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Grace Mugabe, her 'stolen' farm and how she supplies Zimbawean milk to
Nestle food giant
Robert Mugabe's wife, Grace, who has taken over at least six of Zimbabwe's
most valuable white-owned farms since 2002, sells up to a million litres of milk
a year to Nestlé, The Sunday Telegraph can disclose.
By Pete Thornycroft in Harare and Sebastien Berger, Southern Africa
Correspondent
Published: 9:00PM BST 26 Sep 2009
Mr Mugabe, the president of Zimbabwe, his wife and a number of other figures
linked to his administration are the subject of European Union and US sanctions
as a result of their controversial 29-year rule over the once-prosperous
country.
Nestlé, the multinational food company which is the biggest customer of Mrs
Mugabe's dairy farm, is not obliged to comply with those sanctions as its
headquarters are in Switzerland, but the country has its own set of measures,
including against Mrs Mugabe, among which it "is forbidden to make funds
available to persons mentioned, or put them, directly or indirectly, at their
disposition". Nestlé denies that it has violated Swiss law.
Mr Mugabe, The Daily Telegraph disclosed yesterday, has built a secret
personal farming empire comprising at least five white-owned farms from which
the owners were forced out during his regime's evictions of about 4,000
commercial farmers.
Mrs Mugabe's properties total about 12,000 acres, but her most important is
Gushungo Dairy Estate, formerly known as Foyle Farm. It is in Mazowe, about 30
miles north of the capital Harare.
Other dairy farmers, who have also been forced off their land, said that the
previous white owner of Foyle faced a campaign of violence over several months
in 2003 until he was forced to sell his property to the state's Agricultural
Rural Development Authority (Arda). The price was set at about a quarter of
independent estimates, they say, and the former owner received only 40 per cent
of that amount.
Mrs Mugabe became a regular visitor as soon as the previous owner departed.
Workers at the 2,400-acre property say it is now her farm, managed by Russell
Goreraza, her son from her first marriage. She married Mr Mugabe in 1996, after
his first wife died.
She visits the farm several times a week, according to workers at the dairy.
Under her occupation, the farm has become one of the few in the country to
benefit from investment in recent years and has been lauded in The
Herald, the state-controlled newspaper.
Mrs Mugabe has built a new residence on the farm, remodelled the original
farmhouse and constructed an office block, workers said. The dairy produces
6,500 litres of milk a day, The Herald has said, which is only about 35
per cent of its output under the previous owner, who produced 6.5 million litres
a year, more than any other dairy in Zimbabwe.
Her biggest customer, according to her staff and other industry insiders, is
Nestlé Zimbabwe, the local subsidiary of the Swiss company. The plant, in an
industrial area in Msasa on the outskirts of the capital, manufactures powdered
milk and cereals for the local market and for export to East African countries.
Mrs Mugabe uses an unmarked £100,000 tanker and trailer combination dedicated
for her use to deliver milk three times a week to Nestlé's plant on an
industrial estate on the outskirts of Harare, according to workers at the plant.
The dairy's only other customers, according to farm staff, are personal
callers at the premises, and when The Sunday Telegraph visited, the milk
cost $1 (62p) per litre. The Sunday Telegraph was unable to locate any
documentation for the tanker – registration number AAF 2381 – at Zimbabwe's
central vehicle registry.
It has a capacity of 30,000 litres, but sources in the dairy industry and
Nestlé itself say that it carries only 6,500 litres per delivery, which would
amount to about one million litres a year in sales.
A spokesman at Nestlé's global headquarters in Switzerland was unable to
confirm a precise figure, but said that the estimate was "reasonable".
He said: "At the end of last year we found ourselves operating in a market
where eight of our 16 contractual suppliers had gone out of business.
"As a result, in early 2009 the company started purchasing milk on the open
market from various suppliers on a strictly non-contractual basis. In certain
instances the milk available in the market would be from Gushungo Dairy Estate."
Such milk would be bought on a "cash on delivery" basis, he said, adding:
"Nestlé has no direct engagement whatsoever with this estate." But when asked to
clarify whether it was bought directly or through a third party, he said: "We
bought Gushungo Dairy Estate's milk through Dorkin Dairies until that firm
collapsed last February, then we bought the milk directly."
Nestlé has spent years protecting its reputation amid other scandals,
particularly allegations over the improper promotion of formula milk to nursing
mothers in the Third World, which it denies, but which have led to consumer
boycotts in the West.
American and European officials said that if Nestlé was subject to their
rules it would be committing a criminal offence by trading with Mrs Mugabe.
Mrs Mugabe is one of a number of people individually targeted by
international sanctions.
In July 2002, she was first included on an EU list, and she has been on
Washington's list since it was created in 2003. On the Swiss list she is
described as "spouse of the head of government and as such engaged in activities
that seriously undermine democracy, respect for human rights and the rule of
law".
A spokesman for Nestlé said it had “absolutely not” broken Swiss law.
“The legislation is internal to Switzerland,” he said. “In any case, Nestlé
Zimbabwe and any commercial transactions it engages in within Zimbabwe are
subject to Zimbabwean law.”
Asked if it thought that it was doing anything wrong by doing business with
Mrs Mugabe's operation, Nestlé said: "During the recent crisis Nestlé has not
considered moving its operations out of the country. By providing basic food
products to Zimbabwean consumers, Nestlé aims to meet the needs of the local
population, many of whom are vulnerable and disadvantaged."
The company's code of conduct, according to its website, states: "We condemn
any form of bribery and corruption." It also says that Nestlé "supports and
respects the protection of international human rights", and adds that its
suppliers should also adhere to its code.
Asked to explain its dealings with Mrs Mugabe in that context, it said:
"Nestlé does not provide any support, financial or otherwise, to the Gushungo
Dairy Estate or to any political party in Zimbabwe.
"Nestlé is a truly global company which operates in almost all countries in
the world, and therefore its products are found in widely diverse political
settings."
No response has been received to The Sunday Telegraph's requests for
comment from Mrs Mugabe at State House or through her husband's spokesman, nor
from the agriculture ministry.
Pay and conditions for workers at the dairy are meagre. A 25-year-old worker,
with a child to care for, said she could not afford to buy the milk at $1 (62p)
a litre.
"Do we ever get enough money? No, I get $40 (£25) a month, yet we sell lots
and lots of milk," she said.
"We do get cabbages returned from the market and 25kg of maize meal twice a
month, but there is no electricity in our houses, only for office staff and
managers. Mrs Mugabe is here a lot, but doesn't talk to us, just the managers."
Many Zimbabweans blame Mrs Mugabe for her husband's descent into misrule and
fixation on financial gain. Mr Mugabe's first wife, Sally, a Ghanaian, died of
renal failure in 1992 and four years later, aged 72, he married his former
typist Grace, 40 years his junior.
The couple had begun their relationship and had two children even before
Sally's death, with a third child born in 1997.
With a penchant for lurid dresses, often from expensive European designers,
and matching head gear, Mrs Mugabe is famous for her extravagant shopping trips
abroad – during one of which, in February, she was approached by a press
photographer outside a hotel in Hong Kong, and responded by smashing her
jewel-encrusted fist into his face. Gushungo Dairy Estate is not the only farm
controlled by Mrs Mugabe.
In 2002, she personally ordered John and Eva Matthews, both in their
seventies, out of their 29-room house on the nearby 2,500-acre Iron Mask Estate,
giving them 48 hours to leave.
Farmers in the area said that she had also taken over Sigaro farm from Joe
Kennedy, a major seed producer who has now left Zimbabwe and did not want to
comment.
Sources said that last year she took over the neighbouring property, Gwebi
Wood, which had been bought by Washington Matsaire, the chief executive of
Standard Chartered Bank's Zimbabwe subsidiary, in 2001.
He did not want to comment, but neighbours said the farm was now "a mess".
Mrs Mugabe also has properties in Banket, about 50 miles north of Harare.
In December last year, Ben Hlatshwayo, a high court judge who had evicted
Vernon Nicolle from the 1,445-acre Gwina farm in the area, was in turn forced
out by alleged "unlawful conduct" on Mrs Mugabe's part, according to court
papers he reportedly filed.
His legal action was later abandoned, however, and when asked about the
events he would not comment.
According to Mr Nicolle, who has emigrated to Australia, Mrs Mugabe has also
taken over the nearby 1,740-acre Leverdale farm, which used to be owned by his
brother Piers until he was forced out by Arda in 2002.
Last month Mr Nicolle visited both properties.
"Anything that could be vandalised and sold has been destroyed," he said.
He added that some of his former workers found him during his visit. "It was
very emotional," he said. "They thought I was returning to take the farm back
and were disappointed when I said I was just visiting."
Mrs Mugabe's farm management is, nonetheless, celebrated in The Herald
newspaper.
At a ceremony at the Gushungo Dairy in June, Mr Mugabe referred to the dairy
repeatedly as Mrs Mugabe's "project", saying she had invested "determination and
dedication" to it. "It's now her project," he said. "I would like to
congratulate her. Today you see this monument. It is a result of her efforts and
time."
Mrs Mugabe herself told The Herald: "Today has been a wonderful day
for me. When we came here it was in a bad state. I had to work hard to transform
it to what it is today. I went into dairy farming because he [Mr Mugabe] wanted
it. I did it especially for him."
Chavez seeks
Africa unity, reveals Iran uranium aid
http://www.reuters.com
Sat Sep 26, 2009 1:29pm EDT
By
Frank Jack Daniel and Fabian Cambero
PORLAMAR, Venezuela (Reuters) -
Venezuela's socialist President Hugo Chavez
hosted some of Africa's
longest-ruling leaders at a Caribbean resort on
Saturday for a summit he
says will help end Western economic dominance.
Chavez set a provocative
early tone with an announcement on Friday by his
government that it is
working with Iran to find uranium in Venezuela.
That came amid a fresh
uproar and sanctions threats from the West over
Tehran's nuclear
ambitions.
Chavez's high-profile summit guests included Libya's Muammar
Gaddafi, who is
celebrating four decades in office and had a white limousine
flown to
Venezuela to meet him at the airport. Also present was Robert
Mugabe, 85,
who has led Zimbabwe since the end of British rule nearly 30
years ago.
Chavez has governed for just over 10 years and makes no bones
about his aim
to stay in office for decades more while he works to turn
Venezuela into a
socialist state.
He said the two-day meeting of
African and South American leaders, which
also includes many recently
elected presidents, would help the mainly poor
nations build stronger trade
ties and rely less on Europe and the United
States.
Chavez said
Europe and the United States were empires that have imposed
poverty on much
of the world.
"We are going to create two great poles of power," Chavez
told reporters at
the luxury Hilton resort on Venezuela's Margarita island.
We are "seeking a
world with no more imperialism where we will be free,
uniting to escape
poverty."
The presidents of Brazil and South Africa
also attended the summit. Their
model of business-friendly economics mixed
with a focus on the poor is more
popular among many African countries than
Chavez's radical message.
The leaders at the summit were likely to agree
on supporting stronger links
between the two continents and calling for
reform of global institutions
like the United Nations and World Bank to give
poor countries more clout.
TENT FOR GADDAFI
Gaddafi, whose
entourage arrived in two matching Airbus passenger jets and
pitched a
Bedouin tent beside the Hilton's pool, on Wednesday told the
United Nations
that big powers had betrayed the U.N. charter with vetoes and
sanctions.
King Mswati III of Swaziland, who was crowned in 1987, was
also due to
appear on Margarita, among an anticipated 28 African and South
American
leaders in total.
Their host Chavez seems to be going all
out to provoke his foes,
particularly Washington. On Friday, Venezuela said
Iran, an increasingly
close ally of Chavez, was helping identify the South
American nation's
uranium reserves.
Chavez says he opposes nuclear
weapons, but that the developed world does
not have the right to stop other
countries from developing nuclear energy
for peaceful purposes.
A
major oil exporter, Venezuela is seeking to widen Chavez's ALBA alliance
of
mainly Latin American leftist governments to include African
states.
Chavez promised this month to build a refinery in Mauritania and
sell crude
to Mali and Niger in West Africa, a region that is emerging as a
major new
oil frontier.
Venezuela's opposition is furious at Chavez's
alliances.
"Venezuela's dangerous friendship with autocratic and
totalitarian
governments like Belarus, Sudan, Libya, Zimbabwe, show Chavez's
irresponsibility in seeking ties and alliances at any cost, without regard
to the pariah state of these regimes," opposition group Mesa Unitaria said
in a statement.
Zimbabwe should
seek HIPC debt relief, minister says
http://af.reuters.com
Sat Sep 26, 2009 4:41pm GMT
*
Zimbabwe should aim to have IFI debt cancelled-minister
* Minister says
would be immoral for Zimbabwe to pay debt
By Adrian
Croft
LONDON, Sept 26 (Reuters) - Zimbabwe should aim to have its debt to
international financial institutions cancelled by seeking access to the
Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) initiative, a Zimbabwean minister
said on Saturday.
Gorden Moyo, minister of state in Prime Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai's office,
said it would be immoral for Zimbabwe to pay off
its debts to the
International Monetary Fund, World Bank and African
Development Bank when it
could not pay teachers.
"We should be having
conversations with the international financial
institutions to get them to
either reschedule our debt or to cancel our
debt," he said, speaking at a
Zimbabwe investment conference in London.
Moyo noted that the IMF and
World Bank had launched the HIPC initiative in
1996 to help countries unable
to pay their debts.
Some people did not want Zimbabwe classified as a
heavily indebted poor
country, "but that's what we are, if you look at our
debt ratios, if you
look at our economy", he said.
"We just need to
be reclassified and get our debt cancelled. Once we get our
debt cancelled,
the country will begin to have access to World Bank
resources," he
said.
He said the move would also give Zimbabwe access to the IMF's
Poverty
Reduction and Growth Facility, which provides loans to low-income
countries
at subsidised rates.
"We will get the resources and we will
get the credit lines and we can
stabilise our economy," he
said.
DEBT CLEARANCE STRATEGY
Finance Minister Tendai Biti was
working on a debt and arrears clearance
strategy for Zimbabwe, Moyo
said.
Tsvangirai formed a power-sharing government with veteran President
Robert
Mugabe in February to end a political crisis that shattered the once
prosperous southern African nation's economy.
The IMF said this month
it had transferred around $400 million in IMF
special drawing rights to
Zimbabwe under a global agreement to bolster the
reserves of the IMF's 186
member countries in the wake of the worldwide
financial crisis.
The
IMF said, however, it would withhold another $102 million of Zimbabwe's
allocation by placing it in escrow until the country had cleared its $140
million IMF debt.
Zimbabwe owes about $1.1 billion to the World Bank
and the African
Development Bank. Total arrears to official and private
creditors amount to
about $3.8 billion.
To qualify for HIPC,
countries must commit to poverty reduction through
policy changes and
demonstrate a good track record over time, as well as
meeting other
criteria.
The IMF's website lists 40 countries eligible for HIPC
assistance. They do
not currently include Zimbabwe.
Half the funding
for HIPC comes from the IMF and other multilateral lenders
and the rest from
bilateral creditors.
Western donors have been reluctant to give
large-scale development aid to
Zimbabwe until they see more evidence of
reforms being implemented. (Editing
by Sue Thomas)
Farmer reveals the bloody face of Zimbabwe terror
Published Date: 26 September 2009
By JANE FIELDS in Zimbabwe
WHEN the youths saw Murray Pott's sister
filming them as they hit the Zimbabwean farmer with sticks, they smashed the
kitchen window to try to get to her too.
Mr Pott, who is of Scottish descent, was
left with broken ribs and head injuries after a mob attacked him on his farm in
Chinhoyi, central Zimbabwe last week.
The incident shows how terrifying
life has become for the country's last white farmers seven months into the
power-sharing agreement between president Robert Mugabe and former opposition
leader Morgan Tsvangirai that was widely expected to end land
invasions.
"I was attacked in my mother's yard by 13 people," Mr Pott
told The Scotsman. "I was hit 28 times with sticks."
Blood streaming down
his face, the father of two was rushed to a government hospital. Mr Pott, who
grew tobacco, soyabeans, potatoes and desperately-needed maize on his Hilltop
Farm, has kidney problems because of his injuries.
Farmers' groups say
that Mr Mugabe is using youths to stir up violence in a throwback to the early
days of Zimbabwe's white farm seizures. Mr Tsvangirai, who is now prime
minister, appears powerless to stop him.
Thirteen white farmers were
murdered after Mr Mugabe ordered (now late) war veterans' leader 'Hitler' Hunzvi
to lead farm invasions in 2001: since then, more than 3,000 people have lost
homes and livelihoods.
Police have been given orders not to arrest
perpetrators of the latest violence: when Mr Pott gave a video of Tuesday's
attack to the police, they responded by charging him with public
violence.
"They are saying I was the one doing the violence. But I was
only one person against 13," said Mr Pott. One of the youths was knocked to the
ground during the attack. "I have the paperwork to be allowed to carry on
farming," the farmer said.
Mr Mugabe is defiant. "If they (white
farmers] thought they would be saved by the inclusive government, that is a
lie," he told Zanu-PF youths this month.
"I will just send police to
drive them away."
A day after the attack on Mr Pott, the 85-year-old
president told around 850 potential investors attending a mining conference in
Harare that his government was not "rough and racist as some people regard
us."
With what critics describe as unbelievable cynicism, Mr Mugabe said:
"The sanctity of property rights and the rule of law in all its dimensions are
fully respected."
Deon Theron, the president of the Commercial Farmers'
Union, said: "He's lying through his teeth." The union is compiling a list of
'incidents' on white farms: last month there were 172.
Less than 500
farmers are still on the land: "Nobody's stable," said Mr Theron. "Since he made
that horrible statement to the youths, things have hotted up.
"It's the
youths that have always been used. They've been used right through the
elections. They are just Mugabe's brownshirts," he added.
Zimbabwe Healing Minister Draws Historical Parallels & Touches a
Nerve
http://www.voanews.com
By Sandra Nyaira
Washington
25 September
2009
Controversy has been brewing in Zimbabwe over recent comments on
the
historical roots of violence in the country by Co-Minister for Healing
and
Reconciliation of the Movement for Democratic Change formation of Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai.
Some in the country's southwestern
Matabeleland region have accused her of
slighting the 19th century Ndebele
King Mzilikazi after she allegedly
referred to him and his warriors as a
"mob" of cattle thieves who used
violence to expand his realm. She mentioned
other rulers and the British
colonizers of the former Rhodesia, but her
remarks about Mzilikazi, who led
a band of Zulus north into Zimbabwe from
present day South Africa, struck a
nerve.
Security around the
minister was said to have been tightened as she pursued
a program of
outreach to traditional chiefs and community leaders with
fellow healing
ministers John Nkomo representing ZANU-PF and Gibson Sibanda
of the MDC wing
of Arthur Mutambara.
Sources said Holland delivered the offending speech
in Mozambique, naming
Ndiweni, Munhumutapa and Mzilikazi as rulers who built
their kingdoms with
violence. But an audio file circulating on the Internet
only quotes her
comments regarding Mzilikazi, sparking outrage although
Holland herself
comes from the Ndebele ethnic group Mzilikazi
founded.
VOA was unable to reach Holland for comment on her remarks and
the furor
they created.
Mr. Tsvangirai was very displeased at the
insensitivity of the comments, his
spokesman James Maridadi told reporter
Sandra Nyaira of VOA's Studio 7 for
Zimbabwe.
But Women's Trust
Executive Director Luta Shaba said Holland should not be
attacked for
bringing up unpleasant or inconvenient aspects of Zimbabwe's
history.
But London-based political commentator Brilliant Mhlanga
said Holland should
apologize.
Zimbabwe
to import maize from Malawi
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=23147
September 26, 2009
By Our
Correspondent
HARARE - Malawi, swamped with surplus maize from the
country's fourth
consecutive bumper harvest, will export 40 000 tonnes of
the staple monthly
to cash-strapped Zimbabwe.
Zimbabwe once exported
maize to Malawi and other countries in the southern
African
region.
"Malawi has had four good years of a bumper maize harvest and has
a surplus
of about 1.3 million tonnes," Grace Mhango, chairwoman of the
Grain Traders
Association of Malawi, is quoted in the Malawi media as
saying. "Zimbabwe
has been shopping around for maize. We will be exporting
40 000 tonnes of
maize monthly following demand from that
country.
"The general picture in the region is that there is a problem
and there is
demand for our maize and we will export on a first come first
served basis."
She said another 40 000 tonnes would be exported to
drought-hit Kenya at the
agreed export price of US$340 per tonne, Malawi
will earn about U$27 million
from selling 80 000 tonnes a month, Mhango
said.
Malawi harvested 3.7 million tonnes of the grain this year up from
3.2
million last season, making a complete recovery from a drought in 2005
that
left close to five million people in need of food aid.
At the
other end of the scale, Zimbabwe is struggling against food and
foreign
currency shortages even after formation in February of an inclusive
government that was expected to bring relief.
Zimbabwe replaced its
own currency with foreign currencies in February to
counter run-away
inflation.
"The Zimbabwean government wanted us to supply more than that,
," Mhango
said. "We told them it was not possible in terms of logistics -
processing,
fumigation etc."
Zimbabwe has battled severe food
shortages over the past nine years after
President Robert Mugabe's
government violently seized productive commercial
farms ostensibly for
redistribution among landless blacks. Critics of the
programme say
well-heeled officials of Mugabe's Zanu-PF party and
well-connected
businessmen have benefited mostly. The bulk of rural
peasants remain
landless while farm workers have also been forced off the
land.
The
often chaotic and violent land reform programme slashed food production
by
60 percent, leaving millions of Zimbabweans to rely on food handouts from
international relief agencies.
In May, the United Nations appealed
for US$718 million to buy food for 5,1
million food-insecure
Zimbabweans.
Meanwhile, President Mugabe has warned the country's few
remaining
commercial farmers, all of them white, who are resisting eviction
from land
targeted for seizure that the police will forcibly evict
them.
He insinuated in a rare interview on CNN on Thursday on the
sidelines of the
UN General Assembly summit that whites cannot have any
right to land in
Zimbabwe, calling them "citizens by colonization, who
seized land from the
original people, indigenous people of the
country."
Zimbabwe's maize imports from Malawi represent a dramatic
reversal of
Zimbabwe's fortunes, once the bread-basket of the region, but
now forced to
import hundreds of thousands of tonnes of maize.
Harare
blames the shortfall on lengthy drought but critics say its land
reform
programme is largely at fault.
Chinese
urged to learn African languages
http://www.chinadaily.com.cn
(Xinhua)
Updated: 2009-09-26 17:19HARARE: The
director of the Confucius Institute at
the University of Zimbabwe, Pedzisayi
Mashiri, has called on the Chinese
community to learn Zimbabwean local
languages if they are to make more
inroads with their business
ventures.
In an interview with Xinhua on Saturday as the Chinese
community celebrated
the 60th anniversary of the founding of the new China,
Mashiri said it would
be proper for Chinese business people to also learn
local languages as this
would ease communication problems between them and
locals.
Although Zimbabwe has high literacy levels, there are some locals
who cannot
speak languages other than their native ones. So, even when the
Chinese can
speak English, they may find communication difficult in some
parts of the
country.
"Since we are learning the Chinese language in
Zimbabwe, I think to
strengthen the inter-cultural communication would be
proper for them to also
try to learn local languages such as Shona and
Ndebele," Mashiri said.
The Confucius Institute was established in 2007
to propagate and expand the
learning of Chinese culture and languages and
offers demand-driven courses
for people who are either in politics or in
business.
"It is a vehicle for expansion and also consolidates the
relationship
between China and Zimbabwe.
"At the moment the relationship
between China and Zimbabwe is excellent. As
you know the relationship is
anchored on a long history of collaboration in
various fields. At the
moment, because of language as vehicle for
inter-cultural communication, the
relationship has been consolidated because
now we are receiving
post-graduate scholarships for our students.
"From 2007 to now we have
sent seven students from the University of
Zimbabwe who are studying for
their PhDs in various fields such as
engineering, linguistics, theater and
psychology, and because of that kind
of educational program, the
relationship between China and Zimbabwe has been
further strengthened," he
said.
The Confucius Institute at the University of Zimbabwe is the 85th
around the
world, and was jointly built by the Office of Chinese Language
Council
International and the university.
Mashiri was among some
academics, politicians and diplomats who celebrated
the founding of the new
China at the Chinese Embassy's new chancery just
outside the city
center.
Investor
interest in Zimbabwe slow to become reality
http://uk.reuters.com/
Sat Sep 26, 2009 8:32pm
BST
* Pick-up in foreign investor inquiries about Zimbabwe
* Slow
to translate into investment on the ground
By Adrian
Croft
LONDON, Sept 26 (Reuters) - Foreign investor interest in Zimbabwe
has picked
up since a power-sharing government was formed in February, but
it is not
yet translating into investment on the ground, Zimbabwean
officials said on
Saturday.
"Since February ... we've seen a
significant increase in the level of
investment inquiries and project
approvals," said Richard Mbaiwa, head of
the Zimbabwe Investment Authority,
the government's investment promotion
agency.
"But of course
investment ... is not something that happens overnight. This
interest is
exciting but it is still to be translated into actual investment
on the
ground," he told a Zimbabwe investment conference in London.
Investor
interest was coming from China, Pakistan, India, Mauritius, South
Africa,
Kenya, Nigeria, Britain, the United States and Canada, he said.
Mining
attracted most interest, followed by manufacturing, tourism, services
and
construction.
Veteran President Robert Mugabe formed a national unity
government with
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai in February to end a
political crisis that
shattered the once prosperous southern African
nation's economy.
Emmanuel Munyukwi, chief executive of the Zimbabwe
Stock Exchange, said
there was investor interest in Zimbabwe but people were
mostly just
"watching the situation".
"There is a lot of interest in
mining because the potential there is huge,"
he told Reuters. "But (for)
mining, you need technology, you need capital,
and we don't have those
things."
NEED FOR POLITICAL PROGRESS
Hardly a week went by
without him seeing a fund manager from Europe or
America, he
said.
"There is a ray of hope, but it's all contingent upon the
politicians
sorting out their problems. If the politicians move fast,
business can move
very, very quickly," he said.
It was time for the
rest of the world to re-engage with Zimbabwe, he said,
pointing to the
country's mineral wealth. He urged Britain and the United
States to resume
aid to Zimbabwe.
Western donors are waiting to see more reforms in
Zimbabwe before they
resume large-scale development aid.
Niels
Kristensen, head of Rio Tinto's (RIO.L) diamond unit in Zimbabwe, told
a
mining conference there last week the country would not see new investment
in its mining sector unless uncertainty over a mining law and fiscal policy
were resolved.
An empowerment law adopted last year compels
foreign-owned firms, including
mines and banks, to give up at least 51
percent control to local people.
Munyukwi said he disagreed with the
local ownership law, saying the most
important thing was to create wealth,
jobs and infrastructure.
The Zimbabwe Stock Exchange, with a current
market capitalisation of around
$3.5 billion, began denominating trades in
U.S. dollars in February and
Munyukwi said it would be a retrograde step to
go back to the Zimbabwe
dollar in either stock exchange trades or the
broader economy. (Editing by
Charles Dick)
South
Korea keen to invest in Zimbabwe
http://www.africanews.com/
Posted on Saturday 26 September 2009 -
10:30
Ronny Zikhali, AfricaNews reporter in Bulawayo, Zimbabwe
South Korea has committed itself in investing in Zimbabwe's mining sector,
a
cabinet official said. Zimbabwe's Minister of Mines and Mining
Development,
Obert Mpofu said the South Korean ambassador hinted that a
number of that
country's companies have shown interest in venturing into
mining as well as
assisting in the mechanization of small to medium scale
miners.
"Some investors from South Korea seemed to appreciate the challenges being
faced by the small scale miners as well as their potential.
"One of
the companies, Trapeace pledged to venture into coal mining and we
are
seriously considering their proposal as they have also seemed quite
serious
in mechanizing small scale miners with requisite equipment," he
said.
The minister said there is need to fully-equip the modest
miners so as to
ensure that they contribute significantly to the turnaround
of the country's
economy.
The small scale miners have over the
years cited the need to be mechanized
so as to ensure effectiveness and high
output, stating that in most
concession areas, opencast mining had ceased
due to the distance covered to
reach the deposits, thus leaving underground
mining as the only appropriate
means of extraction.
The mining
sector is also reeling under various challenges. Gold
production, in
particular, has mainly been constrained by high production
costs, power
outages and shortage of critical inputs such as cyanide and
explosives,
among others.
"The mechanization of small scale miners has been long
overdue because the
country has been bleeding for sometime due to the
shortage of foreign
currency yet if mechanized small scale miners can
increase their production
levels," said the Zimbabwe Miners Federation's
chief executive officer,
Wellington Takavarasha.
He said the miners
should be allocated compressors, stamp and boll mills,
dumpers, generators,
water pumps, tractors as well as working capital.
Mining was Zimbabwe's
leading industry in 2002, contributing 27 percent of
export trade. The chief
minerals were coal, gold, copper, nickel, tin, and
clay, and Zimbabwe was a
world leader in the production of lithium minerals,
chrysotile asbestos, and
ferrochromium, with more than half of the world's
known chromium
reserves.
The country was self-sufficient in most minerals, producing
35 commodities
from 1 000 mines, mostly small, and exporting 90 percent of
its mineral
output. The total value of mineral production exceeded US$500
million per
year, and the mining sector employed 60 000 people in formal
operations.
Marange is African Consolidated's, says High Court
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Written by
David
Saturday, 26 September 2009 09:43
African Consolidated
Resources plc, the Zimbabwe focused mineral
exploration company is
pleased to announce that at a hearing
yesterday in the Zimbabwe High
Court judgement was issued in favour of the
Company's subsidiaries (the
'Group') which confirmed the Group's title
to the claims previously
registered in its name (the 'Claims') on the
Marange diamond
field.
Full details of the judgement are awaited pending
the publication
of the transcript and further announcements will be made
as necessary.
The Group acquired the Claims in early 2006 but
was evicted in
October 2006 as a result of which the Group issued
proceedings in the
Zimbabwe High Court for their recovery. During the
intervening period
the Group has attempted to work with all elements
of the Zimbabwe
Government in order to agree a joint venture with
the Zimbabwe
Government or parties nominated by them in order to avoid
litigation.
Following the Group's success in the Zimbabwe High
Court the Group
remains committed to dialogue with the Zimbabwe
Government, with a view
to establishment of a joint venture which will
operate for the benefit of
both the Company and the people of Zimbabwe.
As soon as the joint
venture achieves physical possession of the
Claims its
immediate priority will be the establishment of full
security as soon
as is practicable. Thereafter the Company hopes to
make further
announcements in respect of its intentions to establish a
mutually
beneficial operation as the situation develops.
As
stated in the Company's Annual Report published on 30 July 2009
the
Marange diamond field has been topical in the world news of late, and
operations on the ground there have led to a recent visit by the Kimberley
Process review team. This review has led to dissatisfaction
with the status quo and the Company has stressed that tenure needs to be
resolved in order to enable formal mining so that Kimberley Process
compliance can be achieved. The Company is pleased to note the security of
tenure evidenced by the High Court judgement, and hopes that the security
and transparency of operations that the joint venture intends to put in
place will be recognized by the Kimberley Process.
Zimbabwean farmers
have generated no fewer than 4,000 jobs in Kwara - Prof. Gana Yisa
Unfortunately the full article is only available by paid
subscription....
http://www.punchng.com
By
SOLAADE AYO-ADERELE
Published: Saturday, 26 Sep 2009
What was the
beginning like for the farmers? When they first came, they
stayed in the
hotel for a week. But to show that they meant business, by the
following
week, they moved to the site and put up tents. And that was how
the real
project commenced. The Zimbabwean farmers, now renamed New Nigerian
Farmers,
are just 13 in number, with their families. The government leased
the land
to them for the first 25 years, renewable afterwards. Because these
farmers
were not allowed to move their farming equipment out of Zimbabwe,
the Kwara
State Government had to come in to assist in procuring the
necessary
equipment.
Who made the first move - the government or the
farmers?
The government of Governor Bukola Saraki did. We believe that if
we must
move the state forward and also provide food security for ...
Mugabe’s address at UN General Assembly
President Robert Mugabe addresses UN General Assembly on Friday,
September 26, 2009.
THE following is the full text of President Robert
Mugabe’s address on the occasion of the 64th UN General Assembly.Your Excellency, President of the 64th Session of the
General Assembly, Mr. Ali Abdulsalam Treki; Your Majesties; Your Excellencies,
Heads of State and Government; Your Excellency, the Secretary General of the
United Nations,Mr. Ban Ki Moon; Distinguished Delegates; Ladies and Gentlemen;
Comrades and Friends.
Let me begin by extending our warmest congratulations
to you, Mr Treki, on your election as President of the 64th Session of the
General Assembly. Your election to this high office is a befitting and eloquent
tribute to the personal and diplomatic qualities that we have witnessed in you
over the years. We are, indeed, proud of the honour that has been bestowed upon
the African continent as a result of your election. We are confident that, under
your wise stewardship, we will make pleasing progress on the important agenda
before us.
In the same vein, I wish to commend your predecessor,
the President of the 63rd Session, Father Miguel D’Escoto Brockmann, for having
brought his experience and wisdom to bear upon the various meetings and
conferences that he presided over during the last year. He brought integrity,
transparency and credibility to the deliberations of the General Assembly.
Indeed, we share his assertion, that the G-192, that is, the General Assembly,
being the most representative body of the United Nations, is the best forum to
tackle global issues which include the current financial and economic crises. We
commend him for standing up for what is right and for upholding the right of
each Member State to be heard, no matter how small.
Mr. President, Over the years, my delegation has
underlined the need for the United Nations and other international bodies to
truly serve the collective interest of all Member States.
Our unchanging conviction is that all international
institutions should abide by the universal principles which underlie
multilateral processes of decision-making, particularly, the principle of
equality among States and the right to development. It is in this context that
we welcome the appropriate, indeed, timely, theme of this session: “Effective
global responses to global crises, strengthening multilateralism and dialogue
among civilizations.” It is our hope that we will have a candid and holistic
debate on the global responses to the crises that currently affect our
world.
Mr. President, Zimbabwe supports the revitalization
of the General Assembly to make it more effective and thus enable it to fulfil
its mandate. As the pre-eminent deliberative and policy- making body of the
United Nations, the General Assembly should play a more active role in
mobilising action against such challenges today as peace and security, the
financial and economic crises, economic and social development, and climate
change. Accordingly, the encroachment of other UN organs upon the work of the
General Assembly is of great concern to us. We therefore reiterate that any
process of revitalization should strengthen the principle of accountability of
all principal and subsidiary organs of the United Nations to the General
Assembly.
Mr. President, it is our hope that the current
negotiations on the reform of the United Nations Security Council will break the
deadlock that has for some time now prevented us from making progress in an area
of strategic interest for Africa. The reform of the
Security Council is not only desirable but
imperative, if it is to ensure the successful implementation of its global
mandate to maintain international peace and security on behalf of all Member
States. The fact that Africa, a major geographical region, remains
under-represented and without a permanent seat on the Security Council is not
only a serious and antiquated anomaly whose time for address is overdue. It is
also clearly an untenable violation of the principle and practice of democracy
in international relations. The reform of the Security Council should urgently
take full notice of the African position which demands two permanent seats, with
complete veto power, plus two additional non-permanent seats.
Mr. President, the UN Conference on the Financial and
Economic Crises held in June 2009 rightfully positioned the United Nations at
the centre of efforts to deal with the global financial and economic crises. The
devastating effect of the current global crisis has clearly exposed the folly of
leaving the management of the global economy in the hands of a few
self-appointed countries and groupings. My delegation, therefore, fully supports
the setting up of a follow-up working group under the aegis of the General
Assembly. It is urgent and critical that the working group reaches an early
agreement on immediate policy actions to be taken by the international community
in support of developing countries, who have suffered the most as a result of
this global financial meltdown. Such actions should include the development of a
global stimulus plan to respond to the crisis and other issues related to
it.
Mr. President, these measures will not achieve the
desired objectives unless accompanied by a comprehensive reform of the Bretton
Woods institutions which, among other things, would include representation of
sub-Saharan Africa on the Executive Boards of these institutions. We are glad
that our unequivocal call for their reform is beginning to bear fruit. We,
therefore, welcome the recent decision by the World Bank to establish three
seats for Africa on its Executive Board. We are similarly pleased that, earlier
this month, the IMF finalised the re-allocation of Special Drawing Rights on the
basis of the US$250 billion pledged by the G20 at its meeting in April
2009.
Regrettably, only a mere US$18 billion of this money
was allocated to low income countries, while the developed countries, which
caused the crisis, got the lion’s share.
Mr. President, the need to ensure global food
security has been raised and re-stated at many international forums. We
reiterate our call for an urgent and substantial increase in investment in
agriculture in developing countries. It is critical that provisions of
agricultural inputs, seeds, fertilizers and chemicals be put in place for small
scale farmers, particularly, women. To achieve this, there is need to channel
more support towards agriculture, which has dwindled over the last few decades.
In addition, we call upon the developed countries to remove or reduce their
agricultural subsidies and to open up their markets for agricultural products
from developing countries.
Mr. President, in the area of health, efforts to
reduce maternal and child mortality, and combat HIV and AIDS, malaria and
tuberculosis, still fall short of targets despite the commitments made at the
national and international levels. Over the last few years, Zimbabwe has made
great strides in the fight against the HIV and AIDS pandemic, our limited
resources notwithstanding. The country has witnessed a drop in the adult
prevalence rate of 20 per cent in 2000 to 11 per cent this year. However, the
country still faces a major challenge in increasing the availability of
affordable anti-retroviral drugs (ARVs). We, therefore, continue to urge the
international community, in cooperation with pharmaceutical companies, to assist
in increasing access to affordable essential drugs, particularly for people in
Africa.
Mr. President, people living with HIV and AIDS expect
delivery on the commitments we have made. For sub-Saharan Africa, malaria
presents yet another still formidable challenge. The commitment of the
international community and national governments therefore needs to be
strengthened so as to eradicate the scourge of malaria from our part of the
world.
We warmly welcome the renewed enthusiasm by Russia
and the United States to pursue actions to achieve a world free of nuclear arms
and we urge other nuclear weapons states to do the same. In this regard,
Zimbabwe is honoured to have chaired, in May this year, the Third Preparatory
Committee for the 2010 Nuclear Proliferation Treaty Review Conference and takes
this opportunity to thank all members for their support. We are hopeful that,
having secured agreement on the Conference agenda, members will produce a
renewed commitment to the three pillars of the Nuclear Proliferation Treaty;
namely, nuclear disarmament, nonproliferation and peaceful use of nuclear
energy.
Mr. President, may I now turn to the developments in
my country. Since its formation in February this year, the Inclusive Government
in Zimbabwe has demonstrated a conviction and unity of purpose, and an
unwavering commitment to chart a new vision for the country and to improve the
lives of the people in peace and harmony. In the Global Political Agreement, we
have defined our priorities as the maintenance of conditions of peace and
stability, economic recovery, development, promotion of human rights and
improvement of the condition of women and children.
Regrettably, while countries in the SADC region have
made huge sacrifices and given Zimbabwe financial and other support at a time
when they too are reeling from the effects of the global economic crisis, the
western countries, the United States and the European Union, who imposed illegal
sanctions against Zimbabwe have, to our surprise, and that of SADC and the rest
of Africa, refused to remove them. What are their motives? Indeed some of them
are working strenuously to divide the parties in the Inclusive Government. If
they will not assist the Inclusive Government in rehabilitating our economy,
could they please stop their filthy clandestine divisive antics? Where stand
their humanitarian principles when their illegal sanctions are ruining the lives
of our children?
We similarly call for an immediate end to the
coercive, illegal and unjustified fifty-year economic, commercial and financial
embargo against Cuba which is estimated to have cost Cuba so far a total of
US$96 billion, causing untold suffering on that country and its people. My
delegation joins other Non-Aligned Movement countries which have repeatedly
condemned the use of unilateral coercive measures as a flagrant violation of the
norms of international law and international relations, especially as they
govern relations between States under the UN Charter.
Mr. President, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen,
Let me conclude by reiterating the need for effective and comprehensive
multilateralism to promote the global partnership for peace and development. The
United Nations and other international organisations which carry the legitimacy
of multilateralism should play a leading role in directing the course of events
and developments, taking into account the interests of the majority of its
members in an inclusive, peaceful, just, universal and democratic manner. It is
our hope that through our unity, solidarity, cooperation and commitment, the
challenges facing the international community could be addressed. Let us rise to
the occasion and demonstrate our political will and ability to work together for
the good of humanity.
Zimbabwe is willing and ready to play her
part.
I thank you.
Africa's
Worst Job
http://www.newsweek.com/id/216212
By Scott Johnson | NEWSWEEK
Published Sep 26, 2009
From the
magazine issue dated Oct 5, 2009
High on the sixth floor of a drab
building in downtown Harare sits Morgan
Tsvangirai. Dim and barren, his
office is a far cry from the digs most prime
ministers enjoy. But Tsvangirai
is far from most prime ministers. If he
needs any reminder of this, there,
on his otherwise bare office wall, hangs
an elegantly framed portrait of
Robert Mugabe: the dictator Tsvangirai has
tried to overthrow for more than
a decade and with whom he now shares power.
Tsvangirai isn't intimidated by
the gaze of his nemesis, the last of
Africa's Big Men. "He's not the only
one who can watch," Tsvangirai says.
"I'm looking right back. I'm watching
him too."
The collaboration between these two men is as unlikely as it is
uncomfortable. The result of a deal struck in February under international
pressure after elections that most think Tsvangirai won but Mugabe tried to
steal, it is an almost unprecedented arrangement: an emblematic dictator
ceding partial power to a hated insurgent in a last-ditch bid to shape his
legacy. Neither man trusts the other and neither has taken to their forced
cohabitation easily. "Can you imagine [working with] someone who has
threatened your very existence?" asks Tsvangirai, whose face bears the
emotional and physical wounds of their combat. "Sitting down in the same
room? It's unimaginable," he says. Yet that's precisely what they're
doing.
As prime minister, Tsvangirai has finally gone from being
Zimbabwe's public
enemy No. 1 to an officeholder with real executive muscle.
Yet his challenge
is enormous: reforming the economy with limited power,
convincing skeptics
that Zimbabwe is a good investment, and trying to ease
out Mugabe without
destabilizing the regime. And for every gain there have
been terrible
losses. A week after the election, Susan Tsvangirai-his wife
of 31 years and
his most trusted adviser-was killed in a car crash many
think Mugabe
engineered. Tsvangirai has met with Barack Obama in the White
House, but he
struggles to enact the simplest laws at home. Mugabe loyalists
still control
the attorney general's office, all the major security
portfolios, and the
state-run media. Tsvangirai's party, the Movement for
Democratic Change
(MDC), has fragmented, and its members continue to be
threatened and jailed.
So far, the prime minister has focused primarily
on stabilizing the economy,
to some success. Within weeks of taking power,
he replaced the Zimbabwean
dollar with the U.S. one, ending years of fiscal
chaos and an inflation rate
in the millions. The results were immediate:
industrial production shot up,
and after years of decline, the economy has
grown by 3.7 percent this year,
according to the World Bank. Zimbabwe is now
a changed place in many ways.
Under the power--sharing deal, MDC officials
took over key posts such as the
ministries of finance and planning. The
sense of economic panic that once
prevailed, when the price of bread could
double in a few hours, is gone.
Ordinary people seem to enjoy a newfound
sense of routine. Journalists
(including this one) can work fairly freely,
and while the intimidation of
MDC supporters continues in some areas, it's a
far cry from the mayhem that
prevailed last year.
Tsvangirai has even
managed to craft a working relationship with the
president. "Mugabe's work
over the last few years is indefensible, but we've
agreed to work together,"
says Tsvangirai. "The wheel is turning slowly."
The two men now meet every
Monday morning in Mugabe's office, where they
confer in a mixture of English
and Shona. They ask about each other's
families. Little by little,
Tsvangirai has begun to raise the most delicate
issues, including Mugabe's
record corruption and abuse. "He doesn't want to
own up to that," Tsvangirai
says, "but I confront him, I do. He denies it. I
try to bring the evidence,
but he denies those things."
Indeed, in many ways the battle to control
Zimbabwe remains as fierce as
ever. The MDC controls Parliament, but just
barely. Finance is Tsvangirai's
only powerful portfolio, while Mugabe still
controls the men with guns. His
judges still sit on the bench, and the
president has managed to block the
appointment of a new Reserve Bank
governor and attorney general as called
for under the power-sharing deal, as
well as the appointment of key
provincial governors. "The last four months
have been hell," says Tendai
Biti, one of Tsvangirai's closest friends and
the new finance minister.
"This has been a forced marriage of two people
that were never meant to
meet. There is suspicion, disrespect, and
derision." Biti, by transforming
the finance ministry into a watchdog for
all things economic, has had some
success at blocking the efforts of Mugabe
cronies to loot the state. But, as
he says, "the guns are still loaded. It's
a very poisoned atmosphere."
No one has felt that bitterness more than
Tsvangirai himself. He first
appeared on Mugabe's radar in the 1980s, when
he replaced Mugabe's younger
brother Albert as the head of the Zimbabwe
Congress of Trade Unions and
immediately set about trying to peel it out of
Mugabe's clutches. This began
a long struggle. Tsvangirai probably won the
2000 election, but Mugabe
rigged it to stay in power. Mugabe then put
Tsvangirai on trial for treason
in 2004, an ordeal that nearly tore
Tsvangirai's family apart. In March
2007, Tsvangirai was beaten and almost
killed by regime thugs. And then came
last year's election and the death of
Tsvangirai's wife. Biti, who was with
the future prime minister at Victoria
Falls when his chief of staff broke
the news to him, says Tsvangirai took
Sarah's death "on the chin." But two
weeks later, when a beloved grandson
drowned in a swimming pool, Tsvangirai
finally collapsed. "He said, 'Why me?
Why me?' " recalls Biti. "All I could
say was, we just have to pray and be
strong." Tsvangirai broke down and
cried.
It's a cruel irony that
critics now accuse Tsvangirai of going too easy on
the man he's fought for
so long. A persistent rumor has it that Mugabe
bought off Tsvangirai with
money, power, or influence-a tactic Mugabe has
used in the past. There are
signs that some in the opposition are growing
disillusioned with their
leader. Tsvangirai "shares executive power with
Mugabe, but he doesn't push
it," says one well-placed source who has asked
to remain anonymous because
of his relationship with the prime minister.
"He's too soft. He doesn't
crack the whip."
Soft or not, the arrangement does seem to suit the
president's interests.
Mugabe has basically confessed to Tsvangirai that he
knows that this is
probably his last chance to change the way history judges
him. "Mugabe is
aware that people don't trust him," says William Bongo, one
of Tsvangirai's
closest aides and his former spokesman. It's even possible
that Mugabe would
go further if he could. The president has signaled to
Tsvangirai that
opposition from the hardliners in his own party is what's
stalling progress.
As Bongo puts it, "Mugabe is under tremendous pressure
from these
people-militants, diehards, military guys, all those who
benefited from the
failed state. They feel let down" by the power-sharing
deal.
According to Tsvangirai's son and confidant Edwin, his father is
not trying
to "reform" the president. "But I think he's trying to allow him,
perhaps as
a victimizer, to see no animosity. He is saying, you are at a
moment where
you don't have much hope to look forward to anything, to even
realize what
you've fought for. But you still have this window, before you
exit this
life, to make a sacrifice."
If the dictator has softened,
however, the hard shell of corruption and
cronyism surrounding his party,
ZANU-PF, has thickened. Tsvangirai and his
allies continue to discover all
kinds of theft and financial irregularities
by regime loyalists. But the
prime minister tries to be positive. "To me
it's about rewarding progress
rather than punishing."
Still, that's easier said than done. Initial
cooperation between the two
camps-on economic issues, for instance-has not
extended to other areas
like -security--sector reform, drafting a new
constitution, or reinstituting
the rule of law. And many fear that the
diehards are digging in for a long
and nasty fight. "ZANU can't make
themselves more popular, but they can make
us unpopular," says one key
Tsvangirai aide who asked to remain anonymous.
"It's like [George Orwell's]
Animal Farm at the end, when the animals can't
tell the difference between
the pigs and humans. That's ZANU's strategy."
Tsvangirai is finding it hard
to keep his party together. After spending so
long out in the cold, the
benefits of power are hard to resist. Earlier this
year, for example, ZANU
made sure that all the new Tsvangirai loyalists in
government got a
brand-new Mercedes. "We shouldn't have taken them, but we
did," says the
adviser.
Such moves haven't helped Tsvangirai persuade the West to pony
up
much-needed funds for reconstruction and development. Zimbabwe still
scores
shockingly badly on development and health-care indicators. But
Western
countries, including the United States, are loath to do anything
that would
give Mugabe more staying power. Last week the European Union
refused to lift
sanctions or offer more aid unless long-awaited political
reforms are
enacted. No one doubts the scale of economic progress made by
Tsvangirai,
but it won't come to much unless the government makes political
changes that
allow improvements in health, education, and food production.
Without them,
"things will sputter along, with some incremental progress,
but we won't see
things take off," says one Western diplomat in Harare who
didn't have
permission to speak on the record.
All these pressures
have forced Tsvangirai into what may be his toughest
role yet: cheerleader
for a regime that he both opposes and is a part of.
"Everyone across the
political divide wants to see this government succeed,"
he says, looking at
up at the portrait of Mugabe on his wall. "That's the
only way that can take
this country forward. No one benefits from this
government sliding backwards
to where it was before," he concludes. If
Tsvangirai can convince the
world-and Mugabe-of that fundamental truth, it
will be a monumental
achievement indeed.
Andrew
Mitchell MP: The tectonic plates of Zimbabwe are shifting
http://conservativehome.blogs.com
Andrew
Mitchell MP, Shadow Secretary of State for International Development,
recently became the first senior British politician to visit Zimbabwe in an
official capacity in many years. Here, he writes about the progress he
witnessed that has been made in recent months - and the challenges that
remain.
This time last year the shops in Zimbabwe were empty, a
cholera crisis that
went on to claim over 4,000 lives was sweeping the
country, most schools
were shut and hyper-inflation of over 200 million per
cent was raging.
Today, markets across the country are coming back to life,
most schools have
re-opened and the faltering economy is being
resuscitated.
Individual Zimbabweans are beginning to get on with the
business of making a
living again. At a township outside Harare I met
Sammy, a young
entrepreneur whose market stall was crushed by Zanu PF
bulldozers before the
election during a clearance operation aimed at
scattering the MDC's urban
voters. Sammy now has a permanent hardware stall
in the newly rebuilt
Chitungwiza market, and he and a group of neighbouring
stallholders are
helping each other get by with a group savings and loans
scheme. Around the
corner, a father showed me around his carefully grown
garden in which he had
coaxed rows of lush green vegetables from the red
earth so that he could
feed himself and his family.
The tectonic
plates of Zimbabwe are shifting. There has been considerable
progress given
the extraordinary circumstances, and it is almost exclusively
down to the
determination of Morgan Tsvangirai and his colleagues in the
MDC. The
events of last spring, when Robert Mugabe and his Zanu PF cronies
stole the
Presidential election, eventually gave way to a power-sharing
agreement
which so far appears to be holding. Zanu PF hoped that by giving
the MDC
the most difficult portfolios - the ones that would most affect the
lives of
ordinary people - the MDC's failure would rebound to their
discredit and
Zanu PF's advantage. The opposite has been the case.
Take Tendai Biti,
the Finance Minister. He has raised revenues from customs
and business
taxes from a paltry $4m in January to $98m in July. By
replacing the
Zimbabwean currency with the US dollar he has halted the
country's trademark
runaway inflation - it has now stabilised at a
respectable 3%. And when the
IMF recently granted Zimbabwe $500m, the
disgraced Reserve Bank Governor
Gideon Gono thought all his Christmases had
come at once - but Biti
outmanoeuvred him and the money will now be used to
help rebuild the country
rather than being embezzled for the advantage of
Mugabe and his tightly-knit
circle of henchmen. Despite continued
pressures, the man who not so long
ago received a live bullet in the post is
beginning to transform the
Zimbabwean economy.
There is good news in health and education, too.
Children are back at
school, and thousands of doctors and nurses who weren't
at work when last
year's cholera crisis struck are back at their health
centres. Both of
these Ministries are headed by MDC Ministers.
This
is encouraging progress, and it must continue. But elsewhere the
picture is
less promising. Many of the fundamental provisions of the
power-sharing
agreement are yet to be implemented and Zanu PF shows little
sign of
delivering on most of its commitments. Some major sticking points
stand
out. The constitutional review process is meant to see a new
constitution
consulted on, drafted, and then made the subject of a
referendum. A land
audit that establishes exactly who is in possession of
what, as a first step
towards a conclusive settlement on this most sensitive
of issues, is crucial
yet shows no sign of getting off the ground. Nor has
Mugabe released all
political prisoners, or honoured his commitments to open
up the media
space. And all the while Zanu PF thugs and militia lurk in the
background.
So, what next? Well, Britain and the international
community are ready to
step in with financial and technical support, but
this will need to be
subject to real progress and reform. We must keep up
the pressure for the
implementation of the Global Political Agreement and
undoubtedly maintain
the international sanctions which are targeted at
senior Zanu PF officials
and their backers. Mugabe complains vigorously
about the sanctions - a
testimony to their value.
Almost everyone I
spoke to on my visit (and I refused to meet anyone from
Zanu PF) had a
different perception of when the next election could and
should take place,
but it is clear that the goal must be a free and fair
election in which
individual Zimbabweans can have their say about their
future without fear of
the blatant intimidation and repression that blighted
the last round of
elections.
It is to be hoped that South Africa's new President, Jacob
Zuma, will be a
key figure in helping to mediate the political process.
Like a batsman
digging in at the crease, he appears to be preparing to make
Zanu PF face up
to their commitments under the power-sharing agreement -
replacing the
'quiet diplomacy' of his predecessor Thabo Mbeki. Zuma's
presence could
change the geometry of SADC meetings if coupled with real
political will.
We should do everything possible to maintain the pressure
for genuine
political progress, and stand ready to help transform Zimbabwe
when the time
is right. Zimbabwe is not a naturally poor country. It has
fertile land
for agriculture, the basic infrastructure for a functioning
state, and a
population that is literate, skilled and entrepreneurial.
Britain should be
ready to lead a significant development and rehabilitation
effort in
conjunction with other Commonwealth countries and international
donors to
give Zimbabwe the chance of a fresh start.
September 26,
2009
Mugabe
and the lazy-farmer mentality
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=23159
September 26, 2009
By Chenjerai
Hove
AS I painstakingly went through the tortuous exercise of watching
President
Robert Mugabe putting up a sham show on CNN, I could not avoid
reflecting on
what my farming father told us in our youth on the
farm.
As a highly successful African Purchase Area farmer, he had tales
about the
stories of unproductive farmers.
According to my father, a
lazy Zimbabwean farmer always finds someone to
blame for his poor crop.
Whenever there was a drought, the lazy farmer had
the whole world to blame,
including everybody's ancestors and the creator as
well.
The lazy
farmer would protest that the ancestors and God had, indeed,
abandoned all
of us, all humanity to perish through starvation.
He would paint a
bizarre picture of children and their mothers dying in the
fields and
valleys, surrounded by skinny, dying animals, dry vegetation,
sandy,
waterless streams and rivers snaking their way through the rocky
earth.
There was no sign of life, with everything abandoned by the
ancestors.
But then when the rains came during good seasons, the lazy
farmer blamed his
neighbours for bewitching the soil in his fields to make
them infertile.
Fantastic stories were told of how some neighbouring farmers
were so skilled
in the art of even diverting the rain away from the lazy
farmer's fields.
Such bewitching farmers had the craft to divert the
rain-bearing winds too.
Or if the rains came to the lazy farmer's fields,
they also were hired to
bring harsh and deadly thunderbolts and lightning
which always struck his
homestead, leaving the thatch roofs smouldering in
smoke and ash.
It was only the lazy farmer's fields which did not receive
rains.
In the lazy farmer's imagination, even the owl which perched on
his roof was
an ominous sign of bad harvests and inexplicable deaths to
come. Everything
was caused by outside forces. A child suffering from clear
cases of
illnesses such as malaria was said to have been bewitched by the
bad
neighbours whose plan was always to ensure the lazy farmer never went to
the
fields while attending to the sick. Every natural force wreaked havoc on
the
lazy farmer's production plans.
The lazy farmer's mentality is
with us today. Every problem I encounter is
caused by other people. In
President Mugabe the lazy farmer mentality has
manifested itself in modern
day Zimbabwe, but this time through a man who
spent a sizeable amount of
time studying books, and in the process,
obtaining numerous academic
degrees. The lazy farmer blames either the
weather or his neighbours for his
own failure or incompetence. Mugabe blames
the United States and Europe for
his own errors of judgement or even for his
deliberate
mistakes.
Zimbabwe's economy started collapsing in 1997 after the dishing
out of
unbudgeted-for money to pay ex-combatants who had been totally
forgotten for
17 years. Because of the political urgency of the matter, even
non-combatants stood at the front of the queue with empty bowls for the
ready cash. True combatants had lived as paupers who, allegedly, had only
themselves to blame for failing to integrate into the tyrannical society
they had fought against. How else could we explain the omission?
But
of course, according to farmer Mugabe, the collapse of the Zimbabwean
economy only occurred after 'sanctions' were imposed by the Europeans and
the Americans. On talking with the then Minister of Finance, Dr Herbert
Murerwa, about where the government was going to get all those billions to
give to ex-combatants, he did not lie to me. 'I don't know. I also saw it in
the news like you,' he responded before he soon lost the job.
Mr
Mugabe has transformed a once professional army to some kind of personal
militia with no military ethics. They can salute only him, their code of
conduct says, and nobody else. The Americans and the European Union are to
blame for that. He has nothing to do with it. Once again, the lazy farmer
mentality!
A few years ago, a Herald story about droughts covered
almost a full page in
which the author of the piece went to town in trying
to explain how the
Americans were tampering with the weather pattern over
Zimbabwean skies in
order to inflict heavy droughts on the 'revolutionary'
Zimbabwean leaders.
The final American goal was to make people starve so
they could rebel and
remove Mugabe from power. A reader faced with such
stories cannot avoid
thinking the country is run through some kind of
science fiction! In this
case, we could just call it a lazy farmer
mentality, according to my father.
Reasonable people are supposed to study
the weather patterns of our poor
earth instead of shifting into the lazy
farmer mentality.
First, the opposition was the creation of the British
and the Americans, who
were bent on creating unpatriotic, treacherous
characters to destabilize the
nationalists and revolutionaries of Zimbabwe.
Somehow, in this vein, Mugabe
and Ian Smith are not different. Smith, may
his soul not rest in pieces,
always thought when his 'black Rhodesians'
rebelled against him, it was
definitely with the incitement of the
Communists somewhere in China and
Russia.
Equipped with this Cold War
mentality, Mugabe also thinks should Zimbabweans
rebel against his politics
of tyranny, they surely are inspired by the
imperialist Britain and
capitalist America. Left to themselves, Zimbabwean
are sheep going to the
slaughter without a whimper.
Once again, lazy farmer
mentality.
And when he manoeuvres the Government of National Unity into a
dormant and
non-functioning political ghost, he blames the imperialists for
dividing the
new government. It is the very Mugabe soldiers and ministers
who work full
time to ensure the new government is crippled in its attempts
to bring
services to Zimbabweans. But Mugabe would have none of the
responsibility.
The imperialists are to blame. It would seem the
imperialists are his own
side of the cabinet, including himself.
The
lazy farmer mentality ensures that Mugabe will never admit to making any
mistake in the governance of our country. The whole economic mess, the
corruption and human rights abuses are caused by outside forces. The lazy
farmer mentality is so deeply embedded in Mugabe's mind that we can actually
prove that he is not running the country at all. Our country, according to
the lazy farmer mentality, is run by others while Mugabe simply looks on
like a helpless spectator from the comfort of State House.
Mugabe's
ministers and the army actually cherish the lazy farmer mentality
of the
President. So, they don't have to be efficient at anything since all
their
corruption, abuse of power and looting is always blamed on the
imperialists.
The lazy farmer mentality is born of the incapacity to
evaluate oneself in
the affairs of daily conduct. Mugabe has never developed
the capacity of
introspection to evaluate his political performance in order
to achieve some
kind of refinement.
According to my late father, such
men never improve or create anything
positive as they fully engage in the
lazy farmer mentality,
Peace Watch of 25th September 2009 [Jestina Mukokocase: Supreme Court decision due Monday]
PEACE
WATCH
[25th
September 2009]
The Supreme Court will hand down its decision on
Jestina Mukoko’s constitutional application on
Monday the 28th of
September 2009 at 9.30am
Venue: Supreme Court
building, corner Third Street and Kwame Nkrumah Avenue, Harare
Monday’s proceedings will be brief.
The court’s order granting or dismissing the application will be read out – and,
if the application succeeds, whatever other orders the court considers
appropriate to give effect to its decision. The court’s reasons for its
decision will only be made available at a later date yet to be announced.
Note: Jestina’s application
requested the Supreme Court to:
·
declare that the conduct of the
State through its security agents violated section 13(1), 15(1) and 18(1) of the
Constitution by abducting, detaining and torturing
her
·
grant a permanent stay of [i.e. put
a permanent end to] the criminal proceedings against her on charges of
recruiting persons for training as insurgents or
saboteurs
·
order the State to pay her legal
costs, including the costs of two instructed advocates, on the scale as between
legal practitioner and client
Veritas makes
every effort to ensure reliable information, but cannot take legal
responsibility for information supplied.
Constitution Watch 9 of 24th September 2009 [ThematicSub-Committees]
CONSTITUTION
WATCH 9
[24th September
2009]
Thematic
Sub-Committee Chairpersons and Deputy Chairpersons
The Select Committee on the New
Constitution has announced the chairpersons and deputy chairpersons of its
seventeen thematic subcommittees.
1.
Founding Principles of the
Constitution
Chairperson: Dr David Parirenyatwa
MP Murehwa North
[ZANU-PF]
Deputy Chairperson: Bishop Goodwill
Shana [Chair, Heads of Christian Denominations]
2.
Arms of the
State [Principle of the
Separation of Powers]
Chairperson: Thandeko Mkhandla
Gwanda North MP [MDC-M]
Deputy Chairperson: Shingi Mutumbwa
[Lawyer in private practice]
3.
Systems of
Government
Chairperson: Tabitha Khumalo MP
Bulawayo East
[MDC-T]
Deputy Chairperson: [Chairperson,
National Incomes
& Pricing Commission]
4.
Bill of
Rights and
Citizenship
Chairperson:
Shepherd Mushonga MP Mazowe Central [MDC-T]
Deputy Chairperson: Mrs Mercy Chizodza-Chiunye
[lawyer]
5.
Women and Gender
Issues
Chairperson:
Betty Chikava MP Mount Darwin East
[ZANU-PF]
Deputy Chairperson: Mrs Emilia Muchawa [Zimbabwe Womens Lawyers
Association]
6.
Youth
Chairperson: Settlement Chikwinya MP
Mbizo [MDC-T]
Deputy Chairperson: Vivian Banhire [ZANU-PF
youth]
7.
The
Disabled
Chairperson: Felix Sibanda MP
Magwegwe [MDC-T]
Deputy Chairperson: Joshua Malinga [ex-ZANU-PF mayor of
Bulawayo]
8.
Media
Chairperson: Makhosini Hlongwane MP
Mberengwa East [ZANU-PF]
Deputy Chairperson: Qubani Moyo [Academic and writer
on public affairs ]
9.
War
Veterans
Chairperson: Clifford Sibanda MP
Bubi [ZANU-PF]
Deputy Chairperson: Raymond Majongwe [Progressive Teachers
Union]
10.
Land,
Natural Resources and Empowerment
Chairperson: Senator Martin Dinha
[ZANU-PF] Provincial Governor, Mashonaland Central
Deputy Chairperson: Munyaradzi Gwisai [lawyer]
11.
Labour
Chairperson: Lucia Matibenga MP
Kuwadzana [MDC-T]
Deputy Chairperson: Noah Gwande [Zimbabwe Transport and Allied Workers Union]
12.
Elections, Transitional Mechanisms and Independent
Commissions
Chairperson: Tongai Matutu MP
Masvingo Urban [MDC-T]
Deputy Chairperson: Brigadier-General Douglas
Nyikayaramba [Zimbabwe Defence Forces]
13.
Executive Organs of the State [Public Service,
Police, Defence, Prisons]
Chairperson: Senator Reuben
Marumahoko, Hurungwe [ZANU-PF]
Deputy Chairperson: Ms Choice Ndoro [Zimbabwe Election Support
Network]
14.
Public
Finance
Chairperson: Silandu Ncube MP Insiza
South [MDC-M]
Deputy Chairperson: George Mutendazamera [Business
Council of Zimbabwe]
15.
Traditional
Institutions and Customs
Chairperson: Senator Chief Lucas
Mtshane
Deputy Chairperson: Mrs Gertrude Hambira [General
Agricultural and Plantation Workers Union]
16.
Religion
Chairperson: Senator Sithembile
Mlotshwa MP Matobo [MDC-T]
Deputy Chairperson: Rev. Andrew Wutawunashe
[Pastor]
17.
Rights of Minorities and
Languages
Chairperson: Andrew Langa MP Insiza North [ZANU-PF]
Deputy
Chairperson: Alexander Phiri [National
Council for the Disabled]
Chairpersons are all
Parliamentarians – either members of the House of Assembly or
Senators. 7
subcommittees are
chaired by ZANU-PF nominees, 7 by MDC-T, 2 by MDC-M and1 by a
chief.
ZANU-PF
nominees will chair
the following thematic sub-committees:
Founding Principles of the Constitution; Women and Gender Issues;
Media; War Veterans; Land, Natural Resources and Empowerment; Executive Organs
of the State (Public Service, Police, Defence, Prisons); Rights of Minorities
and Languages.
MDC-T
nominees
will chair the following thematic sub-committees:
Systems
of Government; Bill of Rights and Citizenship; Labour; Youth; Elections,
Transitional Mechanisms and Independent Commissions; Religion; The
Disabled.
MDC-M
nominees will chair
the following thematic sub-committees:
Arms of the State
[Principle of the Separation of Powers]; Public
Finance.
A
Chief will chair:
Traditional Institutions and Customs.
Deputy
Chairpersons have
been appointed by the Select Committee from civil society. These were selected
by the three political parties following the same pro rata basis as for the
chairpersons.
Members
of the thematic sub-committees have not yet been
announced. There will be 25
members of each thematic sub-committee, including its Chairperson and Deputy
Chairperson.
Work of Thematic
Committees
The first task of the thematic
sub-committees will be to undertake the public consultation process. For this the 425 persons in
the thematic committee will be joined by another 435 persons, both
Parliamentarians and non-Parliamentarians. These extra people for the outreach teams
also still have to be announced.
The outreach teams will use a questionnaire drawn up by the
Select Committee with the help of “experts” [so far there is no transparency about this process –
and these questions are crucial to what answers the people will
give]. The
thematic committees will be asked to approve the questionnaires. Then the outreach teams will
have to be trained in their use.
Trainers will be appointed by the Select Committee.
Members of the outreach teams will
be working full time from the time they first meet until the end of the outreach
process. After that
the extra members work will be done.
Thereafter the thematic committees will continue to meet as
needed – probably at least a couple of days a week – to help with the analysis
of the public responses and the preparation of reports containing the principles
on which the drafting committee will work.
These continuous
delays will make it very difficult for the staff of Parliament to plan the
normal business of Parliament and for those in responsible jobs in civil society
to plan their commitments to the constitutional
process.
Time-Frame
Reminder
of GPA time-line
13
November - Public consultation process must be completed – no later than 4
months after date of First All Stakeholders Conference convened on July
13th.
The Select Committee
say they are still hoping to keep to the end date of this time-line and one of
the MDC September 13th National Council resolutions was “The time limits defined in the Article 6 of the GPA
must be complied with”.
If this is
done it will be at the expense of
enough time to do a proper consultation.
Problem of
Funding
The Select Committee have said that
the problem of keeping to the time-frame has been one of finance – major funding
is needed for the outreach programme – for allowances, transport, accommodation,
etc. for 860 people and support staff and services. The Select Committee ZANU-PF members are
insisting that donors must fund via the government, as to accept direct funding
for the process from foreign governments and external donors would create the
wrong perception.
The perceived infighting between
parties over the whole process and the insistence by ZANU-PF that a new
Constitution be based on the Kariba Draft, and the opposition to this by MDC-T
and many civil society organisations, has not facilitated fundraising. The chaotic All
Stakeholders Conference was not an inducement for funders to come forward. Civil society was informed
that the reports, including a financial report, on this conference would be
forthcoming the Monday a week after the conference – i.e. 20th July. The reports have still not
been made available.
The numerous meetings of the Select Committee since then to plan
work they have not yet been able to carry out have eaten up resources and the
long delays have not helped to restore confidence
It is hoped that the new Independent
Secretariat will also assist the whole process although there are fears it may
involve more expense and raise more problems.
Could
the consultative process be done more
efficiently
The
All Stakeholders Conference
was a costly exercise
and proved so chaotic that what came out of it was hardly different from what
the Select Committee had proposed before it was held. Very little
consultation was achieved and civil society recommendations, including setting
up a Parliamentary–Civil Society Joint Coordination and Management Committee to
improve the management of the process, have been largely ignored and the
Conference resolutions on time frame of setting up committees not adhered
to.
Are
17 Thematic Committees a Necessity or an
Extravagance?
·
It
is of interest that South
Africa, a far wealthier country, in the process
of writing their new constitution, had 6 thematic committees [see below].
The
1999 Zimbabwe Government Chidyausiku Constitutional Commission had 8 themes
[see below].
· Some
of the wide range of themes the Select Committee has proposed could have been
more rationally dealt with under the Bill of Rights theme.
[Note: Even such a wide range cannot be fully
inclusive – for example, the elderly, children, other minority and vulnerable
groups, etc do not have their own themes – hopefully their rights will also be
taken aboard by the Bill of Rights committee].
· The youth, women and
the disabled said specifically they wanted to be represented in each aspect of
Constitution making – it may have been more appropriate to make sure that their
representatives were on each of a more limited number of thematic
committees.
· For some of the 17
themes, such as Languages, it would have seemed more appropriate to let the Bill
of Rights committee set up a small expert panel.
Comment:
It is a pity that the Select Committee bowed to pressure from one political
party not to invite experts from other countries for the benefit of their
experience, and that the All Stakeholders Conference did not permit real
dialogue with members of the public who have been involved in constitutional
issues for a long time.
It
is also a pity that Select Committee deliberations have not been more
transparent and open to public input – they may have been encouraged to come up
with a more practical and less expensive work
plan.
The South African
Constitutional Assembly Set up Six Theme Committees
· Character of a democratic
State
· Structure of
Government
· Relationship between
levels of Government
· Fundamental
Rights
· Judiciary and Legal
Systems
· Specialised Structures of
Government
Chidyausiku
Commission Themes
· Fundamental
Rights
· Customary Law
· Executive Organs of the
State
· Independent
Commissions
· Levels of
Government
· Public Finance and
Management
· Separation of
Powers
· Transitional
Mechanisms
Veritas
makes every effort to ensure reliable information, but cannot take legal
responsibility for information supplied