Minister in power struggle

FinGaz


Kumbirai Mafunda Senior Business Reporter
Daggers drawn between Made, perm sec
THE undercurrents of a potentially acrimonious power struggle are being felt
within the agriculture ministry following the vetoing by Minister Joseph
Made of the suspension by permanent secretary Simon Pazvakavambwa, of Grain
Marketing Board (GMB) acting chief executive officer, Samuel Muvuti.

Pazvakavambwa suspended Muvuti on August 28 2006, two days after his arrest
on allegations of defrauding the parastatal of close to $1 million.
"Following your appearance in court on allegations of defrauding the Grain
Marketing Board (GMB), you are hereby informed that you are suspended from
work with immediate effect. Although the allegations involve financial
prejudice to the GMB, you will be entitled to your salary and benefits
during the period of your suspension. This suspension will remain in force
until the matter is finalised or until reviewed by your principals," reads
part of the letter of suspension.
"During the period of your suspension, you are not to undertake any duties
for and on behalf of the GMB and neither are you to represent the GMB in any
capacity unless specifically requested to do so in writing. You are also
advised not to visit your office or any GMB establishment for whatever
reason without the written authority of the principals. Your are also
advised not to make use of your private secretary in any way."
Pazvakavambwa, however suffered a serious setback for what would normally be
regarded as rare bureaucratic diligence when Made blocked the suspension,
saying it was unprocedural. Made said only he, upon the recommendation of a
board of directors, could take such action. The GMB has not had a board of
directors since 2004, when the last outfit, which was led by Enock
Kamushinda, was dismissed. The parastatal has no substantive chief
executive, finance director, operations director and loss control manager, a
situation which a Parliamentary portfolio committee recently described as
unhealthy.
Made's thwarting of Pazvakavambwa's directives has sparked furious bickering
between the permanent secretary and the GMB boss. Only last week,
Pazvakavambwa wrote to Muvuti to caution him against effecting any staff
transfers, saying this would be in violation of his bail conditions.
"It has come to my attention that you have ordered the transfer of staff
from Head Office, Cleveland and Aspindale depots. I have received complaints
to the effect that these transfers are victimising staff who may give vital
information in connection with your case.
"While this constitutes a clear violation of your bail conditions, you are
directed not to transfer any staff until your case has been finalised,"
Pazvakavambwa wrote.
Documents at hand paint a picture of animosity between Pazvakavambwa and
Muvuti, who has headed the GMB for almost four years and is believed to be
close to Made.
In one instance, the permanent secretary wrote to Muvuti requesting
"comprehensive expenditure details relating to awards to GMB . . . for
onward transmission to the Office of the President and Cabinet". This was
after the perennial loss-maker, which has grappled with chronic staple grain
shortages since the farm invasions in 2000, was honoured with an award by an
obscure Spain-based organisation.
Pazvakavambwa demanded the "number, names and organisations involved,
expenditure per person in air fares, per diems and other incidental
expenses, registration fees paid and any other amounts claimed."
Sources said Muvuti has openly defied Pazvakavambwa on several occasions.
Muvuti's lawyers have challenged their client's suspension saying the
permanent secretary did not have authority to order him not to report for
work.
"We are of the humble view that you, SC Pazvakavambwa as the Secretary for
Agriculture has (sic) no authority and jurisdiction to suspend our client.
Accordingly we have advised our client to continue with his normal duties,"
wrote Musunga and Associates.
Former GMB chief executive Martin Muchero, who was suspended in 2000 on
allegations of misconduct but successfully challenged the move in the High
Court, has been dragged into the spat.
Muvuti believes Pazvakavambwa is agitating for his ouster to pave the way
for Muchero's reinstatement which was ordered by the High Court in July.
Muchero is believed to have been sent on indefinite leave since the court
ruling.
Pazvakavambwa reacted angrily when this newspaper approached him for a
comment on these developments yesterday.
"I am not involved. Go back to your source . . . hazvinei neni, " he fumed.
Made also declined to comment, saying: "That matter is being dealt with. I
don't want to prejudice matters in court."
Muvuti could not be reached by the time of going to print.
This is not the first time the outspoken Pazvakavambwa has ruffled
ministerial feathers. In September 2005, he infuriated his government
superiors after he revealed that the country's grain reserves could only
give three weeks' food security. Government officials vehemently denied his
disclosures, with State Security Minister Didymus Mutasa threatening to haul
Pazvakavambwa over the coals. Before then, he had sensationally signed
letters announcing the withdrawal of offers of farms from several ministers
and senior government officials who had more than one farm, sparking a row
that was played out in public.

ZRP risks UN missions ban

FinGaz

Njabulo Ncube Chief Political Reporter

THE leadership of the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU), several of
whom sustained serious injuries after being assaulted and tortured while in
police custody two weeks ago are to lobby for the exclusion of the Zimbabwe
Republic Police from future United Nations peacekeeping missions.

The unionists were arrested during violent clashes with security forces
deployed to clamp down on a ZCTU protest march in Harare.
Speaking from his hospital bed last Friday, one of the victims, ZCTU
secretary general Wellington Chibhebhe said the assault and torture
perpetrated against members of his executive was a clear sign that the ZRP
was unfit for international duties such as peacekeeping missions.
"We are in the process of drafting a letter to the UN and its relevant
agencies because the ZRP has proved incapable of adhering to international
human rights standards. They use torture and beatings, which is a flagrant
violation of human rights and are methods not acceptable to the
international community," said Chibhebhe.
Only last Thursday, a contingent of 18 police officers left Zimbabwe for a
UN-sponsored peacekeeping mission in Kosovo.
Sources said the ZCTU general council was waiting for their tortured
colleagues to recover fully before deciding on the formulation of a letter
of protest.
A ZRP senior official, accused of human rights abuses at the height of the
farm invasions, was withdrawn from international duty a few years ago after
local civic groups had complained to the UN.
Meanwhile, the Human Rights Institute of the International Bar Association
(IBA) on Tuesday urged the UN and African Union (AU) to take decisive and
immediate action to end what they termed impunity for serious violations of
international law in Zimbabwe.
Responding to reports that President Robert Mugabe had endorsed the actions
of the police against leaders of the ZCTU, the International Bar Association's
executive director Mark Ellis said:
"Mugabe's statements add to the weight of evidence that torture and other
serious violations of international law are sanctioned at the highest level
in Zimbabwe. This underscores the urgent need for international and regional
action to hold the Zimbabwean Government to account.
"The torture of the trade union activists is not an isolated incident, but
part of a dangerous and illegal system of repression which constitutes
crimes against humanity in international law. Decisive action is required by
both the United Nations and the African Union to end impunity and violence
in Zimbabwe.''
Fifteen Zimbabwean trade union leaders sustained severe injuries after they
were allegedly assaulted while in police custody on September 13, 2006. The
trade unionists were arrested during peaceful protests.
In comments widely carried by state-run media, President Mugabe is reported
to have said: "We cannot have a revolt to the system. Vamwe vaakuchema kuti
takarohwa, ehe unodashurwa (others are crying that we were beaten up, yes
you will be beaten up). When the police say move, move. If you don't move,
you invite the police to use force."

We were robbed: MDC factions

FinGaz

Njabulo Ncube Chief Political Reporter

THE opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) has cried foul following
the disqualification last week of more than 400 candidates belonging to both
factions of the party from contesting the forthcoming rural district council
elections countrywide, charging this was a deliberate plot to ensure that
the ruling ZANU PF was not challenged in some wards.

The Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC), the sole body charged with
conducting all elections in the country, has already declared the ruling
party victorious in 400 wards ahead of the elections scheduled for October
28 after the opposition's candidates failed to meet registration
requirements.
Representatives of both factions of the MDC yesterday cited serious
obstructions in the registration process, ranging from difficulties in
getting clearance certificates from the police to the prohibitive cost of
registering candidates to cover the 10 political provinces of the country.
Welshman Ncube, the secretary general of the MDC faction led by Arthur
Mutambara, said 50 percent of the camp's candidates had been disqualified
countrywide at the close of nominations last week. Nelson Chamisa, the
spokesman for the Morgan Tsvangirai camp, said more than 300 candidates from
this faction had been turned away.
"We have experienced numerous problems in the whole process ranging from
finger printing potential candidates, getting police clearance to the
general expenses relating to the elections which were unbearable," said
Ncube.
"Not less than 100 of our candidates have been disqualified countrywide,
which is about 50 percent of the total number of candidates that we intended
to field," he said, adding that the bottlenecks encountered by the camp
pointed to serious discrepancies in the electoral process, even at rural and
local government levels.
Chamisa said the Tsvangirai side of the MDC had officially communicated its
concerns to the ZEC following its failure to register candidates for the
elections.
He attributed the disqualification of its 300 candidates to 'ZANU PF
machinations.'
"Over 300 candidates failed to file their nomination papers due to
bureaucratic impediments orchestrated by ZANU PF," said Chamisa. "Throughout
the country, our candidates vying to contest in the forthcoming rural
district council elections have received horrendous and unjust treatment at
the various council offices, the police stations and at the nomination
courts. The electoral laws require prospective candidates to have clearance
letters from these three institutions, which clearly is a ridiculous rigging
mechanism," he said.
Chamisa claimed the faction's candidates in Bikita and Hurungwe had been
fined amounts ranging from $1 000 to $10 000 for showing up late to seek
council clearance even though there was no legal provision for such fines.
Representatives of both factions said the issue of photographs had also
created headaches. In Bindura, youths suspected to belong to ZANU PF
allegedly closed Goldprint, the major photographic service in the town,
thereby thwarting hundreds of prospective candidates who eventually could
not be nominated.
Ncube said: "In Matabeleland North for instance, we were forced to spend up
to $8 000 per candidate to drive to Hwange town to have photographs taken."
"In numerous districts such as Shamva, the regime has connived with headmen
to deny our candidates letters confirming that they are ordinarily resident
in the areas in which they are contesting. In Marondera West, ZANU PF thugs,
in the presence of the police, beat up our provincial organising secretary,
Piniel Denga. Though he later made a report to the police, it is quite
obvious that the case will only be a useless statistic in police records,"
charged Chamisa.
The opposition politicians also cited incidents of violence against MDC
candidates in some districts and attributed them to war veterans and ZANU PF
supporters.
Police could not immediately comment on the allegations.
Tsvangirai's camp has, however, won five wards uncontested in Gokwe South,
Guruve, Shamva, Makoni East and Bikita. Mutambara's group similarly grabbed
a handful in Matabeleland.

Pay us back, Zupco demands

FinGaz

Staff Reporter

The state-run Zimbabwe United Passenger Company (ZUPCO) is claiming over $8
million from Charles Nherera after the parastatal paid the jailed chairman's
legal bills during his corruption trial, The Financial Gazette has
established.

Sources told this paper this week that Zupco has notified the embattled
chairman of its plans to recover the funds.
It emerged this week that some Zupco board members were not consulted when
the decision to pay for Nherera's legal bills was made and have urged
management to reclaim the money.
According to the same sources, acting chairperson Chipo Dyanda sanctioned
the payment in violation of standing procedures and did not consult other
board members, a move which has triggered the claim.
Dyanda stepped into Nherera's position after he was found guilty of
corruption.
Acting CEO Godfrey Mawarura refused to comment on the development while
Dyanda said she could not comment on the issue.
This development comes a few weeks after Chinhoyi University of Technology
(CUT), where Nherera was vice chancellor, demanded its property back
following his conviction.
The university is demanding a Mercedes Benz, two cellphone handsets, two
mobile phone lines, a four plate stove, a refrigerator, and two Therapedic
bed sets among other things.
In June this year it was established that Mandizha & Company, a law firm
representing Nherera, received over $8 million in June on separate
occasions. Nherera is serving a two year jail term after a Harare regional
magistrate convicted him of soliciting a US$85 000 bribe from businessman
Jayesh Shah, who wanted to supply buses to Zupco.
He has appealed against his conviction.

Civic groups snub rights conference

FinGaz

Kumbirai Mafunda Senior Business Reporter

THE majority of Zimbabwe's influential civic groups boycotted a United
Nations Development Programme-brokered conference on the proposed
establishment of a human rights commission held in Kariba last weekend in
protest against government repression.

Leaders of the pro-democracy and rights groups told The Financial Gazette
this week that there was no basis for discussing the setting up of a rights
commission when there was no let-up to the government's suppression of
people's rights.
The groups include the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU), National
Constitutional Assembly (NCA), Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights, Media
Institute of Southern Africa (Misa-Zimbabwe), Zimbabwe Doctors for Human
Rights and the Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition (CZC).
The civic groups cited scores of instances of gross abuse of Zimbabweans'
human rights by President Robert Mugabe's administration, saying this made
it impossible for them to take the proposed Human Rights Commission
seriously.
The officials criticised President Robert Mugabe's government for lacking
the political will to uphold human rights in view of the manner in which
state security agents brutally tortured labour and opposition leaders who
had organised a protest march to underscore the need for urgent action to
address the rapidly deteriorating economic conditions in the country
The Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition (CZC), which comprises more than 300 civic
groups, said while it values the process of dialogue as a critical element
for socio-political and economic transformation, the content of the
consultative conference held in Kariba as well as the prevailing
environment, did not justify its participation.
"It (the commission) doesn't add value to the welfare of the people of
Zimbabwe," said Jacob Mafume, coordinator of the CZC. "How can people go and
discuss the setting up of a rights commission when the government is clearly
opposed to human rights?"
The Kariba conference, which had been postponed twice since January, was
attended by government ministers, some UNDP officials and a few civic
society organisations.
Lovemore Madhuku, the chairperson of the militant NCA, which has had several
run-ins with state security agents, rounded up on the UNDP for organising
the meeting.
"They (UNDP) have certain half-hearted motives which we don't know. They
should be having some other agenda," said Madhuku.
"No sane Zimbabwean would attend that kind of meeting given a President who
tells the world that the role of the police is to beat up lawbreakers. How
can you expect that kind of a President to understand what a human rights
commission means?" asked Madhuku in reference to President Mugabe's
controversial utterances condoning the assault of ZCTU leaders.
Mafume said the set of repressive laws currently in force such as the Public
Order and Security Act (POSA) and Access to Information and Protection of
Privacy Act (AIPPA) in conjunction with the political culture the government
espouses does not facilitate the effectiveness of a human rights commission.
He said it was hopeless for rights groups to sit down and talk to government
officials when government agents were brutalising some members of the civic
society.
"The government cannot deceive people saying it is committed to human rights
when it is the very same government that organised the torture of ZCTU
leaders that remain in acute pain. There is no commitment to human rights
issues. They (the government) have only increased oppression and suppression
of individuals," charged Mafume who maintains that the setting up of a
rights commission is a public relations stunt by the government.
In addition to insisting on the amendment of laws such as AIPPA and POSA,
which President Mugabe's administration has used over the past six years to
muzzle the media and stifle dissent, civic groups also demand the closure of
national youth training camps which they argue have been used to train
ruling Zanu PF youth militias.
But Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa, who has frequently attacked civil
society groups for being a "threat to peace and security in Zimbabwe", says
the new Human Rights Commission was part of the ruling Zanu PF party's
"quest to create a culture of human rights".
Meanwhile, the National Association of Non Governmental Organisations
(NANGO) revealed that the government barred the Gays and Lesbian Association
of Zimbabwe (GALZ) from attending last weekend's consultative meeting in
Kariba.
NANGO, which represents civic organisations in the country, had nominated
GALZ alongside some of its more than 30 members to attend the meeting, which
ended last Sunday.
But NANGO received communication late on Wednesday objecting to GALZ 's
participation.
Just last month GALZ was barred from exhibiting at this year's edition of
the annual Zimbabwe International Book Fair (ZIBF). The organisation, which
has in the past muscled its way into exhibiting, had its literature and
other logistical materials torn apart by some unidentified people.
President Mugabe has in the past repeatedly expressed disgust with gays and
lesbians saying they are "worse than pigs and dogs."

Transport blues stall maize distribution

FinGaz

Zhean Gwaze Staff Reporter

BOTTLENECKS in the transportation of maize by the Grain Marketing Board
(GMB) have resulted in severe shortages of maize in the southern parts of
the country and seen farmers frantically trying to sell their maize to the
parastatal.

The Famine Early Warnings System Network (Fewsnet), a United States
Agency for International Development-funded programme, has warned in its
latest report that distribution of grain by GMB to millers who produce and
supply the market with maize meal were hampered by transport and fuel
shortages as well as logistical problems encountered by the entity while
importing maize from South African suppliers.
This resulted in maize meal shortages during much of August in several parts
of the country, including Bulawayo City and the surrounding areas, Kadoma,
Marondera, Tsholotsho, Nyanyadzi, Lupane and Zaka.
The shortages caused dramatic maize meal/grain price increases of over 114
percent in parts of the deficit areas over the month of August 2006 alone.
"By mid August less than 210 000 metric tonnes had been bought and collected
from farmers. In a good year, the GMB would have bought over 900 000 metric
tonnes of domestic production by this time," the report said.
The report also warned that shortages of fertilizers, fuel and foreign
currency to procure spare parts and other critical agricultural inputs is
likely to dampen prospects for the forthcoming 2006/07 cropping season.
Zimbabwe consumes 158 000 tonnes of maize a month and the government has
indicated that it has started importing part of the 350 000 tonnes to make
up for domestic output which fell to 900 000 last year from 2,04 million
tonnes in 2001.
However, reports from companies that produce maize seed indicate an upward
increase of 47 000 tonnes of maize seed are available for use by farmers in
the soon-to-start 2006/07 cropping season.
At an average seeding rate of 25kg/ha, the available maize seed is enough to
cover more than 1,8 million hectares of land.
"This figure is considerably higher than the average area planted to maize
in Zimbabwe in both the 1980s and the 1990s, when Zimbabwe was
self-sufficient in maize. The available seed covers more than the area
planted to the crop in the 2003/04 cropping season, but is marginally less
than the areas planted in the last two consecutive cropping seasons," the
report said.
The government's change in policy measures that take away financial and
input support to large and small scale (A2) commercial farmers is also
likely to affect the season as few new commercial farmers are likely to
raise sufficient funding for their farming operations in the 2006/07
cropping season, as many do not have assets they could use as security for
loans.

Postpone the election, postpone recovery

FinGaz

Rangarirai Mberi Business Editor
Muddied succession picture sends out wrong signal to investors
IF ZANU PF follows through on its plans to postpone the 2008 presidential
poll, it will have also succeeded in postponing any prospects to repair the
economy - an obvious key election issue in 2010.

Political uncertainty can be blamed for the hesitation shown by even some of
Zimbabwe's most loyal, remaining foreign friends, and by pushing the
scheduled 2008 election back two years, ZANU PF will now struggle to keep
even those few friendships alive.
Business leaders frequently tell of how a host of major foreign investors
have been standing on the threshold of making significant investments into
their companies, without ever getting to sign as they seek answers from
their intended local partners as to the possible direction of the future of
the country's politics.
Crucially, the businessmen point out that in many cases, it is never a
question of investors wanting to see some romantic revolution happening, but
a question of them hoping to see some predictable picture developing. Many
of these undecided investors are from Asian economies, a region lonely
Zimbabwe has turned to for salvation.
Now, a flurry of remarks by senior ZANU PF officials has muddied an already
clouded succession picture, pointing to a lengthy period of policy
inconsistency and uncertainty ahead, which will not help government's own
feverish efforts to attract rare foreign capital back to Zimbabwe.
Nathan Shamuyarira, ZANU PF information secretary, told state media at the
weekend that although discussions are at a preliminary stage, the ruling
party wants to postpone the 2008 poll in order to consolidate the voting
calendar.
While it is certain that ZANU PF could easily rally its technical two-thirds
majority to get the constitutional amendment required, there is less
certainty as to whether the ruling party really does have a plan - one that
clearly maps out what is to happen between now and 2010.
Early evidence of this is seen in how ZANU PF officials themselves appear
not to agree on major issues surrounding the matter.
Just as Shamuyarira was saying "the campaign (for president) is definitely
on," - Vice President Joseph Msika, in remarks that suggest the top
leadership is not yet ready to allow debate on the future, was on the very
same day telling a youth rally that succession was a "petty issue" that was
"unacceptable."
Msika said: "We are not being sincere when we involve ourselves in petty
issues like these". According to Msika, his party's grassroots should bring
names of any persons jockeying for positions to him, saying: "I want to tell
you that this is unacceptable."
Current attempts at economic recovery will no doubt be hurt by the long
period of uncertainty that clearly lies ahead. Policy that has damaged the
economy over the past six years can directly be tied to political
uncertainty - caused by ZANU PF's deep insecurity that saw it ditching sense
to lead the country on a path of violence and decline.
Now that the MDC is no longer a serious threat - except to itself - many had
expected President Mugabe to pull the 2010 election forward two years, and
not to do the reverse. A postponement gives the MDC time to bid for
renewal - admittedly looking improbable - while the faster decline likely to
arise from the uncertainty can only work more against ZANU PF in 2010 than
against the opposition.
Further uncertainty will rise from how the succession battle pans out
between now and 2010, assuming, as expected, ZANU PF endorses the
postponement.
President Mugabe had in an interview with US news agency AP last year set a
timetable for his retirement, in 2008. However, last week, when asked to
renew that pledge in an interview with the same news agency, he was shrewdly
noncommittal: "I think the day will come.''
Shamuyarira did not say whether President Mugabe would remain in office to
2010 or hand over power at the end of his current term in March 2008. The
latter plan would confirm popular sentiment among political analysts, many
who see ZANU PF passing a law allowing a chosen successor to run the
country - on a "trial run" - between 2008 and 2010, while President Mugabe
himself retains leadership of ZANU PF.
Whatever ZANU PF decides, the key worry for those still hoping for economic
recovery is that, for the next four years as has been the case for the past
six, the country will never be predictable enough to help business set long
term plans, let alone convince remaining friends such as China to up their
current support, even to half the size of their present investment elsewhere
in Africa.
Critics say the main reason ZANU PF avoids discussing succession publicly is
that no obvious alternatives to President Mugabe exist, making succession a
lot harder for ZANU PF to discuss without making itself look any more
divided and inept.
At one point the President himself had appeared to have anointed a successor
by setting a retirement timeframe, but returning to his previous ambiguity
last week on the matter suggests he might no longer be as sure about his
choice.
Still, even if he had indeed taken the decision to lay the matter to rest by
setting a timetable and publicly backing a specific successor, there is no
guarantee that this would have brought the degree of certainty that business
has long sought for.
This is because there is no known, concrete difference of policy among the
President's list of possible successors - apart, perhaps, from how each
faction has tried to appear to be "more ZANU" than the other.

Zim slides further on WEF global rankings

FinGaz

Kumbirai Mafunda Senior Business Reporter

ZIMBABWE has continued its slide in the global economic competitiveness
stakes, falling further from position 110 to 119 out of 125 ranked
economies.

The 2005 Global Competitiveness Index (GCI) rankings report, which was
released this week in Geneva by the World Economic Forum (WEF), shows that
Zimbabwe slipped nine places down to 119 - from 110 in 2005.
The report features a total of 125 economies, with coverage having been
expanded to Angola, Barbados, Burkina Faso, Burundi, Lesotho, Mauritania,
Nepal, Suriname and Zambia.
The dismal ranking is indicative of the country's seven-year old economic
crisis that has spawned shortages of electricity, essential medicines and
just about every commodity.
The WEF says the index helps governments and global businesses to better
understand the competitiveness of nations, and what drives their ability to
improve living standards for their citizens in a global economy.
As its economy continues to decline sharply, Zimbabwe continues to score
poorly on global economic indices. Recently the Index of Economic Freedom
ranked the country at 154 out of 157 countries and classified it as
repressed. The country was ranked 151 in 2005 while the WEF's Global
Information Technology Report (GITR) placed Harare at a grim 105 in a survey
that included 115 economies.
Zimbabwe's dismal ranking portrays the economy as a poor destination for
foreign direct investment (FDI), its unattractiveness owing largely to its
notoriously unpredictable and weak economic policies.
Critics say years of mismanagement by President Robert Mugabe's government
have helped plunge the nation into a recession.
Tunisia took top place among African countries evaluated in the report at 30
with neighbouring South Africa claiming 45th place followed by Egypt which
was ranked 63rd.
In the southern African region Zimbabwe only had an advantage over
Mozambique, the region's fastest growing economy, which slid nine places to
121, and new entrant Angola which anchors the rankings at 125. Ethiopia
slipped four places to rank 120, while Chad ranked 123 and conflict-ridden
Burundi is at 124.
Switzerland, Finland and Sweden were ranked the world's most competitive
economies while Denmark, Singapore, the United States, Japan, Germany, the
Netherlands and the United Kingdom complete the top 10 list. The United
States shows the most pronounced drop, falling from first to sixth.
The rankings are drawn from a combination of publicly available hard data
and the results of the Executive Opinion Survey, a comprehensive annual
survey conducted by the WEF, together with its network in the countries
covered by the report.
This year, over 11 000 business leaders were polled in a record 125
economies worldwide.

Govt puts business back in its place

FinGaz

Rangarirai Mberi Business Editor
Arrest of businessmen over prices a rude awakening
JUST when it looked as though Zimbabwe's business leaders were beginning to
forget their place, the government last week gave them a cold reminder.

Over recent months, business leaders have turned all touchy-feely with
government, saying public criticism of government was wasteful and bad for
business, accusing media of "over-dramatisation".
There has been all that talk from businesspeople about how they were
grateful to government for the chair they got on the NEDPP table, and how
business' inclusion in "decision making processes" showed how valued private
enterprise was in the eyes of government.
And two weeks ago, Marah Hativagone of the Zimbabwe National Chamber of
Commerce (ZNCC) and the Confederation of Zimbabwe Industry's Callisto
Jokonya borrowed the bigoted language of ZANU PF spokesmen to take potshots
at the labour unions' attempted protests, which ended with unionists being
tortured by the police.
Hativagone recently gave the clearest evidence of the illusion that business
had of its importance in the eyes of the government, showing how business
has in recent times wrongly seen itself as being closer to the top of the
food chain than "them".
Speaking of the ZCTU, she had dryly told The Herald: "those with problems
can solve them on their own."
And last month in Bulawayo, Jokonya, then just elected as CZI president,
said there was now "an element of seriousness (from government) to take
corrective action."
Jokonya went on to give a sunny-side-up forecast for the economy, telling
reporters to "give it another 12 months and we will be back on our feet."
But just as more and more "let's-love-one-another" twaddle was coming out of
business - much of it influenced more by the fear of losing lifeblood
government contracts than diplomacy - somebody ordered the arrest of up to
10 businesspeople for offences relating to price controls.
Late on Wednesday, a group of businessmen, including Jokonya, Anthony
Mandiwanza and former CZI head Kumbirai Katsande, hurriedly held a meeting
with Mujuru - head of the NEDPP - to seek an end to the clampdown.
Later, a statement by "The Private Sector Business Leadership" came out,
carrying none of all that mushy language that the businessmen had been
increasingly churning out in recent months. CZI had already released a
protest statement.
"We condemn unreservedly the manner in which the police have gone about
arresting and incarcerating our managers. There are clearly laid out
procedures that respect the rights of citizens," the group said.
By "citizens" here, the businesspeople must surely have only referred to
their own members, since they have been stone silent on the impact that
previous, more flagrant violations of citizen rights have had on the
economy. How the scales have now fallen from Saul's eyes?
Industrialists had rights too, the group moaned, "to conduct their business
without fear of intimidation."
So, now that somebody ordered police to step on a few affluent corns,
business has suddenly discovered the impact of intimidation on the economy?
One source told a Financial Gazette reporter last week: "She (Mujuru) fully
supports us. She indicated that the country cannot be run by threats."
Right. Like they haven't heard that one before.
Besides, whatever assurances they thought they had got out of Mujuru, they
forgot to tell Industry and Trade Minister Obert Mpofu.
"The government can't stand and watch while retailers continue to cheat
consumers. Perpetrators will be forced to close their shops," Mpofu said.
There is also an odd twist to the whole tale, if you believe Saviour
Kasukuwere.
According to the ZANU PF MP, the arrests are part of ZANU PF's so-called
"succession battle". Kasukuwere said at the weekend: "People are being
harassed with some being arrested over flimsy cases because of this
succession issue."
Which, if it were true, would mean businesspeople are not the important
"partners in the turnaround strategy" they have been telling themselves and
everyone else that they are, but are simple old cannon fodder for the real
owners of the country - like everybody else.

Mutambara leaves it to Tsvangirai

FinGaz

Njabulo Ncube Chief Political Reporter
'We decided to give them a chance to test ZANU PF'
ARTHUR Mutambara's faction of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change
has attributed its failure to field candidates for the forthcoming Chikomba
and Rushinga by-elections to the rival Morgan Tsvangirai camp's decision to
contest the polls.

The Chikomba and Rushinga seats fell vacant following the deaths of ZANU PF
legislators Tichaona Jokonya in June and Sandura Machirori in July this year
Gabriel Chaibva, spokesman for the Mutambara MDC faction yesterday said the
decision not to participate in the by-elections was prompted by the
Tsvangirai camp's decision to field candidates.
"It was a strategic decision," said Chaibva. "We had candidates ready but
had to withdraw them at the last minute when the other group went against
their usual decision to boycott elections by fielding candidates. We decided
that we should give them a chance to test ZANU PF in its strongholds."
Both factions participated in the Budiriro by-election in May, which was won
by Emmanuel Chisvuure of Tsvangirai's camp of the divided party. Chaibva,
who was his faction's candidate in that by-election, suffered a drubbing,
receiving only 504 votes. He, however, denied that his faction had chickened
out of the latest by-elections to be held on October 7.
In Chikomba, ZANU PF is fielding Stephen Chiurayi, its deputy chairman for
Mashonaland East, while Tsvangirai's camp has nominated Chivhu businessman
Moses Jiri as its candidate.
In the ZANU PF stronghold of Mashonaland Central, the ruling party will be
represented by former legislator for the area Lazarus Dokora in Rushinga
constituency against Simbarashe Chideya of the MDC.

Those were unpresidential remarks, Mr President

FinGaz

National Agenda with Bornwell Chakaodza
. . . Despite its enemies, freedom always triumphs
IT was shocking in both language and content. It is one thing to denounce
what was intended to be a peaceful protest, quite another to celebrate
police brutality and beatings of innocent Zimbabwean citizens.

"Vamwe vaaku-chema kuti takarohwa, ehe unodashurwa. When the police say
move, move. If you don't move you invite the police to use force".
These words coming from President Robert Mugabe, a man who fought, among
many others, for democracy and freedom in order to put a stop to the
Rhodesian police brutality - the mind really boggles!
It is perfectly legitimate to disagree but to salivate at the trampling of
human rights as the President did about the beating up of Zimbabwe Congress
of Trade Unions (ZCTU) leaders by police is wholly impermissible. What has
happened to the freedom the Zimbabwean masses fought for?
Today one can see the similarities between Rhodesia and Zimbabwe if not
worse. It pains me to say this but it has to be said. I see no fundamental
change in attitudes and behaviour of either Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP)
or the Rhodesian police when dealing with peaceful demonstrations. The only
difference is that the tables are now turned.
The quality of democratic life is revealed not in the existence of certain
institutions but in the way these instructions are used.
Similarly, it is not the words that are offensive; it is how you use them.
"Musatyisidzirwe nanaChibhebhe (ZCTU secretary general) vane mazitumbu,
zidumbu rizere mweya hapana nezvirimo"
That a whole President of a country should be so personally offensive to a
responsible and senior member of one of our national bodies not simply an
individual is most unfortunate. Abuse seldom provides much of a base of
reasoned response.
Such excessive reaction with such vituperative and intemperate language is
unworthy of a national leader. It does little to elicit a feeling of
confidence in the hierarchy of this nation.
I truly wonder whether members of the Presidium and ZANU PF as a whole
endorse such highly irresponsible remarks and an unkind dig on a fellow
Zimbabwean by the President. Unless of course they are equally culpable! I
do not know.
The point must be made that there is a vast difference between the
constitutional right to express one's opinions on one hand and violence on
the other. The ZCTU protest was intended to be a peaceful one. It was never
the intention of the marchers to cross the dividing line between peaceful
and violent protest. It was not a call to arms but a call to march
peacefully in order to highlight in general the poverty, financial
hardships, HIV and AIDS and the sense of hopelessness that is currently
stalking this land. What was so wrong with that?
Suppressing people's right to merely express themselves with such
inexcusable ferocity is unforgivable. Not only was the police action a
flagrant violation of international and regional human rights standards and
norms, it also represented a total rejection of the terms of the
Constitution of Zimbabwe which provides for the right to freedom of
expression, association and assembly.
Life is hard in Zimbabwe. In a constitutional democracy, there is really
nothing wrong with workers reflecting and focusing on their notions about
what exists and about the conditions of their existence, about what they
would like to see for themselves and their society and about how they might
achieve them. That was the crux of the ZCTU peaceful demonstration not the
endless ZANU PF-brewed poison of regime change by unconstitutional means.
The question may be asked: What is it that aroused President Mugabe's
unpresidential and vitriolic remarks - remarks which to all intents and
purposes portrayed a peculiar sense of paranoia.
This has everything to do with the insecurity of this regime. That is not to
take away President Mugabe's past great achievements. No. God forbid! He is
a prodigy in his own right. It is merely to reflect a truth as it stands at
the moment. It is equally true to acknowledge the fact that President Mugabe
should have retired in 1996 or thereabouts.
If he had done that, he would have avoided the comical and in many instances
tragic things that we are presently witnessing in him. In this context
therefore we ought perhaps to understand that what makes the President tick
so tragically would not disappear any time soon - unless of course he steps
down, something that the vast majority of Zimbabweans are eagerly waiting
for.
In conclusion, I think it is very important to keep our hopes alive in spite
of any setbacks that are coming and will come our way. Despite its enemies,
freedom always triumphs. We triumphed in 1980. We will triumph again in the
not-too-distant future.
What is needed however is for those forces of change working outside the
system to constantly refine their strategies to complement those forces
inside the system working to make a difference.
Politics is always a bumpy and rough life. We might learn a thing or two
about what happened to the civil rights movement in the United States way
back in 1963. During a peaceful march in Birmingham, Alabama, the
public-safety Commissioner of that city was ready to use water cannons and
attack dogs on a group of civil rights demonstrators led by Reverent Martin
Luther King Jnr.
The protesters reacted in a way the public-safety Commissioner found hard to
fathom. They knelt in the street and prayed: "Let them turn their water on",
said one protester. "Let them use their dogs. We are nor leaving. Forgive
them", said another.
The public-safety Commissioner gave the orders to mow down the peaceful
marchers and television beamed the scene to a horrified world. Among the
viewers was President John F. Kennedy and he was so appalled that things
were never to be quite the same again for blacks in the United States. It
was a turning point for the civil rights movement.
The lesson here is that President Mugabe and ZANU PF might be immune to both
inside and outside pressure but it is very important to continually speak
out whether he and the ruling party are listening or not. There are many
other ears prepared to listen beyond President Mugabe and the ruling party.
The President might not be ready at the present time to apologise for the
police brutality but who knows what might happen a year or two from now!
borncha@mweb.co.zw

Water shocker: Most mineral water products not certified

FinGaz

Kumbirai Mafunda Senior Business Reporter

ONLY one supplier of bottled drinking and natural mineral water has been
certified by the Standards Association of Zimbabwe (SAZ) to bottle mineral
water out of numerous bottlers.

SAZ spokesperson George Makore told The Financial Gazette that although
there are more than 20 brands of bottled and natural mineral water brands
currently available on the Zimbabwean market, the national standards body
had only licensed Tanganda Tea Company's natural mineral water branded
'tinga mira' after the tea producer presented itself to a thorough SAZ water
testing and certification process.
Makore said Tanganda satisfied the various standards relevant to the water
bottling business, which SAZ offers in its efforts to ensure the health and
safety of the consumers and was granted a SAZ product mark certification.
The certification allows Tanganda to display a SAZ mark on its bottled
mineral water, which SAZ says is an objective guide on purchasing decisions.
"We have one water brand certified and there are a lot of other water brands
that are not certified," said Makore.
Although Makore revealed that Amanzi was the first bottled water brand to be
granted a SAZ certification, it has since disappeared from supermarket and
retail shelves.
Kwirirai Chigerwe, the general manager at Tanganda's Beverage division told
The Financial Gazette that the tea producer had sought SAZ certification so
that consumers could derive confidence in the product.
Tanganda's 'tinga mira', which translates to "takabatana" (we are one), is
bottled at Tinga Mira Estates, one of the tea producers' estates in the
Eastern Highlands.
Zimbabwe has of late seen the mushrooming of bottled water suppliers and
consumers have raised concern that some of the bottled water could be
infected with water-borne diseases, which could be detrimental to the health
of consumers and knock the trade and tourism industry through the loss of
earnings, unemployment and litigation.
SAZ says while most suppliers indicate the mineral elements content on the
label, the quality of water is not just about mineral elements' content but
also microbiological safety of the water among other quality requirements.
The growth in bottled water business is attributed mainly to the poor
quality of domestic water supplies mainly in Harare, where the Zimbabwe
National Water Authority (ZINWA) and the Harare City Council are grappling
with a hard currency squeeze to import chemicals to treat raw water and also
due to rising health consciousness among Zimbabwe's elite as well as for the
tourism industry.
Findings from a recent SAZ-organised stakeholder seminar on bottled drinking
water and natural mineral water shockingly reveals that out of the 68 water
samples tested in 2005, only 12 were bottled drinking water and natural
mineral water.
The national standards body also discovered that out of five randomly
sampled and tested brands of bottled drinking and natural mineral water
available on the market, three had visible floating substances and had
unacceptable high microbiological counts including coliform bacteria and
specifically Escherichia coli, a health risk to consumers.

Should this man be taken seriously?

FinGaz

Mavis Makuni

SHOULD this man be taken seriously? That is the question exasperated
Zimbabweans must be asking following the ridiculous attempt by Agriculture
Minister Joseph Made to pass the buck on to a monkey for the collapse of the
agricultural sector and his failure for the umpteenth time to plan ahead for
the next planting season.

Made, whose ineptitude and lacklustre performance have been legendary since
he was appointed to the "War Cabinet" in 2001, is reported to have told
parliament recently that his ministry had finally established why it has
once again failed to ensure that inputs such as fertiliser are availed to
farmers in time for the looming planting season. "Our investigations have
shown that a monkey caused damage to a transformer, thereby sabotaging our
preparations for the coming season.
"If it were not for that monkey, the situation was not going to be as bad",
Made sheepishly told fellow legislators. In any other legislative assembly,
Made's statement would have been greeted with incredulity and howls of
derisive laughter. But, in Zimbabwe, spinning tall tales to deceive the
people in a bid to explain away all that has gone wrong as a result of
inefficiency, greed and corruption in the public sector is now the rule
rather than the exception. As a result, our ineffectual parliament, which
has been reduced to an unquestioning rubber-stamper, is quite happy to
accept such gibberish without taking the minister to task. In this case, it
is clear that it is Made, rather than the hapless primate, who is playing
monkey business by not taking the nation's food security seriously.
Made has never got anything right since taking over stewardship of the
Agriculture Ministry. He has had to find a scapegoat to blame for his
shortcomings every season, a permanent and convenient one over the last six
years being the drought. Remember the year Made raised false hopes
throughout the land by predicting a bumper maize harvest. It later turned
out that the "scientific" method he had used to make these confident
projections was limited to a joy ride in a helicopter during which the
bespectacled minister peered down on the landscape below. When his
projections proved to be wide off the mark and maize imports were needed to
make up for the deficit, Made was unfazed.
He blamed the pilot of the helicopter in which he had undertaken his
cloud-cuckoo-land crop survey for having flown too high, making it
impossible for him to distinguish between maize and lush green grass from
those dizzy heights. But Made realised this only in retrospect when Zimbabwe
recorded another grain deficit and sections of the population faced food
shortages. Is it any wonder that things have fallen apart in almost every
department of life in this country when we have such inept ministers? Not
long ago when it became clear that this year's winter wheat crop was another
unqualified flop, a different scapegoat was chosen. The blame for the poor
yields, which have resulted in widespread shortages of bread, was laid
squarely on the tiny shoulders of the quelea bird.
Now it might be useful to ask what methodology Made used to "investigate"
the damage to a transformer caused by this lone monkey at Sable Chemicals in
the Midlands which supposedly derailed his ministry's plans for this
agricultural season. We may never know the truth of course, as Made told
what we can only assume was a hushed Parliament that the mischievous monkey
had been electrocuted and thus had taken its dark secrets with it to the
grave! Has this minister, who heads such a strategic ministry, ever heard of
strategic and contingency planning? It does not inspire confidence at all
that his ministry had to be jolted into action by a monkey to scramble this
late in the hour to import fertiliser.
Made and other ministers in government never seem to learn from past
mistakes and that is why the same bungling and ineptitude is repeated over
and over again. With impunity. Unlike some leaders such as Reserve Bank
Governor, Gideon Gono, whose motto is "failure is not an option" those in
government are completely relaxed about their failure to deliver. The only
concern they seem to have is how to come up with a story, no matter how
implausible, to exonerate themselves and justify their continued employment
at the long-suffering taxpayers' expense. Made is poised to preside over yet
another disastrous agricultural season as he has done over the last six
years.
Made's boss, President Robert Mugabe, has in the past expressed
disappointment with his performance. In recent weeks, a parliamentary
committee has also expressed reservations about Made's leadership of this
strategic ministry. The question is, what is the man's survival secret when
he appears to make no effort to pull up his socks despite having his
knuckles rapped regularly by his colleagues and the media? The only progress
Made appears to have made is moving away from blaming homo sapiens as
represented by Tony Blair, George Bush, prophets of doom, enemies of the
state, agents of foreign interests etc for the collapse of the agricultural
sector under his stewardship, to attributing the development to the animal
kingdom! In any other sector, he would be considered a complete failure and
would be relieved of his duties.

Ship has a big hole

FinGaz

Comment

FIRST it was the disgraced and discredited Zimbabwe Broadcasting Holdings
(ZBH) to, in 2004, ask government to inherit its crippling debt.

The monopolistic apology of a public broadcaster moved into a debt trap
because it stands in sharp contrast to public broadcasters elsewhere which
endeavour to provide a forum for discourse and debate on pertinent national
issues to different interest groups.
Instead of being an indispensable voice of the truth on the Zimbabwean
situation to be relied on at all times by all citizens, the broadcaster,
widely seen as a fiefdom of the ruling ZANU PF, has chosen to be a theatre
of bigotry serving only those parochial political interests that seek to
muzzle debate and dissension. This strategy has proved ruinous as it has
touched off a severe crisis of confidence in ZBC, spawning a deep alienation
from the public broadcaster by the generality of the people and the business
community alike. In the process down went the state broadcaster's
credibility, respectability and profitability.
Still, ZBC saw nothing wrong and immoral about forcing the taxpayers, to
whom the public broadcaster has been hardly accountable, to pick up the tab
to redeem its malignant debts. And in June 2004, Zimbabwe's rubber-stamping
Parliament nodded through the Bill that sought to extricate ZBC out of its
financial handcuffs at the expense of the taxpayers by dumping the
broadcaster's debts on Treasury.
As if that was not enough, with the Zimbabwean economy refusing to shift out
of low gear, yet another parastatal, the National Railways of Zimbabwe
(NRZ), which has no reason whatsoever to operate under the red ink line
except in never-never land, is making the same unreasonable and insensitive
request: that the government (read Zimbabweans) takes over its mountain of
swingeing debts. According to weekend media reports, the NRZ's debts are a
staggering $60 billion.
Admittedly, there is an increasing sense of concern over these public
utilities some of which are teetering on the verge of collapse. But whatever
reasons are advanced by the beleaguered NRZ for this request, it should be
rejected unequivocally.
As noted earlier, these parastatals have got into arrears or even defaulted
on loans from various creditors because of one reason and one reason only:
gross mismanagement. Yes, all their problems, without exception, can be
located in mismanagement, malfeasance, cronyism and a deeply-rooted
political patronage system, among others. This is why previous bailout
efforts that saw the government doling out as much as $12 billion last year
alone for these black holes to recapitalise could not be the much-hoped for
kiss of life.
Thus, it is our considered view that there should be no bailouts in the form
of debt forgiveness or concessionary loans. Instead, there should be
restructuring. We feel that the kind of assistance being suggested by the
NRZ would, if implemented without getting the public utility to undertake
reforms (privatisation) that will achieve long-term solvency, be pointless
because it has no chance of success. It should therefore be out of the
question not only because government, which would have to use public funds
for the bailout, doesn't have the financial wherewithal but also because
there is enough money for restructuring any way.
It was investment banker and former US treasury secretary under Ronald
Reagan, Nicholas Brady who said that you cannot bail out a boat with a big
hole because it will never sail. He said this with regard to companies
sitting on shifting sands. His contention was that when a company gets into
financial difficulties, restructuring is the right approach. And he could
not have been nearer the truth. So why doesn't the NRZ get the creditors to
extend terms or ask them to turn the debts into equity before seeking to
pressure public finances? It is not as if the utility is already facing
bankruptcy proceedings where the creditors are scrambling for its assets!
Indeed, if the NRZ is bailed out in the way being suggested by the public
utility's management we are convinced that the move will not restore
viability. The bailout package would be a sheer waste of public resources
just as the billions which were poured into these monoliths went down the
drain. While simply taking over the crippling debts would certainly secure
the NRZ some breathing space, it goes without saying that before anyone can
say Jack Robinson, the utility would relapse into the same mismanagement and
inefficiency that drove it into the debt trap in the first place.
In any case, for how long will these state-owned companies have to depend on
a life support system from the fiscus?

Shameless attempt to cover up

FinGaz

No Holds Barred with Gondo Gushungo

GOVERNMENT has maintained a facade of determined effort to rid the country
of corruption. But Zimbabweans are not fooled.

They have always known that the government's sincerity is questionable. How
so? Facts speak loudest when they speak for themselves.
And if evidence was ever needed to prove that the anti-corruption dragnet is
being used as a spider's web that catches the flies and lets in the
elephants, then Industry and International Trade Minister, Obert Mpofu
unwittingly dropped a hint last week: the pursuit of corruption cases hinges
on the political influence of those implicated.
Of course he did not say it in as many words. But that is beside the point.
As I have always said, a lot is said by the unsaid. The import of what Mpofu
said was that those with political clout, such as Cabinet ministers most of
whom all despise and no one blesses, are untouchable in the government's
fight against corruption.
Responding to questions from the Parliamentary Portfolio Committee on
Foreign Affairs and International Trade on why an Indian company, Global
Steel Holdings hastily backed out of a US$400 000 contract with ZISCO, Mpofu
hinted to an intricate web of intrigue, massive influence-peddling, bribery
and corruption at the company. He revealed that the integrated steel works
have become the feeding ground for the corrupt ruling ZANU PF elite. And
from the way he spoke, it is nothing short of something like a feeding
frenzy in a zoo at ZISCO.
However, while pointing an accusing finger at political figures in
government, Mpofu could not be drawn into elaborating on who these political
figures are. At which point I felt the parliamentary committee let Zimbabwe
down. The committee's failure to ask probing questions was, for want of a
better expression, extremely disappointing. It was inexcusable.
How could the committee, in its first foray into the shadowy world of ZISCO,
let this perfect opportunity for the parliamentary hearing to provide the
clearest public view of the goings-on at the steel maker slip through its
fingers? Since this is a corruption case that could have brought into sharp
focus the effectiveness of public resource management, public sector
accountability and transparency or lack thereof, the committee should have
ordered the release of the contentious report in its entirety on public
interest grounds or at least pressed Mpofu to name those implicated in the
shameless acts of corruption at the steel maker. The parliamentary committee
has the right to ask such questions. And the politicians do not have the
right not to answer them. Unfortunately the committee proved toothless.
According to Mpofu, the government has prohibited the release of the ZISCO
document on the pretext that it would scare away investors, which got me
thinking. What did the minister think he was doing? Did he hear himself
speak? Didn't he have the gumption to realise the gaffe he was committing,
which is that Zimbabwe tries to attract investment through lying because it
is a lie to pretend that there is nothing untoward happening at ZISCO? Now
can you beat that? Is it government policy to conceal vital information from
prospective investors? Which investor or financier will put their money into
the jaws of completely irrational policies and corruption like this? Talk of
putting an exclamation point to a problem area because in the eyes of the
cautious and risk-averse investors that is deception. Mpofu really put his
foot in it this time.
What are the circumspect foreign investors and financiers supposed to make
of this? Why the futile attempt to keep the operations of these companies
opaque and unfriendly to public scrutiny when prospective investors would at
the end of it all undertake due diligence exercises? These entail very
detailed checking of a company's accounts and activities after the
acquisition or takeover has been agreed but not implemented and all
skeletons in the cupboard are likely to be exposed?
Of course nobody believed the minister. He pretends to believe that
concealing information on the rot at ZISCO will entice investors that have
been sitting on the fence. Chance will be a fine thing!
The truth of the matter is however that the ZISCO corruption case is being
treated gingerly because it is politically sensitive. It is an issue that
the government wants the veil drawn over for very obvious reasons. That is
why the court of public opinion picked Mpofu apart last week and came up
with the verdict that his story was preposterous. It is a cock and bull
story because there is no identifiable harm to Zimbabwe that could have been
caused by the release of the document in question.
The only motivation that might have caused the government to veto the
release of what the grapevine says is a damning report is the specific
interests of the political party to which those implicated in the scandal
belong even though it goes without saying that those narrow inerests do not
outweigh the public interest that could have been served by releasing this
information?
This can only mean one thing - the much-vaunted anti-corruption drive has
itself been corrupted. Otherwise why the shameless attempt to cover up? Why
is the government incuriously passive in pursuing corruption cases that
involve ZANU PF bigwigs but intensely aggressive when it comes to those
cases involving the ruling party lightweights and others?
This has not only added to the sense of confusion and scepticism surrounding
the government's half-hearted fight against corruption but it has also given
rise to fresh questions that tend to cloud the anti-corruption mart:
How many corruption-related documents have been censored because they
implicate senior government officials? Under the circumstances, isn't there
a plausible case for those saying that the anti-corruption drive is doomed
because there is massive cover-up and that prosecutorial and investigative
decisions in high profile corruption cases deemed politically sticky are
made from some dark room at the ZANU PF headquarters? Can anyone still not
understand why the Attorney-General's office does not return indictments in
such cases or why there is no visible progress on so many other cases of a
similar nature? At this rate will we ever see any of the serving ministers
doing time for corruption?
Don't hold your breath. The fight against corruption requires far more
serious commitment of time, effort and impartiality than the government is
devoting to the issue.
There is no arguing that tackling or eliminating corruption is an essential
element of any framework within which an economy can prosper. Thus the need
for a robust and spirited fight against the corruption scourge cannot be
over-emphasised. And I have no doubt in my mind that if government had
adopted this approach since 2004 when it embarked on its fight against
corruption, the drive could by now be reaching its full expression with
numerous indictments.
Sadly though, this has not been the case. If anything, the government's
fight against corruption is full of sham and hypocrisy. This is why for now,
no matter what government says about its so-called crusade against
corruption, it is widely seen as selling the public a bill of goods.

Role model Chissano equivocates on Mugabe

FinGaz

The Geoff Nyarota Column

I HAD the good fortune back in 2004 to be invited to a lunch hosted by the
JF Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University in honour of visiting
prominent African leader, Joaquim Chissano, then President of Mozambique.

The luncheon was my first close encounter with the former Mozambican head of
state. I was thoroughly enthralled by his humble and down-to-earth demeanour
as well as his compassionate concern for the welfare of the povo of his
country.
I barely managed to resist a very strong temptation to bombard him with a
barrage of questions about events in my own country in general and President
Robert Mugabe in particular. Since he spoke with enthusiasm about his own
impending retirement, an obvious question would have been one pertaining to
the prospects of retirement on the part of his illustrious Zimbabwean
counterpart.
The only other African at the lunch was an official travelling with the
Mozambican leader. I surmised, in the circumstances, that it might not have
been exactly politic to subject Chissano to questions which would cause him
embarrassment in front of our American hosts. Apart from that, I felt it
might have been construed as selfish and somewhat unethical to introduce a
topic with potential to divert the luncheon's raison d'etre from Mozambique
to my beloved and yet beleaguered Zimbabwe.
As we shook hands after lunch and I wished him a blissful retirement I
sensed that Chissano had a certain rare trait about him - the ability to
make even strangers feel completely at ease in his honourable presence. Some
heads of state not only expect but also often demand acknowledgement of
their exalted status at all occasions and, therefore, deference to them.
They seem to derive comfort when those in their company hold them in awe.
Propelled into high office after the tragic death of founding President
Samora Moises Machel in a plane crash in 1986, Chissano had an illustrious
career that saw his poverty-stricken nation rise from wholesale
post-independence neglect and economic ruin, following suicidal
experimentation with single-party politics, to a shining example of economic
recovery, supported by massive foreign investment.
The New York Stock Exchange and the US Corporate Council on Africa last week
honoured Chissano's successor, President Armando Guebuza, for his
"outstanding commitment to promote development and investment
opportunities". This, no doubt, was the culmination of a process that
started under Chissano. Guebuza was invited to ring the bell to mark the end
of the day's trading on the NYSE. Africa's first woman head of state,
President Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf of Liberia and President Jakaya Kikwete of
Tanzania were also honoured on the occasion.
Less than a decade ago Mozambique was the butt of cruel and uncharitable
jokes by arrogant Zimbabweans, who occasionally referred to their neighbours
to the east by the derogatory term "Moskens", as they flooded especially the
eastern districts of Zimbabwe as hewers of wood and herders of cattle.
Today, in a dramatic reversal of roles, it is Zimbabweans, in their
thousands, who seek sustenance in Mozambique.
Last week, the Corporate Council on Africa spoke highly of Mozambique in New
York, in terms of Mozambique having made strides in strengthening its
business environment and its significant potential for investment in natural
resources, infrastructure projects, agriculture, fishing, and tourism.
Established in 1992 the council is a powerful lobby group that represents
almost 200 American companies seeking to strengthen commercial ties between
the United States and Africa. Members of the council account for nearly 85
percent of total US private sector investments in Africa.
Meanwhile, away from the NYSE, at the United Nations, in a different part of
the mega-city, our own anachronistic leader was nonchalantly riding on his
favourite hobby-horse, launching his well-rehearsed assault on President
George W. Bush of the US and Prime Minister Tony Blair of the United
Kingdom. The invasion of Iraq has not endeared these two western leaders to
a growing section of the international community or among their own people.
But that is no justification for President Mugabe to cite them incessantly
as the cause of problems that are quite clearly of his own making.
Now that Blair is preparing for retirement President Mugabe will be hard put
to find an alternative target for his vituperative and self-serving
broadsides which have not yet yielded any tangible benefits for millions of
impoverished Zimbabweans.
But I digress.
Perhaps, the only blemish on Chissano's term as president was by association
with his son, Nyimpine Chissano, who was indicted in the 2000 murder of
Mozambique's most famous newsman, investigative journalist Carlos Cardoso.
The younger Chissano was accused of being involved in plotting the murder.
President Chissano said then that he wanted justice done, irrespective of
the allegations against his son.
For me Chissano made his most memorable statement just before his retirement
when he said in 2004: "I decided to be free. I have been here 18 years and I
think that's a lot of time . . . I think I have attained the normal age for
retirement, if I were a civil servant. It's time to retire."
On a different occasion he advised fellow African heads of state: "I think
we (African leaders) should not be scared of not being heads of state or
government . . . life goes on and there's a lot to do."
For him, life has gone on outside State House. True to his character, soon
after retirement, the former president established the Joaquim Chissano
Foundation to support efforts by the government and the civil society in the
relentless war against grinding poverty, especially in rural Mozambique.
Chissano was 65 years old at the time of his retirement. Tony Blair will be
54 when he calls it quits next year after 10 years in office. President
Mugabe is 82, with 26 years in office to his credit or discredit, depending
on whether one is die-hard ZANU PF supporter or not, or whether one derives
personal benefits from the current socio-economic meltdown or not. President
Mugabe is now allegedly scheming to postpone the end of his current term
from 2008 to 2010.
Given his role model status among African politicians, I failed to
immediately come to terms with certain statements attributed to Chissano by
Reuters after they interviewed the former head of state last week.
He apparently gave it as his considered opinion that removing President
Mugabe from office could compound Zimbabwe's political crisis and even lead
to civil war. "If Mugabe steps down, what will happen then?" asked Chissano.
"What is happening now is bad, but it could be worse - a big situation of
violence could lead to internal war."
While Chissano did not elaborate on what he meant by the reference to "a big
situation of violence" or on the source thereof, his gratuitous support for
the "Mugabe is indispensable" syndrome is wholly inconsistent with the views
he espoused about retirement in 2004.
But the former president was far from being unequivocal on a subject that
must be highly sensitive, considering his amicable relationship with the
Zimbabwean head of state.
"There are some cases that (you realise) you are hindering . . . democracy
and development so you say, 'Yes, I will step down,'" he went on to say.
"Such a move could have saved Zimbabwe its political and economic crisis."
It is patently clear what Chissano thinks of Mugabe's extended term of
office as President - that he has become an obstacle to Zimbabwe's further
development and a threat to the upholding of democratic values. It is also
clear that, for some inexplicable reason, Chissano lacks the guts to say so
unequivocally. His apparent fear about a future without President Mugabe is
obviously misplaced, considering that the present-day Zimbabwe has become an
unmitigated disaster under President Mugabe.
Finally, his reservations about placing of limitations on presidential terms
of office contradict his earlier expressed enthusiasm for timeous
retirement. He now says the ideal situation would be to place no term limits
at all on the office of president on the African continent.
"The correct democracy is one which puts no limits on mandates and leaves
everything to the will of the people," he said.
Regrettably, Chissano overlooks a simple fact. The genuine will of the
people cannot, in any way, be expressed where political intimidation and
endemic violence are an intrinsic element of election campaigns and where
the state descends heavily and violently on legitimate dissent, witness the
events of September 13, and on press freedom, as has happened since 2000.
Above all, the will of the people cannot be expressed when there is a
general breakdown of law and order.
SAYING OF
THE WEEK:
"WE cannot have a situation where people decide to sit in places not allowed
and when the police remove them, they say no. We can't have that, that is a
revolt to the system. Vamwe vaakuchema kuti takarohwa, ehe unodashurwa. (Now
some of them are crying, saying they were beaten up. Yes, you will be
severely assaulted.) When the police say move, move. If you don't move, you
invite the police to use force." - President Mugabe commenting on the
vicious assault of ZCTU leaders and MDC officials by the police on
Wednesday, September 13. He was addressing embassy staff in Cairo en route
from Havana and New York to Harare. (The Herald)

FinGaz Letters

EDITOR - Historically veterinary doctors were about the highest paid
professionals in the civil service. This was in recognition of the long
duration of training and their tremendous contribution towards the economic
development of the country and contribution towards public health in
general. This is no longer the case. There are various reasons for this
situation.
There is no active unionism in the sector. Representation is through Dr
Stuart Hargreaves who then reports to the Ministry hierarchy, which is made
up of non-veterinary specialists who are probably not interested in the
welfare of veterinarians or are unable to articulate their problems. No
other channel of communication is available. It was only former Agriculture
Minister Kangai who was interested in the conditions of service of
veterinarians. Other comparable professionals have been able to constantly
push for salary hikes through industrial action time and again. It may
interest the public to note that the Public Service Commission or government
in general sees nothing wrong with paying nurses more than veterinary
doctors. How embarrassing!
The result is that a massive brain drain is in progress. Very experienced
personnel have moved to Botswana, Namibia, South Africa, UK etc. Those who
have chosen to remain are trying to do a splendid job in support of the
agrarian reform programme with no recognition at all. No one is bothered
about the harsh working conditions in the rural areas. The Central
Veterinary Laboratory lost 75 percent of experienced veterinary doctors in
the past six months alone. Consequently the diagnostic centre is now manned
by rookies with the obvious effect on standards. The same applies to the
Field Service (and we want beef exports to the EU to recommence!).
May be there is a need for a separate Ministry for Livestock Development and
Veterinary Affairs (like in Tanzania) and formation of a commission to look
into our conditions of service. It is probable that old Dr Hargreaves is not
presenting matters upwards.

Silent Hero
Harare
------------
Who is Chigwedere?

EDITOR - With reference to your story "High Court blocks Chigwedere's plot",
in last week's issue, I and definitely all sound-minded Zimbabweans welcome
the High Court's decision. This so-called minister has launched a sustained
attack on education in Zimbabwe in general, and private schools in
particular.
As one of many Zimbabweans in the diaspora, I know many people who work
themselves to a standstill just so their families back home can have a
better life. They live in bedsits, drive old cars, and wear no designer
clothes. They save every penny and then move their children from government
upper-tops to private schools only to be told by Chigwedere that the fees
they are paying are too high.
Who is Chigwedere to tell them how to spend their hard-earned cash? Would he
rather they donate the money to fund ZANU PF militia training?
All this is a ploy by ZANU PF to shield the masses from the truth about
falling standards in education. They know that as long as private schools
maintain a high standard people will always make comparisons and thus be
dissatisfied with their children using a tin of jam in place of a Bunsen
Burner and the naked eye in place of a protractor.
So the warped philosophy is: do not let the rich show off their riches, lest
the rest realise that they are poor. As if anybody needed telling! I end by
taking a leaf from Winston Churchill: We will fight ZANU PF in the courts,
we will fight them in the streets, we will fight them in parliament, we will
fight them in schools, we will fight them in the media, and we will never
surrender!

Bhekimpilo Sibanda
United kingdom
--------
Elias Mudzuri's crime was his 'wrong tribe'

EDITOR - President Mugabe's ruling ZANU PF party unceremoniously bundled
Engineer Elias Mudzuri out of office as Executive Mayor of the City of
Harare not only because his ascendancy to power at Town House was on an
opposition MDC ticket, as has been widely stated.
His other sin was that, so says a ZANU PF insider in Harare, Mudzuri hails
from the wrong part of Zimbabwe. The insider naturally pleaded for anonymity
for fear of being relieved of both status and wealth.
The capital city of Zimbabwe lies at the centre of the three Mashonaland
provinces, the base of ZANU PF's political power. Mudzuri hails from
Masvingo, arguably the province that is Mashonaland's most viable rival for
political hegemony over Zimbabwe. In the eyes of the power brokers within
the powerful Zezuru clan of Mashonaland, Mudzuri, a Karanga, from the
southern regions of Zimbabwe, belongs to the wrong tribe, even if he was of
the appropriate political affiliation.
People from outside Mashonaland have been mayors of Harare in the past but,
so says the insider, that was long before the vexing presidential succession
wars.
Mudzuri was a case of wrong ethnicity more than wrong political ideology,
says the insider, who is a beneficiary of the ruling party's many and often
quite generous resources of patronage.
At a time when Harare, once called the Sunshine City, was crying for expert
and inspirational leadership to rescue it from its current doldrums,
Mudzuri's former deputy, Sekesayi Makwavarara, was appointed to replace him.
This happened soon after she jumped ship from the MDC to join the ruling
party. Hers was an ethnically correct appointment, says the insider, not in
any way related to her aptitude, expertise or perceived potential to turn
the affairs of the capital city around. Her administration has been beset
with numerous problems which, so the insider confides, could soon cost her
political godfather, Local Government Minister, Ignatius Chombo, his own
job. Makwavarara's shortcomings and shenanigans have become a cause of
monumental and perennial embarrassment to ZANU PF.
In the eyes of hard-core ZANU PF Zezuru leaders, it was untenable that the
seat of government should be located in a city controlled by an "alien
Karanga".
Paradoxically, the emergence as a city councillor on an MDC ticket of
Makwavarara, a woman obviously endowed with severely limited credentials and
her subsequent elevation to the position of Deputy Mayor, reflects
negatively on the human resources practices within the MDC itself,
especially its executives at the material time.
Even within that party, the question is constantly asked how Makwavarara
ever got to be deputy mayor in the first place. The MDC will for a long time
to come rue the day its then executives decided to elevate her to such a
lofty position.
To ZANU PF, her primary value lay in her potential to undermine Mudzuri, now
the MDC's national organising secretary. The ruling party's or, more
correctly, Chombo's infantile infatuation with and blind faith in her have
been the cause of many raised eyebrows as well.

Geoff Nyarota
United States