each other is for us to support these amendments,
we are prepared
and we are supporting these amendments in that context, with
the hope that
as negotiating teams move on with the rest of the agenda of
the dialogue,
which the Minister has explained includes the question of a
new constitution
for Zimbabwe - how to come up with that new constitution;
the question of a
new Electoral Act - how to come up with it (Mr Mutasa: and
the question of
sanctions) - the question of how to deal with contentious
provisions in POSA
and AIPPA, and indeed the question of sanctions. They are
on the agenda and
we will deal with them. We hope that we will find each
other around all
these issues.
When we come back to this house, we will come back with a
package which
includes resolutions of all the issues which have divided us
over the last
eight or so years. That is our hope, Mr. Speaker, and it is in
that context
that we stand before this august house today, taking that step
into the
dark.
I had the privilege, Mr. Speaker, to spend the whole
of Saturday in a
meeting discussing these issues with President Mutambara
and President
Tsvangirai - (Laughter) - Mr. Speaker, I was impressed by
their commitment
to the dialogue process. I was impressed by their deep
concern for the
suffering of ordinary people of this country (Hon Members:
Hear, hear!).
As President Tsvangirai said at that meeting: "There is no
such thing as a
risk-free political decision", and therefore when we take
this decision, we
are fully cognizant of the political risk inherent in it.
But we take it
with our eyes open in the hope of serving our people. We
believe that we
cannot continue to conduct politics for the sake of
politics. We believe
that we must begin to conduct our politics in the
service of the people,
otherwise it is meaningless.
Lastly, Mr.
Speaker, I want to comment very briefly on the aspect relating
to the
composition of the Senate which has worried some of my colleagues, in
terms
of what they perceive to be the disproportionate number of unelected
people
in the Senate. Unelected in the sense of direct election, in that you
have
18 chiefs elected by other chiefs, you have 10 governors or is it 8
governors plus 5 appointed by the President.
Let me just explain, Mr.
Speaker, that when elections were not synchronised,
these numbers would have
been very problematic, but when you have
synchronised elections, you elect
your councillor, you elect your MP, you
elect your president.
The
person who wins the presidential race then has the right to constitute
the
government of the day from the day of his or her election. Whereas when
the
elections were not synchronised, you could have a scenario where one
political party could win a Parliamentary election whilst the presidency is
in the hands of another party.
So the potential of subverting the
government will not happen in the
proposal before you. Whoever has been
elected President has a mandate for
the next 5 years to form a government.
So it becomes irrelevant as to
whether or not you have these
disproportionate numbers of unelected people.
I thought I should end by
making that explanation.
From The Cape Times (SA), 20 September
Peter Fabricius
Pretoria -
The SA government has welcomed the agreement between Zimbabwe's
ruling
Zanu-PF party and the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
on
constitutional amendments to make the country's political system more
democratic. The agreement between the two political foes is the result of
their negotiations mediated by President Mbeki. Deputy Foreign Minister Aziz
Pahad said yesterday he welcomed the support from both parties for the 18th
amendment to the constitution, tabled in parliament this week. "Slowly but
surely, the political climate is being created for free and fair elections
that all Zimbabwe will accept as such. The international community will
also, therefore, accept it as free and fair," he said. Pahad explained that
the amendment would synchronise presidential, parliamentary and local
elections on one day from next year and would do away with the 30 seats in
parliament, which Mugabe presently appoints directly. All seats in the
assembly would be directly elected by voters if the amendment is
passed.
However, in an expanded senate of 93 members, 60 would be
directly elected
by voters, five would be appointed by the president, 10
seats would be
reserved for the provincial governors who are appointed by
the president,
and 18 seats would be reserved for chiefs. The Zimbabwe
Electoral Commission
would take over the delimitation of house of assembly
and senatorial
constituencies and local authority wards. The 18th amendment
also provides
for the parliamentary committee on standing rules and orders
to be consulted
in the appointment of the public protector, deputy public
protector and the
chairperson of the proposed Zimbabwe Human Rights
Commission. Pahad did not
mention that the amendment would also allow the
president to appoint a
successor if he retired before his term expired,
rather than having to call
new elections. Pahad said that SA had to be
concerned about what happened in
Zimbabwe, as it impacted on the region. In
SA, he said, social services were
under stress because of an influx of
people, mainly Zimbabweans.
The Zimbabwean
(20-09-07)
THE Zimbabwe National Students Union(Zinasu) national
executive council has
endorsed a national class boycott by the all the
country's tertiary
institutions to protest new fees introduced this semester
and economic
problems affecting the entire student population
The
nationwide strike is expected to kick off in the last weeks of this
month
according to the student movement.
The government last month increased
tuition fees in tertiary institutions
from $ 60 000 to $ 10 million per
semester ahead of the opening of the new
semester in universities and
tertiary institutions.
The amount is not inclusive of millions of dollars
the students are expected
to pay in accommodation fees per
semester.
Clever Bere, National University of Science and Technology
(Nust) president,
who is also a national executive council member, said the
boycott will be
indefinite and will continue until government addresses the
students'
concerns.
"The boycott has been called to protest the tough
economic environment
students are operating in and to force the government
to withdraw the new
fees structures,"Bere said.
In a statement
released at a press conference to announce the class boycott
yesterday
Zinasu said the new fees structures introduced by the government
are satanic
and genocidal.
"The new fees for the academic year 2007-2008 can best be
described as
satanic and genocidal. Increasing tuition fees from $ 60 000
per semester to
an unbelievable $ 10 million is totally
unacceptable.
"This also happening against a background of price and
salary freezes, and
we are left wondering where the government expects the
students to get money
from,"Zinasu said in the statement.
Pressed to
give exact dates on the planned national class boycott, Bere said
the dates
will be communicated later in order to protect student leaders who
are
organizing the class boycott.
The decision by the Zinasu national
executive councilto hold a national
class boycott comes at a time when state
security agents have intensified
repression against students.
Just on
Tuesday this week the president of the University of Zimbabwe
students
union, Lovemore Chinoputsa, and his Secretary General Fortune
Chamba were
arrested and severely assaulted during a demonstration on
campus.
The
university students were demanding a resolution to problems affecting
them.
The students are staying out of the university campus after
campus hostels
were shut down last semester following protests at the
institution and
health authorities in Harare have declared that the hostels
are a health
risk and students should not be allowed to stay in them- CAJ
News.
Silence Chihuri
The
decision taken by the MDC as a party to co-operate with ZANU PF on the
desperate amendment of the constitution actually shows that the party is
slowly but steadily, learning from history. The MDC's affable position
towards the 18th Amendment Bill was one necessary though not entirely the
best outcome.
Given the gloom situation that our country and people
have had to endure for
the last ten years, the 18th Amendment Bill is the
slightest step towards
normalcy in our country's precarious situation. I am
afraid but it was the
best option in a worst case scenario. If Zimbabweans
could have their way,
they would have chosen to emancipate themselves
without any slightest
collusion with ZANU PF, because this is the party and
government that have
presided over the crisis in the first
place.
However, when dealing with issues of national importance and where
national
aspirations are at stake, it is always essential to choose the best
possible
solution even if it means working with the 'enemy' as ZANU PF is
now
un-affectionately known. No ordinary Zimbabwean knows better than the
MDC
leadership that ZANU PF is a party that is bent on destroying democracy.
But
the calls for Zimbabweans, especially our politicians, to find a
solution to
our problem are ones that should be taken seriously. A long
journey begins
with that little first step.
When the MDC was formed
in 1999, it was roundly accepted by the people of
Zimbabwe. The MDC
influence on the Zimbabwean political scene became much
more than that of
the government. The new party suddenly became the most
listened to political
voice, and its leaders were revered throughout the
country and beyond. ZANU
PF became the underdog in a game they thought were
veterans, and in the
process the MDC became a little bit carried away with
that status. This made
the MDC to start to perceive itself as a government
even before it actually
assumed power. Of course it does suffices to say
that there was gross
evidence of irregularities especially in the crucial
2002 presidential
elections, but the MDC surprisingly failed to adequately
address the issue
of ZANU PF electoral treachery.
Because of the over-confidence and false
start to politics, the MDC went on
to make a catalogue of miscalculations
and missed a number of opportunities
on which it could have taken the ruling
ZANU PF to task. Most importantly
the MDC became more of a protest party
that was just there to show how bad
ZANU PF was without meaningfully
chatting the way forward and clearly
showing the Zimbabwean people how it
would do things differently from ZANU
PF. This is why up to now there are
still people who do not support either
the MDC or ZANU PF but would prefer
to be on the fence because they think
there is no worthwhile reason for them
to support either.
The MDC party became the unlikely victim of its own
success story and this
was why it would breed among its top brass, some
politicians who became
bigger than the party itself. This was what would
lead to the party to split
because the sense of purpose and togetherness
that had launched the MDC in
style had been completely lost somewhere along
the way. These were the same
people who had led the party to a sterling
performance in the 2000
parliamentary elections and the near victory of the
2002 presidential
elections.
What followed the promising start would
be disappointing show characterised
by a spell during which the MDC became a
party of some very childish threats
that were directed to the government.
The threats varied from boycotting of
elections to unspecified action being
meted on ZANU PF in the event of
elections being rigged. This did not help
to cultivate the atmosphere of
national consensus between the two main
political rivals because ZANU PF
took the threats seriously and would go on
to actually mete out specified
rather than unspecified action on the MDC
leadership.
This saw a lot of violent murders, repression and tortuous
treatment of MDC
politicians to try and neutralise and instil fear in the
MDC party. There
was created an atmosphere whereby a very thick wall was
constructed between
ZANU PF and the MDC and all that the two respective
parties stood for was
like oil and water that would never mix. It's was
either you were MDC or
ZANU PF, because there was no middle ground. The
losers were the people of
Zimbabwe who lost out the sterling services of a
well meaning but
decapitated opposition and were left stuck with the
unsolicited continued
disservice from ZANU PF.
This recent chipping
off, not exactly demolition, of that kind of Berlin
Wall between ZANU PF and
the MDC should be welcomed by all genuinely peace
loving Zimbabweans. ZANU
PF is as much a Zimbabwean party as the MDC, and if
the MDC can show ZANU PF
the way, that is exactly the way forward. There
should never be any
labelling of the MDC leadership as having betrayed
Zimbabweans because they
have sacrificed their lives for the same
Zimbabweans. Sometimes it can be
quite difficulty for politicians to please
their people especially if so
much is expected of them, but this little step
towards some kind of
political co-operation between ZANU PF and the MDC
should be welcomed as a
very significant development that would need to be
natured into fully
fledged national consensus building.
The MDC has no choice but to learn
from history and especially to realise
that sometimes bridging political
differences can actually build a nation.
Everywhere in the world where
countries enjoy real democracy there is always
closer and mutual
co-operation between the ruling party and the opposition
political parties.
It is only in Zimbabwe, courtesy of decades of ZANU PF
sponsored erosion of
democracy that it is taboo and a shame for the
opposition to be seen
anywhere near the ruling party, let alone discussing
and resolving issues of
national interest together. If Zimbabweans are
really serious about not
betraying themselves, then they should back
Tsvangirai and the MDC all the
way to the polling booths because that is
where the decision to actually
ditch ZANU PF will be made. There is a
realistic chance that ZANU PF can
actually be defeated as long as everyone
votes for the MDC.
There is
no way that a full constitution can be formulated and adopted now
it time
for the elections. Anyone still calling for a full constitutional
overhaul
before the elections would be grossly overlooking the essentiality
and
complexity of the logistical implications of such a serious process.
What
the people of Zimbabwe should now start to impress on the MDC party is
that
the constitutional process would have to be kick-started in earnest as
soon
as the party assumes power. Failure by the MDC to urgently address the
issue
of the constitution especially during its first term of government
would
rightfully go down as betrayal of the expectations of the Zimbabwean
people.
Silence Chihuri is a Zimbabwean who writes from
Scotland. He can be
contacted on silencechihuri@hotmail.com