http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 01 September 2011 20:20
Dumisani
Muleya
VICE-PRESIDENT Joice Mujuru has upped the ante in President Robert
Mugabe’s
succession battle, just over a fortnight after the mysterious death
of her
husband in a firestorm, showing she is now more determined than
before to
fight it out to take over from the ageing and ailing
leader.
Mujuru’s move to lay the gauntlet could intensify the succession
battle
ahead of Zanu PF’s annual national conference where Mugabe would be
up for
endorsement as the party’s candidate in the next critical elections
due
either next year or in 2013.
In terms of the Zanu PF
constitution, the conference has to “declare the
president of the party
elected at congress as the state presidential
candidate of the party”. Zanu
PF will hold its conference from December
6-10 in Bulawayo.
The
death of the imperious and influential retired army commander, General
Solomon Mujuru, a key figure in internal battles over Mugabe’s succession,
has sparked fresh debate and campaigning around the issue critical in local
politics.
Briefings to the Zimbabwe Independent by senior Zanu PF
politburo members
this week show Mujuru has swiftly moved to throw her hat
into the ring at a
time when the party is embroiled in confusion and
uncertainty following the
death of her powerful
husband.
Succession manoeuvres within Zanu PF are fuelled by the fact
that Mugabe’s
availability as candidate for the next elections remains
touch-and-go due to
his old age and ill-health, especially if the polls come
in 2013.
Those close to Mugabe in Zanu PF and within state security
structures wanted
elections this year when their leader would still be fit
but their plans are
now in disarray as the politburo finally accepted on
Wednesday that polls
would not be held this year.
The Mujuru
family, including the vice-president herself, relatives, friends
and
political allies within Zanu PF, suspect her husband, was murdered. The
vice-president has said she finds the death of her husband mystery and
demanded a thorough and professional investigation. This week she said they
are anxiously waiting for the findings of police
investigations.
Vice-President Mujuru has not hidden her bitterness
about her husband’s
death and close family members told the Independent she
has vowed to fight
on despite suspecting foul play in the demise of the Zanu
PF political
heavyweight.
Senior Zanu PF politburo members say
instead of being intimidated and
frightened by the chilling incident, Mujuru
has been steeled by her trials
and tribulations and is now bracing for
bruising succession challenges
against the Emmerson Mnangagwa-led faction in
months ahead. Mnangagwa is
Mujuru’s main rival.
Politburo members
say the Mujuru faction is generally rallying behind the
vice-president, even
though State Security minister Sydney Sekeramayi and
other key camp members
like Saviour Kasukuwere, who packages himself as an
alternative symbolising
the young turks, are said to be harbouring ambitions
of their own to succeed
Mugabe.
Others touted as having ambitions to succeed Mugabe include
Zanu PF chairman
Simon Khaya Moyo and Zimbabwe Defence Forces commander
General Constantine
Chiwenga.
“Following the death of General
Mujuru, there have been ongoing
consultations among members of his faction
on the way forward. There is
consensus within the faction that
Vice-President Mujuru should lead the
group and spearhead its succession
operations,” a senior politburo member
said. “The group has other senior
party officials like Sekeremayi who can
step in and provide leadership but
it was felt Mai Mujuru is better-placed
to take over from where the general
left and be our candidate.”
Another politburo official said: “The
succession battle is still on and
after the death of Mujuru it is likely to
intensify, given the renewed
fighting spirit on the side of the Mujuru camp.
Of course, the Mnangagwa
faction will not take things lying down. It’s going
to be a bitter power
struggle.”
Mujuru’s remarks this week seemed
to confirm that she is prepared to slug it
out.
“I always ask
myself how I am going to do the things that my husband was
doing.
However, I believe God is going to show me the way. I told
myself that a
real soldier should not be found with a bullet at the back. If
you are found
with a bullet at the back it means that you were shot while
running away,”
she told a delegation from the United Methodist Church at her
residence on
Tuesday.
“A real soldier should be found with a
bullet in the front to show that you
were fighting, that is what I have
decided to do.”
Mujuru’s determination to fight for the highest
office in the land, which
Mugabe promised her in public indirectly during
the 2004 Zanu PF congress,
came as information filtered through that the
late general had struck a deal
with senior MDC-T officials to share power in
the post-Mugabe era.
It is widely feared Zanu PF would plunge into
internal strife when Mugabe
goes and alliances across parties would be
critical in determining who
eventually succeeds Mugabe given deep and
widening divisions within the
fractured party. Mugabe has said he would not
want to quit because he fears
his party would disintegrate. Zanu PF is also
further bound to be internally
destabilised by the ill-health of
Vice-President John Nkomo, a rather
neutral and composed member of the
party’s presidium, who often acts as a
stabilising factor when the party is
in turmoil.
Sources said Mujuru had engaged MDC-T officials,
including Prime Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai, on how they could work together
going forward. Although
Tsvangirai’s spokesman Luke Tamborinyoka was not
available for comment
yesterday, relations between Mujuru and the premier
were said to have been
close.
“The Mujuru faction has always had
close links with the MDC-T and of late
the late General Mujuru has been
working with senior MDC-T officials to
develop a post-Mugabe powers
structure that would be mutually beneficial,” a
source
said.
“This was out of his realisation that going forward, Zanu PF
would not
remain intact without Mugabe and alliances would be key in who
gets into
power and who doesn’t. Alliances across political parties and
inter-party
factions would be a major factor in this.”
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 01 September 2011
19:42
Brian Chitemba
PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe and Zanu PF have
given in to pressure from within
the party, the MDC formations, Sadc and the
international community to hold
elections after the enactment of a new
constitution next year.
Senior Zanu PF officials told the Zimbabwe
Independent yesterday that Mugabe
somersaulted on the resolution made at the
party’s annual conference in
Mutare last December to hold elections this
year with or without a new
constitution.
Mugabe and the
politburo’s forced U-turn has thrown the 87-year old leader’s
election plan
into disarray.
Politburo sources said Mugabe conceded for the first
time on Wednesday that
he could only call for elections once Zimbabwe had a
new constitution,
putting paid to the mantra that he could proclaim
elections with or without
a new supreme law.
Mugabe and his
erstwhile rival, Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai formed a
coalition
government in February 2009 to end a decade of economic and
political
strife, but the government has been continuously dogged by
internal
wrangling and sharp disagreements on policy.
Mugabe wanted early
elections, saying his GNU partners were letting him
down. However, his
supporters in the state security apparatus wanted polls
this year while he
was still fit to be a candidate, but pressure has forced
the octogenarian
leader and his party to bow down.
Sources in Zanu PF say those close
to Mugabe, particularly from the state
security service and party structures
responsible for election strategy,
wanted the polls this year when the
president is still quite fit.
“The president said he wants early
elections but that can only be done after
the new constitution,” said the
politburo source. “So it’s obvious that
there are no elections this year
since a referendum is expected in January
next year.”
Zanu PF spokesman
Rugare Gumbo confirmed that Mugabe will only call for
polls once a new
constitution is in place.
Although the three parties in the shaky coalition
government have agreed on
the election roadmap paving way for free and fair
elections, the actual
timing of the polls has remained a bitterly contested
issue.
If the constitution-making process flops or the draft is rejected,
elections
would be held when they are constitutionally
To Page 2
due
in 2013.
The source said the politburo also deliberated on the progress of
the
constitution-making process, which has been delayed by a lack of funding
and
bickering between Zanu PF and the MDC-T.
The drafting of the
constitution is expected to start on September 15 after
finalisation of its
themes next week.
Zanu PF insiders said the prospect of elections in
2013 was now compelling
Zanu PF to change its strategy and tactics. Mugabe
is only likely to be
endorsed by the party as a candidate if polls are held
this year or next
year.
Once they are delayed to 2013, senior party
officials agree it would not be
practical or reasonable to field him as a
candidate mainly due to old age
and ill-health.
If elections were
held in 2013 and Mugabe was not the Zanu PF candidate,
that would present a
serious challenge because the party’s congress to elect
new leaders is only
due in 2014.
Zanu PF insiders said that problem could only be
resolved by an
extraordinary congress which they feared would be divisive if
it came
immediately before elections.
They said that was why
politburo member Jonathan Moyo, who is involved in
the party’s elections
strategy and has strong links within the state
security structures, had
insisted that either the polls be held this year or
in 2016.
They
said Mugabe had also ordered politburo members to be at the forefront
of
mobilising the party’s collapsing membership amid reports that Zanu PF’s
grassroots structures were shambolic.
Politburo members are
scheduled to visit provinces this month to drum up
support.
In
Bulawayo, Matabeleland North and South, Zanu PF has been losing members
to
the MDC-T, MDC-N and the revived Zapu. It has struggled to win a
parliamentary seat in Bulawayo since the MDC first contested national
elections in 2000.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 01 September 2011
19:39
Faith Zaba
PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe has been left with no
serious challengers in Zanu PF
following the death of retired army commander
General Solomon Mujuru
(pictured) in a mysterious fire more than a fortnight
ago because the former
army chief was one of the few people who could take
on the aging leader.
The only other people who could openly challenge Mugabe
have either died or
left Zanu PF.
These include Simba Makoni,
Dumiso Dabengwa, the late Vice President Joseph
Msika and Edson
Zvobgo.
Mujuru had in the recent past clashed with Mugabe over the
timetable for the
departure of the long-serving ruler. Mujuru once called
for Mugabe to
immediately quit and make way for his wife Joice, but this
angered the
octogenarian leader who felt that this was part of a hidden
agenda to
stampede him out of office.
Mujuru’s faction had
succeeded to thwart Mugabe’s plan to extend his term by
two years at the
party’s 2006 national conference in Goromonzi.
Mugabe wanted to
extend his presidential term from 2008 to 2010 without
going to
elections.
In the run-up to the 2008 elections, Mujuru worked with
Dabengwa and Makoni
to prevent Mugabe from becoming Zanu PF’s presidential
candidate for the
polls.
Records of politburo meetings between
2005 and 2008 showed that Mujuru and
Dabengwa were among the most vocal
members.
Working with his allies in 2007, Mujuru managed to force an
extraordinary
congress on Mugabe, but failed to prevent Mugabe from being
declared Zanu PF’s
presidential candidate for the
elections.
Dabengwa has confirmed that he had tried, together with
Mujuru, to meet
Mugabe to convince him to step down but they were
conveniently ignored.
Dabengwa and Makoni quit Zanu PF in 2008 after
failing to oust Mugabe at the
extraordinary congress.
Makoni left
to form his own party and subsequently contested the
presidential poll
against Mugabe while Dabengwa and other veteran
politicians such as the late
Thenjiwe Lesabe quit to revive Zapu.
The late Zvobgo was another top
Zanu PF official who openly clashed with
Mugabe on several
occasions.
He was dropped from the government and party office by
Mugabe in 2000 for
criticising Mugabe’s ruling style and for suggesting that
he retire.
On the other hand, Msika openly challenged women’s league
boss Oppah
Muchinguri when she proposed that Mugabe be declared life
president.
Although top officials like legal secretary Emmerson
Mnangagwa and Vice
President Mujuru normally speak out, they hardly
challenge Mugabe.
With the death of her husband who was the rallying
pillar and key strategist
in her camp, the question many analysts are asking
is whether Vice President
Mujuru would have the courage and conviction to
stand up to Mugabe.
Mugabe has already declared his interest to
contest the next election after
the constitution-making process next
year.
Mujuru’s faction wanted Mugabe to step down arguing that he was
old, tired
and ill to contest any elections.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 01 September 2011
19:24
Dingilizwe Ntuli
SOUTH African President Jacob Zuma has
expressed his deep frustration at the
exceptionally slow pace of
negotiations in the Zimbabwe political crisis and
has sought closer
cooperation between the three parties involved for a
speedy resolution to
all outstanding Global Political Agreement issues to
break the
stalemate.
In his report on the Zimbabwe inter-party political dialogue
tabled at the
31st Sadc Summit held in Luanda, Angola, from August 17 to 18,
Zuma, who is
the regional bloc’s appointed GPA facilitator, said the failure
and slow
pace in implementing key agreements between Zanu PF and the two MDC
formations was the major stumbling block to his mediation
efforts.
Although Zuma has previously described the negotiations as
“encouraging” and
stressed the importance of patience in the process, and in
particular the
necessity of dealing with difficult issues even if this
delayed clinching an
agreement, he has now called on the three parties in
the coalition
government to help overcome the present disputes and reach a
consensus by
showing more flexibility in their positions.
He said
a recurring problem throughout the talks was the dispute over key
elements
required for free and fair elections such as the rule of law,
freedom of
association and assembly, electoral and media reforms.
While disputed
issues were referred to the political principals for
intervention, Zuma
seemed to express surprise and frustration that
unresolved issues were left
to the three principals instead of a wider
cabinet organ to ensure that the
GPA was promptly implemented.
The principals comprise President
Robert Mugabe, Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai and Deputy Prime Minister
Arthur Mutambara.
“The parties have not established an implementation
element within
government to ensure decisions that are taken by the
inter-party negotiators
and endorsed by the political principals are
implemented by line ministers,”
Zuma said in his report.
“Many of
the unresolved matters are shifted to the political principals
which, at
times, takes too long before a resolution is found. To that
extent, there
are a number of outstanding matters that the political
principals were
supposed to resolve.”
Zuma said it was important for the elections
roadmap to ensure that all
stakeholders in Zimbabwe’s election process enjoy
freedom of speech,
association, movement and assembly, and that the
electoral process itself
has all the necessary building blocks in place for
a successful and credible
poll.
The timing for the adoption of a
new constitution ahead of elections has
also remained a major obstacle and
has suffered some setbacks since Zanu PF
continuously outlines a series of
its conditions for such a move.
The parties have insisted to go on
with talks until a lasting solution is
reached, but Zuma is concerned by
various disruptions which “continue to
poison the political atmosphere in
Zimbabwe and put an unfortunate strain on
the effort to move to the next
level where the GPA would be fully
implemented, thus paving the way to a
free and fair election”.
These disruptions, Zuma pointed out, made it
difficult for the parties to
focus on certain concessionary demands needed
to reach a lasting agreement
paving the way for a credible election and
ushering in a new government.
“One of the most unfortunate incidents
in recent times was when some people
went to the Zimbabwe parliament (on
June 23) and disrupted a hearing
organised by the Portfolio Committee on
Justice, Legal Affairs,
Constitutional and Parliamentary Affairs and the
Thematic Committee on Human
Rights to debate the Zimbabwe Human Rights
Commission Bill,” Zuma said.
Parliamentary Speaker Lovemore Moyo
wrote to police Commissioner-General
Augustine Chihuri requesting for a
speedy investigation of the matter, but
Zuma said in his report violence,
intimidation, harassment and arbitrary
detentions in the country continued
unabated.
He said the political principals had promised to meet the
Attorney General,
police Commissioner General and heads of other security
organs and the
intelligence service to ensure full commitment to operate in
a non-partisan
manner consistent with the GPA. Zuma said no dates have been
determined for
these engagements.
Zuma also informed the Sadc
summit that reports from Zimbabwe indicated the
presence of conflict in the
country and this was sometimes highlighted by
some harsh exchanges between
politicians and members of the armed and
security forces.
The
exchanges were triggered by Brigadier-General Douglas Nyikayaramba’s
outbursts that Mugabe and Zanu PF should rule
forever.
Nyikayaramba had defiantly said the armed forces would not
accept, let alone
support or salute, anyone without liberation war
credentials.He had further
insisted that elections should be held this year
to end the power-sharing
government saying the MDC formations were a
security threat to Zimbabwe.
Zuma said this matter was before Jomic but added
that it may require the
intervention of the political
principals.
He said he would arrange an interface programme with the
political
principals to discuss how best to expedite the full implementation
of the
GPA and help create conditions for a smooth election in the
country.
“It is our view that such interactions will help to move the
process forward
and resolve some of the matters that still remain in
dispute,” said Zuma.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 01 September 2011
19:23
Paidamoyo Muzulu
THE British government’s foreign policy on
Zimbabwe is hinged on the premise
that President Robert Mugabe would soon
die and is therefore prepared to
have the country governed by coalition
regimes for the next decade as long
as there is symbolic change, a leading
British academic has said.
Stephen Chan, an International Relations professor
at the University of
London, made these remarks at a policy dialogue meeting
in Harare last week
where he gave the UK’s perspective on the Zimbabwe
situation.
Chan said the UK had downgraded Zimbabwe on its foreign
policy priority list
but still kept an interest in what was happening in its
former colony.
Relations between the two countries soured in 2000 when
Mugabe’s government
embarked on a controversial land grab kicking close to
4000 white commercial
farmers off the land.
“The British are
working on the argument that sooner or later he (Mugabe)
would die,” said
Chan. “The British would tolerate, endorse and support
coalition governments
for the next 10 years. No one wants Zanu PF to go out
completely.”
Chan said Britain was comfortable with cosmetic
changes in the Global
Political Agreement (GPA)’s outstanding issues, such
as the draft
constitution, security sector reforms and the actual holding of
elections.
“The UK would be reluctantly prepared to accept the Kariba
draft, a
convincingly free and fair election, and locally negotiated
coalition. And
the military taking a backseat would change the West views on
Zimbabwe,”
Chan said.
Chan’s remarks come hard on the heels of
the Luanda Sadc resolutions that
the GPA partners should speed up full
implementation. The regional bloc
would be seconding a three-member
facilitation team to work with Jomic in
implementing the outstanding
issues.
The MDC formations are pushing for immediate security sector
reforms,
reconstitution of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission secretariat,
electoral
reforms and liberalisation of the airwaves.
However,
these reforms have been stalled by Zanu PF which argues that they
should
only be implemented concurrently with the removal of economic
sanctions by
the EU and the US.
Constitutional law expert Lovemore Madhuku
recently pointed out that the
outstanding issues were irresolvable and the
only solution was for the
coalition partners to work around preparing for
elections in 2013.
The coalition government is currently battling to
complete the
constitutional review process meant to prepare for the holding
of elections
in the first quarter of 2012.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 01 September 2011 19:22
NIGERIAN
President Goodluck Jonathan has made a clarion call to African
countries to
work together to assist Zimbabwe conduct free, fair and
credible elections
for lasting peace and development.
This, he said, would also ensure that the
country did not slide back into
the type of crisis that rocked the nation
during its last election.
He said this when Zimbabwe's Prime Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai visited him in
the Presidential Villa, Abuja on Wednesday,
where he pledged that Nigeria
would support the country and Sadc for
conduct of credible elections in
Zimbabwe.
“All African countries
have a responsibility to ensure that Zimbabwe does
not go back to the crisis
of the past with the consequent loss of lives,”
said Jonathan.
He
said that the only way Africa can achieve stability in governance, as
well
as attract the needed direct foreign investment, lay in the conduct of
transparent elections that would stabilise socio-economic development and
ensure that the will of the people reigned. He pointed out that the lessons
of Kenya and Cote d’Ivoire should be employed in Zimbabwe to avert
crisis.
Tsvangirai told State House Press Corps that he was in the
country to brief
Jonathan on how far Sadc had gone to ensure peaceful
elections next year,
and to solicit the support of Nigeria and the African
Union (AU) to play
active roles in the conduct of the
elections.
Asked how the meeting went, he responded: “The meeting was
productive. You
are aware of the situation in Zimbabwe and I have come to
brief President
Jonathan on the situation.
“As you know Sadc and
AU are both guarantors of the Global Political
Agreement in Zimbabwe. I am
just updating him so that they can play a more
active role in ensuring that
we can go to the elections next year hopefully
in a free and fair manner so
that we put a closure to the dispute in
Zimbabwe.” — This Day.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 01 September 2011
19:21
Paidamoyo Muzulu
JUSTICE minister Patrick Chinamasa’s
attempt to railroad the Human Rights
Commission Bill through the House of
Assembly fell through on Tuesday after
Constitutional Affairs minister Eric
Matinenga (pictured below) blocked
debate on the controversial legislation
because MPs had not been given
enough time to study the proposed law.
The
Bill, which is expected to govern the nine-member Human Rights
Commission
sworn by President Robert Mugabe in March, went through the
second reading
in the House.
Matinenga adjourned proceedings on the Bill after
Justice Committee
chairperson Douglas Mwonzora had debated Chinamasa’s
motion outlining the
Bill’s principles and what it hoped to
achieve.
“This Bill has got profound ramifications for good
governance of this
country,” said Matinenga. “I am told and advised that
when members were
recalled today, they were made to understand that they
would just come in
and the House would be adjourned without any meaningful
issue being
disbursed.”
He added: “It was felt that it’s
necessary, at least, for the House to
transact the business it has
transacted but in order to give members the
opportunity to properly debate
this very important Bill, the debate must now
adjourn.”
Mwonzora
had suggested various profound changes to the Bill before the
debate was
adjourned, among them constitutional independence of the
commission,
non-interference by the minister in recruitment of the
commission’s
secretariat and granting the commission a mandate to
investigate cases
dating back to 1980.
He said independence of the commission should be
guaranteed in the
constitution since an Act of Parliament can be amended
easily.
“The provisions ensuring independence should be included in the
Constitution,” Mwonzora said. “A constitutional provision is more durable as
it will not be easily amended to erode the independence of the
ZHRC.”
“The committee gathered that most of the people were of the
view that the
commission should start investigating cases of human rights
violations
dating back to 1980,” he said.
The Bill is likely to
stir emotions in the House since suspected Zanu PF
supporters caused the
disbanding of four outreach meetings by the Justice
Committee arguing that
it would reopen “old wounds”.
Unruly elements disrupted public
hearings in Chinhoyi, Masvingo, Mutare and
Harare.
Many in Zanu
PF have voiced their concern that the commission should not be
used to
investigate the 1980s Matabeleland and Midlands atrocities.
A report
by the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace and the Zimbabwe
Legal
Resources Foundation stated that more than 20 000 people were murdered
by
the Fifth Brigade between 1983 and 1987 before PF Zapu and Zanu PF signed
a
unity accord.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 01 September 2011
19:18
Wongai Zhangazha
SOCIAL activists have described the
coalition government as insensitive to
the plight of citizens for spending
more money on travel compared to service
delivery.
The activists have
also urged Zimbabweans to start demanding accountability
and transparency
from Zanu PF and the MDC formations in the inclusive
government if they
wanted social issues addressed.
Most of the country’s services,
including health provisions, roads, housing
and sanitation have deteriorated
significantly leaving the ordinary masses
to suffer.
Last month
alone, more than 67 people lost their lives in traffic
accidents.
Although reckless driving was blamed for most of the
accidents, the steady
deterioration of the country’s roads, including
highways, have also
contributed to the ever increasing
carnage.
There is hardly any difference between urban dwellers and
rural folk except
that the former are made to pay exorbitant charges for
services which are
virtually non-existent.
A survey by the
Zimbabwe Independent showed that most Harare residential
areas go without
water for days and even months.
Suburbs that have been without water
include Avonlea, some parts of
Malbereign, Mabvuku, Epworth and
Dzivarasekwa.
The Harare Residents Trust said Greendale, Highfields,
Glenview and
Borrowdale also went without water for days.
Gokwe
Town Council chairman Lawrence Mudondo bemoaned the persisting water
problems and hoped central government would find a lasting solution
soon.
In Chinhoyi, residents in Chikonohono, Gunhill and White City
complained
that they had gone for weeks without water and in most cases they
had to
travel as far as five kilometers to fetch water.
Harare
city fathers have blamed low electricity supply to the Morton Jaffrey
Water
Treatment Plant.
On the other hand, Zesa Holdings has made assurances
that the problem has
been rectified but residents are being forced to use
unprotected water
sources.
Load shedding has become part of
everyday life in Zimbabwe.
While service delivery has been abandoned,
the government seems to have
focused all its attention on
indigenisation.
Government officials have spent most of their time
squabbling over the
appropriate quotas and implementation of the
controversial policy.
While the government focuses on this policy
which has largely benefited a
few individuals, ordinary citizens continue to
suffer.
Social commentators said the government should also put
deadlines on social
services instead of just being bullish on
indigenisation.
Social commentator Blessing Vava said the inclusive
government was full of
hypocrites who are concerned about making themselves
rich.
Vava said: “The culture of our politicians is that of greed and
fattening
their pockets and they do not care about the welfare of people.
They are
obsessed with wealth accumulation and the reason they raise their
voices
high on indigenisation is all about grabbing companies and for their
personal and not for the benefit of the nation.”
Vava said he
feared that the indigenisation policy was going to end up like
the chaotic
land reform which vastly benefited mostly Zanu PF big wigs while
millions of
Zimbabweans remained landless.
“It will be a miracle to hear them
talking passionately about the collapse
of our service delivery system
because they are not affected in any way. The
only time you hear them
opening their mouths is on the eve of a national
election so as to dupe
Zimbabweans into voting them back into office again.
It’s high time the
people of Zimbabwe start demanding accountability from
our leaders who seem
to have found comfort in each other,” said Vava.
Governance trainer
David Takawira said the lack of commitment in service
delivery was
increasing poverty levels in the country.
Takawira said: “The
shocking, despicable state of service delivery in this
country can only
widen the gap of poverty. How can one talk about
development at ministerial
level when the said minister cannot account for
his or her own actions. The
new constitution should speak to public or
ministerial performance based
limits. Development cannot be achieved unless
poor people have access to
equitable, effective, efficient, and affordable
services.
There
is need then for relevant ministries and authorities to undertake
audits
looking into measuring operational efficiency, measuring service
quality and
the preconditions of efficiency and quality to inform rates.
With this type
of diabolical self-centred individuals we can kiss
development
goodbye.”
The Committee of the People’s Charter called on government
to reallocate
resources which are being used to purchase luxury vehicles for
ministers to
the education and health sectors.
“It’s public
knowledge that poverty and corruption remain among the
fundamental
challenges that our country faces yet the inclusive government
makes
decisions that are as insensitive and as undemocratically
unaccountable as
to purchase luxury vehicles in the midst of hunger and
deprivation,” said
the charter in a statement.
“It is our considered view that this
flagrant misuse of our country’s meagre
resources is an attempt by
government to wish away the poverty of the people
of Zimbabwe with shocking
arrogance and profligacy. It is also an
unfortunate demonstration of the
true character of all the political parties
that comprise the inclusive
government, a character that is driven more by
the pursuit of self
aggrandisement rather than the interests of the people
of Zimbabwe.”
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 01 September 2011 19:16
Paidamoyo
Muzulu
ZIMBABWEAN ministers’ affluent lifestyles and government perks do
not match
their approach to public accountability.
Most ministers have
failed to answer pertinent questions from MPs with some
questions having
spent more than nine months on the order paper and even
lapsing when the
House session ends.
Since the formation of the coalition government
in February 2009, cabinet
ministers have not missed the opportunity to get
the latest Mercedes Saloon
cars, top of the range SUVs and periodic
international flights to obscure
conferences.
But when it comes
to responding to policy questions in parliament and
implementing projects
under their ministries, they are not as vocal as when
they demand better
wheels.
Going by the National Assembly Order paper, by June 15 2011
ministers Sydney
Sekeramayi, Ignatius Chombo, Nelson Chamisa, Elton Mangoma
and the late
Eliphas Mukonoweshuro had not answered questions presented in
December 2010.
Sekeramayi, who is Minister of State Security, is
still to answer a question
posed by MDC-T lawmaker for Mazowe Central
Shepherd Mushonga in November
2010 asking whether Central Intelligence
Organisation officers were allowed
to hold positions in political parties
citing the example of deputy
director-general Elias Kanengoni who had been
appointed to Zanu PF Central
Committee.
Kanengoni has since
resigned his position in Zanu PF to concentrate on his
duties as a civil
servant.
Equally guilty of the same charge is Energy and Power
Development minister
Mangoma and Information Communications Technology
minister Chamisa who only
replied to questions asked in November 2010 after
nine months in July.
MDC-T Pelandaba-Mpopoma MP Samuel Khumalo had
asked Mangoma what was his
ministry’s position regarding Zesa’s actions in
forcing unmetered clients to
pay bills in full yet they were not receiving
electricity all the time due
to load shedding and the utility’s high energy
tariffs in consideration of
general low wages in the
country.
Chamisa also took his time to respond to Zanu PF Chiredzi
South legislator
Ailess Baloyi’s question on the ministry’s progress in
rolling out the
expansion of communication network to rural areas such as
Malipati and
Sengwe and how funds from the Universal Services Fund were
being utilised.
The ministers’ reluctance was further exposed by the attitude
of ministers,
such as Chombo and the late Mukonoweshuro by taking their time
to respond to
questions which raised dust on corruption within
government.
Local Government minister Chombo took six months to
respond to MDC-T
Chimanimani West MP Lynnette Karenyi’s question on whether
the minister had
done a due diligence on Augur Investments before signing a
multimillion
dollar contractor with the Estonian company to construct the
new Airport
Road.
The late Mukonoweshuro had become an expert in
prevarication on the issue of
civil service human resource and salary audit
conducted by Ernest and Young
India in 2009. Mukonoweshuro kept promising to
table the audit report before
the House once cabinet had given it the all
clear.
However, Finance minister Tendai Biti let the cat out of the bag on
several
occasions during his policy statements by stating that the audit had
unveiled 75 000 ghost workers.
The full report is yet to be
tabled before parliament.
The three principals in the inclusive
government President Robert Mugabe,
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and
Deputy Premier Arthur Mutambara have
all spoken against the ministers’
absence during question time in the House.
However, they have not
taken any action against the offending ministers to
show their
seriousness.
MDC-T chief whip Innocent Gonese said MPs were concerned
about the ministers’
conduct though there seemed to be some general
improvements after the
principals’ pronouncements.
“We are
concerned by the ministers’ failure to attend question time or to
respond to
written questions,” Gonese said. “It is disturbing but we will
continue to
raise the issue at every opportunity. In the next session we
hope to see
some improvement after the prime minister set the standard by
attending
Wednesday’s question time and we hope other ministers will follow
suit.”
Zanu PF chief whip Joram Gumbo agreed and lamented the
prime minister’s lack
of action in reigning errant
ministers.
“The prime minister is the leader of government business
in the House and as
such has the responsibility to control the ministers,”
Gumbo said. “The
prime minister is failing to supervise and it remains
unfortunate that the
ministers are failing to come to respond to
questions.”
As the curtain comes down on the third session this week,
MPs and the
general public remain hopeful that the ministers would start
taking their
responsibilities seriously and account to the taxpayer for
their actions. —
This investigation was assisted by the Centre for Public
Accountability.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 01 September 2011
19:29
Kevin Mapasure
WITH International cricket taking all the
attention as Zimbabwe entertain
touring Pakistan, franchises have started to
quietly negotiate and sign
players ahead of the domestic season which starts
later this month.
Masvingo’s Southern Rocks have re-signed coach Monte Lynch
who has since
started identifying the players he will need for the coming
season.
The 53-year-old former England batsman is likely to be
without national team
regulars Elton Chigumbura, Stuart Matsikenyeri and
Craig Ervine, who all
helped his team with the Met-Bank Pro-40 series last
season.
The trio has set sights on joining the Harare-based franchise
Mashonaland
Eagles who are looking to build a strong side after a poor show
last term.
Rocks’ chief executive officer Givemore Makoni confirmed
that Matsikenyeri
will not be at their franchise this term as he has had to
move back to
Harare for family reasons.
“I can confirm that
Matsikenyeri will not be with us this season; we have
since helped
facilitate him joining Rocks. Chigumbura lives in Harare and
it’s likely
that he may want to move back to Eagles but we have not yet
discussed
anything with Ervine on his plans for the new season, said
Makoni.
“We had too many national team players at our team last
season which
affected our performance in the Logan Cup when the national
team players
were away so we have had to shed some of them and look at other
players whom
we will have all season. A lot of the signing business will be
done next
week as we get closer to the start of the domestic
season.”
Rocks have promised a blockbuster signing of foreign player
for the popular
Stanbic T-20 serie safter grabbing headlines last season by
bringing legend
Brian Lara.
They are also expecting former Kenya
captain Steve Tikolo back as they are
expecting to lose
wicketkeeper-batsmanTatenda Taibu and bowling sensation
Brain Vitori who is
from Masvingo.
MidWest Rhinos have already made known their
intentions for the new season
by signing Australian fast bowler Shaun Tait
for the T-20 tournament.
On the other hand Eagles are looking to
bring back some of the foreign
players that they had last season with Andrew
Hall tipped for a comeback as
is all-rounder Ryan ten
Doeschate.
At Tuskers most of the players from last season are
expected to re-sign for
the franchise with the likes of Charles Coventry and
Chris Mpofu leading the
way. The same can be said of Rhinos who should
retain national team captain
Brendan Taylor, opening batsman Vusa Sibanda
and Graeme Cremer.
But they have also added Steve Marillier who was at Rocks
last term.
Mark Vermeulen is likely to be offered another lifeline at
Mountaineers but
they are likely to miss out on Tinashe Panyangara who has
set his sights on
joining Rocks.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 01 September 2011
18:32
Chris Muronzi
GOVERNMENT is not honouring its side of the
bargain in a
ground-release-for-empowerment-credits deal with mining
companies after it
emerged this week that Anglo Platinum (AngloPlat)’s
indigenisation proposal
to sell only 20% equity to indigenous Zimbabweans
was rejected.
AngloPlat, the world’s largest platinum producer, had largely
complied with
government’s empowerment laws that compel foreigners to
dispose a
controlling stake in mines with a net asset value of US$1 or more
to
indigenous Zimbabweans.The company wanted government to credit the
company
for empowerment credits stemming from a ground–release deal the
miner signed
with government years back.
Ground-release entails
ceding mining rights to government.
According to sources, AngloPlat
said the mineral rights it ceded earned the
company 30% in equity
credits.
Government has since formed a mining company in partnership
with one of
Zimbabwe’s richest business people –– Billy Rautenbach –– to
form Todal, a
beneficiary of the ground-release.
Empowerment
minister Saviour Kasukuwere (pictured) rejected the AngloPlat
proposal and
ordered the company to come up with an “acceptable” and final
empowerment
plan.
Zimbabwe Platinum Mines (Zimplats) also released ground to the
government in
exchange for empowerment credits.
Under the
agreement, then Mines minister Amos Midzi agreed to give Zimplats
and
AngloPlat empowerment credits in exchange for platinum
concessions.
Zimplats held a number of lucrative platinum claims in
the country’s Great
Dyke region. It agreed to hand over some of the claims
to the government on
the understanding that the mining firm would be spared
from wholesale
indigenisation.
The platinum miner’s credits were
said to be equal to about 30% of Impala’s
assets in Zimbabwe and enough to
satisfy government’s indigenisation
demands.
This disregarding of
the ground-release agreements comes after Barclays
Bank, Standard Chartered,
six mining companies and five other firms were
given a two-week ultimatum to
submit “acceptable” indigenisation plans or
risk losing their operating
licences.
Zimplats, Mimosa, Duration Gold Mine, Blanket Mine and
Murowa Diamonds are
some of the mining companies that could be affected. A
fortnight ago,
Kasukuwere ordered that Blanket Mine’s licence be withdrawn
amid accusations
of non compliance with the law but talks between Kasukuwere
and officials
from the mining firm last week saw the licence being
reinstated.
British American Tobacco, Nestlé Zimbabwe and cotton
processor Cargil
Zimbabwe are also affected.
Kasukuwere gave BAT
and Nestlé the order to comply or risk losing their
licences.
Central bank chief Gideon Gono said banks should not
comply with Kasukuwere’s
order drawing the minister’s criticism. AngloPlat
now owns Unki, a platinum
mine, after the group sold most of its Zimbabwean
investments in the last
decade owing to political and economic
uncertainty.
Bindura Nickel Corporation, Freda Rebecca Gold Mine, Zim
Alloys, and Hippo
Valley Estates are some of the assets Anglo sold.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 01 September 2011 18:18
Paul
Nyakazeya
ZIMBABWE’S largest mortgage lender by assets, Central African
Building
Society (CABS) says its mortgage lending increased by 485% to
US$124,6
million for the year ending June 30 2010 from US$21,3
million.
The mortgages issued were mainly limited to low-cost housing
developments,
which CABS hopes to maintain until the institution’s loan book
expands.
The society recorded a surplus of US$11,2 million for the year ended
June 30
2011.
CABS chairman Leonard Tsumba said the increase was
mainly due to
improvements in net interest income and non-interest
income.
“Net interest income increased by 224% in line with increase
in loans and
advances and loans to deposits ratios,” Tsumba
said.
Tsumba said non-interest income increased by 224% in line with
increase in
loans and advances and loan to deposit ratios.
Non
interest income increased by 95% largely due to an increase in the
number of
transactions through the society’s delivery channels. Operating
costs,
however, increased by 16% during the same period.
The economy has
remained short of funds for refinancing business activity in
the period
under review.
CABS MD Kevin Terry said CABS mortgages would initially
be limited to
low-cost housing developments until the institution’s loan
book increases.
“The funds are sourced entirely from customer deposits at
present, although
we are looking in the international markets for additional
funds,” Terry
said.
He said the building society would expand the
mortgage facility to medium
and low-density housing, in line with the rate
of growth in its loan book.
CABS re-introduced long-term mortgage
lending, which had been suspended in
2008 when the country’s hyperinflation
eroded both interest income and
loanable savings.
The bonds have
a tenure of up to 10 years, accruing interest at a rate of
15% per
annum.
Eligible borrowers are required to pay 25% of their monthly
gross income to
service the loans. CABS says it has also engaged various
local authorities
in the country and other stakeholders to establish a
partnership for housing
development.
Construction Industry
Federation of Zimbabwe (Cifoz) says the resurgence of
mortgage finance could
be a drop in the ocean for the troubled industry,
reeling from underfunding
despite buoyant government projections.
Cifoz immediate past
president and property expert, Daniel Garwe told
businessdigest that the
construction industry, which at peak contributed
8,5% to the Gross Domestic
Product, was yet to benefit from the emerging
mortgage finance being offered
by financial services institutions.
Government, which traditionally
funds the bulk of major construction
projects in the country, is said to
been failing to float any significant
tenders owing to lack of
funds.
“For Cifoz, crafting enabling laws for Public-Private
Partnerships could be
critical in attracting foreign investment in a sector
currently dogged by
lack of skilled labour and obsolete equipment,” he
said.
“Going forward your society remains well positioned to play a
significant
role in housing development and financing in future. I have no
doubt,
therefore that CABS will remain a major force in the financial
service
sector of the country,” Tsumba said.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 01 September 2011 18:11
By
Farayi Dyirakumunda
THE fable of the broken glass is an enduring tale of
a young boy who
shatters the window of an unsuspecting baker in an act of
childhood
mischief. Fearing the baker’s wrath, the young hoodlums swiftly
make a run
for it before anyone could spot them. Before long, a small crowd
gathers
around the bakery, their attention having been drawn by the loud
shattering
noise which has left a gaping hole and glass scattered all over
the freshly
baked bread.
As the tale unfolds, the town’s school
teacher, who is among the small
crowd, takes a philosophical view to the
unintended misfortune that has
befallen the bakery. “Look on the bright
side,” suggests the teacher. “After
all, if windows were never broken, what
would happen to the glass business?”
From there, they deduce a ripple
effect; the window repair man will have
more money to spend with other
traders, and these in turn will have extra
income to spend with still other
merchants, and so ad infinitum.
The smashed window will go on
providing money and employment in
ever-widening circles. The logical
conclusion from all this would be that
the boy far from being a menace to
society was in effect a key benefactor.
Now and again in the local
context, a similar argument has been put forward
regarding the “lost
decade”. I recently encountered the debate with a
certain businessman much
to my amusement. The argument was that we are
better off anyway, because the
economic downturn we endured was a necessary
evil that has created an
opportunity to rebuild, re-tool, recapitalise.
Opportunities have now been
created for growth, new businesses can emerge
and sectors such as
construction and engineering, retail and consumer depend
on such growth
opportunities.
The argument seems plausible at first glance. Like the
businessman, the
crowd is correct in deducing that the local glass shop will
benefit from
this act of vandalism. They have not considered, however, that
the baker
would have spent the money on something else if he did not have to
replace
the window.
The Broken Window Fallacy, as it is known in
economics, seems appealing
because we do not readily conceive what the
outcome would have been had we
not endured the lost decade or what the baker
would have done had the boy
not shattered his glass pane.
All we can
see is the gain that goes to the glass shop or the new
investments that seem
visible in the market. We can see the new pane of
glass in the front of the
store and the labour involved in re-fitting and
painting the
shop.
However, we cannot see what the shopkeeper would have done with the
money if
he had been allowed to keep it, simply because he was not allowed
to keep
it. We cannot see the new set of tyres purchased for his delivery
van or
other investments foregone.
Since the winners are easily
identifiable and the losers not, it’s easy to
conclude that there are only
winners and the economy as a whole is better
off.
The same faulty
logic of the broken window fallacy occurs all the time. A
similar thought
process was recently applied to the effects of Hurricane
Irene.
Someone argued that despite the destruction and wreckage
caused by Hurricane
Irene, the upside is the economic growth that will ensue
from the
reconstruction and employment activity created while rebuilding
from the
calamity. Of course, what we do not see is the investments that
were never
implemented due to such unintended events, or the decline in
economic
activity from the taxes needed to fund the construction at the
expense of
investments that could have created sustainable
jobs.
Going back to the young boy that broke the baker’s window. We
will call him
Charlie. Having discovered his football talent from the
unplanned accident,
Charlie goes on to play successfully in a top flight
European club and is
paid handsomely. A US$500 000 per week pay cheque
exists for some of the big
name players of his calibre with sign-on bonuses
worth millions.
Intuitively, to the common man, such figures always seem
extravagant or even
obscene especially compared to the general income levels
in other normal and
even noble professions.
Developing from
there, a common debate often emerges on how you can justify
a million dollar
pay check for a football player yet a more important
professional such as a
nurse who saves lives on daily basis or a school
teacher who moulds and
nurtures our children earns an income much lower.
From that general
observation, it seems that some of the services with the
greatest value in
use frequently have a low value in exchange, and those
which have the
greatest value in exchange often have little value in use.
Surely it should
be the other way round! And shouldn’t something be done to
rectify such an
anomaly.
Interestingly, this paradox which rages on today, is a
classic problem posed
to students of economics and was explored by
economists in the 19th century.
It is now commonly referred to as the
Diamond-Water Paradox or the paradox
of value.
This is the perplexing
observation that water, which is more useful than
diamonds, has a lower
price.
The interesting observations made by the classical economists and
philosophers presents a useful reference point in our quest to understand
our quandary on the apparent contradiction that although the school teacher
and nurse are on the whole more useful in terms of society’s existence and
well being than a soccer star, the soccer star commands a higher price in
the market.
Fortunately for us, the diamond-water paradox is
cleared up with an
understanding of marginal utility and total utility.
Simply put, it has to
do with utility and scarcity. A simple example can
drive home the
explanation. Suppose you’ve come home on a hot summer day and
are dying of
thirst.
You are offered diamonds and a bottle of water
and asked to pick one?
You will certainly choose the bottle of water to
quench your thirst and at
that point in time you may offer a higher price
for the water. This is
because you find water more useful than diamonds; in
economics, your utility
for water is higher than that of diamonds.
At
low levels of consumption, water has a much higher marginal utility than
diamonds and thus is more valuable. Suppose then, that you are offered more
bottles of water? Having quenched your thirst, your demand for water
decreases and your preference will shift to the diamonds. In economic
parlance, your marginal utility for water diminishes.
It
therefore follows that people are willing to pay a higher price for goods
with greater marginal utility. As such, school teachers and nurses, like
water, have enormous total utility, but a lower price because of a low
marginal utility. On the other hand, talented footballers, like diamonds,
have less total utility in the bigger scheme of things, but command a high
price because of a high marginal utility. The soccer star of their caliber
is less plentiful.
But what if you are offered more diamonds!
Will your marginal utility for
diamonds also diminish? Yes, but at a lower
speed than that of water.
Why? The reason has to do with the demand and
supply for diamonds. Its
supply is limited. The demand is, however, high
because people buy diamonds
as a way to tell the world that they have money
(termed as conspicuous
consumption in economics).
The high demand and
limited supply is the reason why the marginal utility
for diamonds decreases
at a lower rate than that of water. Hence, diamonds
carry higher monetary
value than water, even though we find more use for
water. Such are the rules
that men naturally observe in exchanging good and
services for money or for
one another.
Farayi Dyirakumunda is an analyst and Director
at African Investment
Markets group, a financial services company
specialising in advisory and
investment services.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 01 September 2011
18:54
By Qhubani Moyo
IN my recent debate on the leadership
qualities of Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai, I argued that while the MDC-T
leader is popular he lacks vision
and acumen to take Zimbabwe
forward.
The reaction, obviously from Tsvangirai’s supporters who want us all
over
again to build a cult of personality around their leader as we
collectively
did as Zimbabweans by acts of commission and omission on
President Robert
Mugabe, was hysterical. Instead of them raising issues and
engaging
intellectually, they chose the easy way out: mediocre responses and
crude
insults. Nothing new under the sun, that is now the hallmark of some
in our
midst.
However, my argument was Tsvangirai, for all his
popularity, lacks insight
and good judgment.
He has demonstrated this
throughout his career and some of his bad decisions
have come to haunt him
and cost him considerably in terms of credibility and
support. The reason
why I think we should subject our leaders to scrutiny is
that we need to
ensure that before they come to power they should have a
clean bill of
health in terms of their vision and capacity to lead.
What would be the
point of removing Mugabe, who is a failure, and putting
another leader also
bound to be a disaster?
Barely a few weeks after I raised the issue
of Tsvangirai’s lack of vision
and poor judgment, more and irrefutable
evidence to that followed.
Latest releases of secret United States
diplomatic cables in which
Tsvangirai is caught offside again inviting
former US president George Bush
to intervene in Zimbabwe under the cover of
the United Nations (UN) prove
beyond reasonable doubt the MDC-T leader’s
poor judgment.
In two letters to American presidents, the first in
2003 to Bush and the
second to President Barack Obama in 2009, Tsvangirai
shows not only lack of
insight and poor judgment, but also a dangerous
philosophy which if it had
been allowed to succeed would have reduced
Zimbabwe not just to a failed
state, but also a client dominion of western
powers with damaging
consequences for national integrity and
progress.
Anywhere in the democratic and civilised world,
Tsvangirai’s letters would
have been greeted with shock and disbelief by
nationalistic and thoughtful
citizens, not only because they were based on a
harmful philosophy of
external intervention in domestic issues, but also due
to their lack of
astuteness and foresight.
The pillar and
foundation of leadership is ability to make judgments in the
best interest
of the citizens. Unfortunately, Tsvangirai suffers from a
chronic lack of
capacity and poor judgment.
In calling for Bush to intervene
militarily in Zimbabwe, under the cover of
the UN and at a time when the US
was bulldozing its way into Afghanistan and
Iraq, and also only four years
after the formation of the MDC, Tsvangirai
was acknowledging he was
incapable of leading the movement for democratic
change in the
country.
He was also confirming he is a short distance runner in
politics and tires
quickly and thus always wants quick-fix
solutions.
Politics is unfortunately for long distance runners but it
seems Tsvangirai
is just but a poor sprinter. It should be understood by all
serious-thinking
Zimbabweans that national problems require internal
solutions because these
are durable and sustainable.
This is proven
historically and in recent struggles against dictatorships
all over the
world.
The recent examples including the Eastern Europe uprisings against
communist
regimes and even more current the North African uprisings (with
the
exception of Libya which is what Tsvangirai wanted in Zimbabwe) are a
testimony of how change is achieved through internal resistance. The same
can be said about how South Africans dealt with apartheid and how
Zimbabweans dealt with colonialism.
These were internal
revolutions which were spearheaded by the people
themselves and not
foreign-engineered struggles for change.
While it is true that there
was external support for the nationalist
movements in both South Africa and
Zimbabwe, as well as elsewhere in the
region and beyond, the support was
technical in terms of training and
providing military weapons and logistics,
but the source of the revolutions
was the people themselves.
If
you invite foreigners to assist you to remove a dictator the result will
be
expensive materially and politically because the foreign power will want
the
greater part of the spoils.
They will move to create a satellite or
client state in Zimbabwe and that
will be dangerous for the whole Sadc
region. Maybe this is the reason why
Tsvangirai has failed to convince Sadc
leaders that he is worthy of
leadership because they are afraid he might
facilitate formation of a
satellite state that will increase American
influence and thus destabilise
the region.
Calling for
super-powers or emerging super-powers to assist you remove a
dictator
through direct intervention would almost inevitably lead to a clash
of
different and competing interests and that would be a cocktail for
disaster
and never-ending conflict. The end result is the kind of chaos and
conflict
that you see in countries like the DRC and Angola (until recently)
where the
direct intervention of foreign powers created untold suffering and
anarchy.
What a real leader does when faced with a difficult
situation like
Tsvangirai was at the time is to take the bull by its horns
and create
internally-rooted solutions. I wonder what Bush, a hawkish
president who
left a legacy of wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, thank God not
in Zimbabwe as
Tsvangirai wanted, thought after reading the prime minister’s
letter?
Objectively speaking, I also wonder what right-thinking and
fair-minded
Zimbabweans make of Tsvangirai’s letters. Without prejudice, I
personally
find the letters incredible both in terms of the philosophy
underlying them
and the content.
The point is Tsvangirai must
learn to be his own man. He must have his own
sound philosophy and ideas
which apply to the local context and can yield
locally-rooted
solutions.
Unfortunately whenever he makes pronouncements on Zimbabwe
it is always
about the Sadc must do this or not do that, the African Union
must do this
and they are not doing that, the United Nations should do this
and South
Africa must do this blah blah.
That can’t be a
reflection or manifestation of good leadership. The
underlying factor in all
this is that Tsvangirai seeks foreign solutions,
thus sometimes strange and
outlandish, and never pronounces his vision and
relevant strategies to deal
with internal problems.
A visionary leader who has good judgment will
refuse to identify with any
political programme that is likely to create
instability and damage to his
country.
Maybe Tsvangirai is right in
thinking Zimbabweans want foreign powers to
invade their country to remove
Mugabe and create a client state here but I
think he should ask the people
first. Let him ask that question and let’s
hear what the people will tell
him.
By begging for foreign intervention, Tsvangirai unwittingly
boosts Zanu PF’s
propaganda and even lies that he is a puppet and wants
foreigners to take
over and control resources of this country. Of course,
there is no doubt
Tsvangirai and the MDC-T are funded, controlled and even
“hand-held” by
their western handlers, but I don’t agree with Zanu PF’s
exaggerated and
malicious characterisation of them.
However, I
think Tsvangirai’s admission swollen with pride that his office
is funded by
Americans is a tragedy, to say the least. What can we say about
a prime
minister who proudly reveals his office is externally-funded and
even begs
for funding at a time when he should be weaning himself off his
funders and
handlers and becoming his own man?
This proves beyond reasonable
doubt my argument that Tsvangirai lacks of
good judgment. The evidence is
there for all to see.
Moyo is the National Organising
Secretary of the MDC led by Professor
Welshman Ncube. He is contactable on
qmoyo2000@yahoo.co.uk
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 01 September 2011
18:53
SOUTH African President Jacob Zuma’s GPA facilitation in Zimbabwe
has been
thrown into fresh doubt following startling revelations from the
latest
batch of over 100 confidential US diplomatic cables that were
released by
WikiLeaks last Thursday, the Sunday Mail reported.
This is
because Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai wrote a “sensational”
letter to US
President (Barack) Obama in December 2009. It is this document,
the Sunday
Mail claims, “that reveals the American leader’s “crucial
dialogue” with the
South African leader on his mediation efforts in
Zimbabwe”.
The Sunday
Mail claims that the letter “has sent diplomatic tongues wagging
across Sadc
and within the AU”. Tsvangirai “revealingly” told President
Obama that: “As
you are no doubt aware, Your Excellency, we are at a crucial
stage in our
efforts to ensure the full implementation of the GPA.
Meanwhile, our
political situation remains characterised by intransigence to
frustrate the
process of bringing about real change.”
Zuma is apparently exposed by this
line: “...the role played by Sadc, in
general, and the mediator President
Jacob Zuma, in particular, is greatly
appreciated. I know that you have
personally played a crucial role in
helping this to happen, and I encourage
you to continue your crucial
dialogue with President Zuma.”
This, the
Sunday Mail claims, shows Zuma’s “backdoor” communication with the
US
president in support of the MDC-T.
Is that all? One is compelled to ask;
Surely the paper’s conspiracy
theorists can do better than that? After the
bold headline screaming “PM
exposes Zuma in WikiLeaks letter to Obama,” it
was extremely underwhelming
to discover that the “crucial dialogue” between
Zuma and Obama was the
exposé.
It seems to have escaped the Sunday Mail’s
notice that Obama and Zuma have
met publicly, on several occasions, to
discuss –– among other issues –– the
political problems in Zimbabwe. They
should know that in September 2009 as
well as April 2010 the two met and
Zimbabwe was among the issues discussed.
Was it not the same Zuma who in
March 2010 met then-British Prime Minister
Gordon Brown and called for the
repeal of the sanctions against President
Robert Mugabe and his
coterie?
Now the state media wants to discredit him because he refuses to tow
the
Zanu PF line of short-circuiting reforms.
In fact the only people
exposed by the article are those at the Sunday Mail
for trying to take
readers for a ride.
With relations between China and Africa on a
crescendo, new obstacles have
emerged to stifle the bond between the world’s
fastest-growing economy and
the developing continent, the Sunday Mail
claims.
“The plinth of these obstacles is the damaging Western propaganda
tailored
to taint the great strides that have been made in cementing
co-operation
between China and Africa.
“In Zimbabwe, this propaganda is
manifest in many spheres, particularly the
negative sentiments around
Chinese expertise. Youths, in particular, have
been at the receiving end of
this misinformation, which is literally shoved
down their throats owing to
the West’s ever-pervasive machinations, on the
one hand, and the gullibility
of our people, on the other,” we are told.
Visiting chairman of the Chinese
People’s Political Consultative Conference
and vice-president of the Chinese
People’s Association for Peace and
Disarmament Professor Li Wuwei says
Western propaganda provides the biggest
threat to Sino-Africa
relations.
Li says the West has painted a picture that China is colonising
Africa, “an
accusation that is far from the truth”.
While we agree that
the West has a hidden hand in its criticism of
Sino-Africa relations, the
raw deal that Africa is getting at the hands of
China is as clear as day.
One does not need Western propaganda to see that
the Chinese are dumping
substandard products on the African market.
This is in stark contrast to the
situation in Europe and the US where China
exports better quality goods.
What of the ill-treatment of workers and
dubious labour practices of Chinese
companies; is that propaganda as well?
Sino-Africa relations should be
founded on mutual respect as well as
benefit. The value extraction should
apply to both sides and not one side
only.
Meanwhile fugitive Libyan
leader Muammar Gaddafi was reportedly ready to
start talks to transfer
power. His spokesman told the AP news agency
negotiations would be led by
Gaddafi’s son, Saadi. His spokesman, Ibrahim
Moussa, proposed opening
negotiations in a telephone call on Saturday night.
He also insisted Gaddafi
was still in Tripoli despite rumours he had fled to
Zimbabwe.
Just what
power does the delusional Gaddafi think he can transfer when it is
patently
clear that he has none left? And from which foxhole will he
negotiate?
It
is little wonder then the overture was given short shrift by rebels, who
at
the time of writing were preparing an assault on the 69-year-old’s home
town
of Sirte if he did does not surrender himself peacefully.
But then again
dictators never learn. Who can forget the image of former
Ivorian strongman
Laurent Gbagbo and his wife Simone after being captured at
the presidential
residence in Abidjan. Gbagbo had defiantly held on to power
more than four
months after losing a presidential election. It was a
pathetic sight to see
the once mighty Gbagbo emasculated and his life in the
hands of Alassane
Ouattara’s forces.
If only he had attempted to make a negotiated settlement
before he lost all
his leverage and dignity.
Now Gaddafi, who only
recently was referring to the rebels as “rats paid by
the settlers,” has
been mellowed by circumstances. Only last week his
spokesman said that his
boss was ready “to resist the rebels for months or
even years”, noting that
the nation would not rest until they “throw the
enemy off their
domain”.
Gaddafi called his tail-between-the-legs withdrawal from his Bab
al-Aziziya
compound in Tripoli a “tactical move” hours after it was seized
by rebel
fighters. Let’s give him credit: he has evidently not lost his
sense of
humour.
While urging his supporters to march towards “martyrdom
or victory against
the aggression,” Gaddafi remained hidden and safe from
the fighting. How
about leading by example, Colonel?
The Sunday Times
reports that former South African president Thabo Mbeki has
accused deposed
Tunisian and Egyptian leaders, Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali and
Hosni Mubarak, of
having presided over illegitimate and corrupt governments.
Speaking at a
lecture in Stellenbosch last Friday, Mbeki blasted his former
counterparts
for having led their citizens with an iron fist and refusing
them the
opportunity to choose leaders through democratic elections.
“Both of them
(Ben Ali and Mubarak) held onto these positions through what
were described
as democratic elections,” Mbeki said.
“The reality, however, is that these
elections were not democratic by any
stretch of the imagination, and
therefore both presidents and the groups
they led clung to power ...
resorting to other means which deliberately
sought to frustrate the will of
the people.
“These were fraudulent elections and the maintenance of an
extensive
machinery of repression. Many in the Arab world claim that Tunisia
had the
most repressive state machinery of all countries in the region,
making it
what is correctly described as a police state,” said Mbeki.
“In
addition to the monopolisation of political power by a few, this meant
that
this tiny minority, as in Egypt, had every possibility to abuse its
illegitimate power to enrich itself by corrupt means.
“At the same time
as the ruling groups in Egypt and Tunisia were enriching
themselves,
millions among their people faced challenging socioeconomic
conditions,
characterised by high rates of poverty, unemployment, and an
unaffordable
cost of living.
“This meant that not only were millions languishing in
poverty, but also
that the situation was made worse by glaring disparities
in standards of
living between the rich at the top and the poor at the
bottom of the
proverbial pyramid,” said Mbeki.
If only Mbeki was this
candid in dealing with matters closer to home.
ANC Youth League president
Julius Malema on Sunday took his battle for
political survival to the
pulpit, telling congregants the league was being
targeted because it
demanded that all people share in the country’s economic
wealth, the Cape
Argus reports.
Malema, who this week faced a disciplinary hearing for
bringing the ANC into
disrepute and not for the first time, told the
congregation at the African
Methodist Episcopal Church in Pimville, Soweto:
“There is no crime we
committed. The only crime (we committed was) to say:
‘let’s share’.”
“The youth league is hated and attacked from all angles. Even
those who are
supposed to be our liberators are joining the chorus of those
that don’t
want to share.”
Amid the prayers, Reverend Tsele Setai prayed
that standing before him was a
“people’s” leader. He said the leader and two
others were being called
radicals by the “Babylonian” government. “We know
that you are there with us
in a fiery furnace; God you will be able to
deliver us. Your son Malema is
here.”
The less said of this sycophancy
the better!
We were amused by the Financial Gazette’s lead story in its
August 25
edition. Entitled “Chefs fear for own life” the story was about
the furore
in Zanu PF following General Solomon Mujuru’s death.
“In less
than five months, the ageing Zanu PF leader has lost three of his
most
trusted allies, namely, Edgar Tekere, Mernard Muzariri and now
(Solomon)
Mujuru,” the Financial Gazette claims.
We don’t remember Tekere being
Mugabe’s most trusted ally.
Finally an easy quiz. You only need four
correct out of the 10 questions to
pass.
1) How long did the Hundred
Years’ War last?
2) Which country makes Panama hats?
3) From which animal
do we get cat gut?
4) In which month did Russians celebrate the October
Revolution?
5) What is a camel’s hair brush made of?
6) The Canary Islands
in the Atlantic are named after what animal?
7) What was King George VI’s
first name?
8) What colour is a purple finch?
9) Where are Chinese
gooseberries from?
10) What is the colour of the black box in a commercial
aeroplane?
Check your answers below...
Answers to the Quiz
1) 116
years
2) Ecuador
3) Sheep and Horses
4) November
5) Squirrel
Fur
6) Dogs
7) Albert
8) Crimson
9) New Zealand
10) Orange
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 01 September 2011 18:49
Eric
Bloch
OF Zimbabwe’s many circumstances which grievously constrain the
economic
recovery so desperately needed to minimise pronounced poverty,
misery,
distress and life-endangering constraints of the majority of
Zimbabweans is
the extent to which so many in government fervently believe
that they are
supreme, far above the rule and dictates of law.
Contempt
for the electorate, the arrogant, pronounced disregard for Zimbabwe’s
constitution and its diverse laws prevail amongst many in the political
hierarchy. They believe in their total and absolute supremacy that they are
not accountable to anyone and can unreservedly do whatsoever they may wish,
irrespective that such wishes are in blatant conflict with the principles
and details of law and of the precepts of democracy, genuine national
interest and international norms of good governance.
In recent
times, this has been repeatedly and emphatically illustrated by
the actions
of the Minister of Youth Development, Indigenisation and
Economic
Empowerment Saviour Kasukuwere in his determination to oust
foreign
investor control of Zimbabwean enterprises, concurrently with a
resolve to
similarly deprive non-indigenous Zimbabweans of their control of
businesses. He has recurrently issued regulations that are in flagrant
breach of the constitution, and which he had no legislative authority to
enact.
Kasukuwere has rigidly disregarded advice as to how to
pursue the
indigenisation of the economy and the economic empowerment of the
populace
in constructive ways which would advance economic growth and
benefit the
beleaguered majority of Zimbabweans.
Instead, he has
dogmatically pursued policies which not only cannot achieve
the declared
objectives, but also have the inevitable consequence of
economic contraction
and intensified hardships for most of the population.
And he has done so in
disdainful conflict with prevailing laws.
But Kasukuwere is not the
only governmental lawbreaker. According to
diverse reports, only 10 days
ago the Minister of Higher and Tertiary
Education Stan Mudenge addressed a
graduation ceremony at Masvingo
Polytechnic College and advised the young
people to take over foreign-owned
firms in order to support the
Indigenisation minister.
He is quoted as telling the youth: “You
should stop being cowards and move
onto the mines and grab them. The
indigenisation policy is meant to benefit
you youths because our generation
benefited from the land reform programme.”
The minister queried of
his audience: “Why can’t you claim ownership of the
mines in the province —
they should be yours,” he said and advocated similar
action by the youth in
respect of those banks not owned by indigenous
Zimbabweans.
In
advocating such unlawful actions, he also resorted to vitriolic racism,
notwithstanding that Zimbabwe’s constitution precludes racial
discrimination. He told the youth that the liberation war had been fought
in order to take everything from the whites, saying that “the reason we went
to war was to free you (the youth) and take everything from the former
colonialists.” He said that the youth should “take the firms and I know we
can run them and our economy. Why should we continue working for the white
men who grabbed the resources?” (It is also sadly intriguing as to the
foundation for his convictions that all the businesses can be effectively
operated after dispossessing the present owners).
On the one
hand, government has often demonstrated its inability to run
businesses
viably, as is evident from the catastrophic circumstances of the
Zimbabwe
Electricity Supply Authority, National Railways of Zimbabwe, Air
Zimbabwe,
TelOne, and many other parastatals. Government’s appalling track
record of
gross business mismanagement is renowned, and the youth that the
minister
wishes should unilaterally take over businesses have no capital
resources to
fund those businesses.
Nevertheless, the minister has the
unadulterated gall or extraordinary
naivety to believe that the youth he was
addressing could successfully
manage and run mines, banks and other
ventures.
It is inevitable that one must ponder how a minister can
promote and provoke
lawlessness, including unlawful expropriation of
property, and yet the
authorities in general, and the Attorney-General in
particular, fail to
initiate criminal charges against him. Apparently, some
can blatantly
espouse and encourage criminal actions, without any let or
hindrance.
Equally devastating, and against national interest,
Mudenge alleged that the
independent media is deceiving the populace, the
youth in particular, by
claiming that the haphazard implementation of the
empowerment laws will
result in the destruction of the economy.
The
reality, which the minister obtusely ignores, is that the catastrophic
manner in which Zimbabwe is pursuing the necessary indigenisation and
economic empowerment is a major deterrent to investment, both foreign and
domestic. That investment is an indisputable prerequisite for any
substantial, enduring economic growth.
It is essential for
large-scale employment creation desperately required by
the several million
unemployed Zimbabweans. It is also the primary catalyst
for major
downstream economic activity, and for much-needed enhancement of
inflows to
the presently bankrupt fiscus.
In like manner, the present tactics of
government, and by thousands of
belligerent, law-contemptuous activists in
trying to achieve the
indigenisation discourages critically-needed
development aid and
international lines of credit to the embattled,
illiquid financial sector.
Those tactics have wholly destroyed Zimbabwe’s
creditworthiness rating,
rendering it unacceptable as a debtor. This
impacts adversely not only upon
the financial sector, but also precludes
commerce and industry accessing
essential credit facilities from suppliers,
which credit is required to
enable purchase of vitally needed
imports.
Zimbabwe’s endeavours to promote investment and to access
international
funding have been, and continue to be, totally undermined and
frustrated by
actions such as those pursued by Kasukuwere over the past two
years, and by
statements such as those made by Mudenge.
This is
continuously compounded by the ongoing myopia of many in the
political
hierarchy who not only frustrate the effective ways of achieving
meaningful
and lasting economic upturn, but also the importance of just and
equitable
law, and compliance with that law.
That hierarchy in general, and
those ministers in particular, must recognise
realities and replace their
vitriol, misrepresentation, incitement to breach
of law, and their intense
bigotry, with constructive and effective policies
and statements.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 01 September 2011
18:45
Paidamoyo Muzulu
THE threatened split of the Zimbabwe
Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) last
week reinforces the fact that civil
society leaders are not ready to give up
power when their tenure
ends.
This has led to the formation of many splinter organisations,
subsequently
weakening civil society in the country.
The
country’s workers have been complaining about poor working conditions
and
low remuneration for the past two years and instead of concentrating on
improving the employees’ conditions, the union leaders are busy creating
their own fiefdoms.
After losing in the ZCTU elections in
Bulawayo a fortnight ago, former
president Lovemore Matombo and Raymond
Majongwe, who contested the general
secretary’s position, these leading
contestants are now bent on leading a
splinter faction.
The duo’s
move has further diluted the labour unions’ strength and
effectiveness after
the formation of the government-backed Zimbabwe
Federation of Trade Unions a
few years ago to dilute the strength and
influence of
labour.
Matombo and Majongwe’s splinter group comprises 12 unions out
of the 33
affiliates that form the ZCTU. They complained that most delegates
that
attended the congress were not bonafide members of the
ZCTU.
Newly elected ZCTU secretary-general Japhet Moyo has labelled
the rebel
group as divisive and lacking the support of genuine unions
affiliated to
the mother body.
The 12 rebel unions led by the
Progressive Teachers’ Union of Zimbabwe
include the Zimbabwe Energy workers’
Union, Zimbabwe Construction Workers’
Union, Zimbabwe Leather, Shoe and
Allied Workers’ Union, Civil Service
Employees’ Association, Zimbabwe Rural
District Councils Workers’ Union,
Zimbabwe Graphical Workers’ Union and the
National Airways Workers’ Union.
The rebel group has been joined by
the Medical Professionals and allied
Workers’ Union, Zimbabwe Scientific and
Education Workers’ Union, Mining
General Workers’ Union and the Transport
and General Workers’ Union.
“PTUZ was not allowed to participate in
the congress because it was in
subscription arrears,” said Moyo. “The four
unions that purport to have
joined Matombo and his group are not ZCTU
members because their applications
for affiliation are yet to be approved.
The 12 unions that they claim to be
disgruntled therefore do not
exist.”
However, ousted president Lovemore Matombo argued that his
faction has 70%
support of all trade unions members affiliated to the
ZCTU.
“Of the total 36 unions in ZCTU, we control 12,” Matombo said, “These
unions
have about 100 000 members out of the 160 000 within ZCTU,” said
Matombo.
The ZCTU’s split evokes memories of similar splits within
civil society in
general over power wrangles. Alfred Makwarimba and Joseph
Chitomba lead the
ZFTU and workers in that union have lived to tell the
tale. Unlike the
formation of the ZFTU, the ZCTU splintered in pursuit of
personal glory and
power by the leadership.
There was no
ideological or policy direction debates before or after the
congress. The
leaders are therefore seeking power for the sake of power
itself. The
further disintegration of trade unions further erodes the
workers’ power to
push for better conditions in an economy still tottering
on the brink.
Workers have to swim on their own from the deep end against
powerful and
sometimes arrogant employers.
A senior employers’ union leader
decried the demise of labour unions as
making collective bargaining
difficult.
“The ZCTU split will disturb the Tripartite Negotiations
Forum meeting
slated for next month simply because we are not sure which
group to deal
with,” the leader said.
Political analyst Dewa
Mavhinga said the trend was bad for the country and
showed lack of
democratic credentials among civil society leaders.
“Democratic principles
and values are not easy to live by, even for those
championing democratic
governance, hence the squabbles soon after or before
elective congresses,”
said Mavhinga.
Mavhinga took a swipe at leaders who manipulated their
organisation’s
constitutions to cling onto power after the end of their
terms.
“The culture of elevating individuals ahead of institutions and
subverting
institutional democratic principles to safeguard individual
interests is
deep-seated. It will take time to uproot,” Mavhinga
said.
Social and media analyst Earnest Mudzengi agreed with Mavhinga
that
organisations should look beyond personalities and remain true to their
founding principles.
“Personalities must be put aside and the
founding principles of the union
must be held supreme,” Mudzengi
said.
The ZCTU phenomenon is not new to Zimbabwe as exemplified by
past incidents
in organisations such as Zimrights and the Zimbabwe Union of
Journalists.
Zimrights is still hamstrung from the split of the late
1990s when David
Chimhini was ousted as chairman and he went on to form a
new organisation
Zimcet which he said would champion civic
education.
The analysts agree that the multiplication of civil
society organisations in
the country was bad for development. They argue
that this unnecessarily
wasted resources as work was duplicated without
achieving much on the
ground.
Mudzengi said: “It is unfortunate
that the ZCTU has been afflicted by these
divisions and squabbles and this
is quite retrogressive.”
Civil society leaders are known to have
manipulated constitutions,
controlled lists of delegates attending
congresses or as a last resort
contest the outcomes of the elections. This
is done with the aim of
entrenching one’s position in the organisation. The
retention of power in
civil society at all costs has been linked to control
of donor resources and
as a political grooming school.
The
emergence of the MDC in 1999 and its role in the current coalition
government has tempted many civil society leaders to join politics.
The
MDC leadership comprises former trade unionists, civil society leaders,
student leaders and academics. To many from these institutions, it gave hope
that they can also make it in national politics.
The splits,
however, remain a very sad indictment on the careers of those
civil society
leaders when they graduate into national politics if they will
ever allow to
be removed from power once they assume it. This may be the
crucial moment
for civil society to do soul searching and remain committed
to their
founding principles to make Zimbabwe a better country.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 01 September 2011 18:42
By
Leon Hartwell
THEY say it all started with a mouse. Walt Disney World
Resorts (Disney
World) in Florida is not just an amazing experience for
kids; adults too
cannot help but marvel at all the things it has to offer.
That got me
thinking, what would governments look like if they were run like
Disney
World?
Some would nonetheless argue that the two are
incomparable, as governments
have more intricate issues to deal with. Even
so, Disney World’s way of
conducting business has something to offer for
many governments around the
globe.
Government bureaucracies would
be wonderful places to visit as they would
make planning and crisis
management top priorities.
How many times do we have to stand in line at
a government department only
to be told that we cannot be helped? Some
government departments often go
into complete shutdown during lunch time,
whether there are many unsatisfied
clients waiting to be assisted or not.
When I recently visited a government
department, the civil servant who was
supposed to help me was annoyed
because I was allegedly interrupting her
clothing business. In contrast to
this, everything is incredibly well
organised at Disney World.
Lines are carefully monitored and when they
become too long managers
dispatch more rides (like an extra boat) or an
actor dressed as Captain Jack
Sparrow to entertain the crowds.
If
governments operated like Disney World, civil servants would gladly
assist
us — their clients — and they would be well paid for their good
customer
service. Employees at Disney World greet you with a smile and go
out of
their way to help you.
Disney World employs approximately 59 000 “cast
members” who perform as many
as 3 000 different jobs, ranging from bus
drivers to technology experts.
Furthermore, Disney World spends annually
more than US$1,8 billion on its
employees and it is considered to be one of
the best employers in the world.
On average, this amounts to US$30
508 per employee, but with a wide ranging
salary scale depending on the
job. Nonetheless, this is more money than
what was set aside by Zimbabwe’s
Finance ministry (US$1,4 billion) at the
end of 2010 for approximately 236
000 civil servants on the government
payroll.
Additionally, civil
servants would be professional, employment would be
based on merit rather
than political affiliation, and there would be no
ghost workers. Disney
World would not perform well if it employed cast
members based on
patronage.
Furthermore, governments often lose their best civil servants
to the private
sector (or foreign countries) because of its lack of market
competitiveness.
Given that Disney World has a large pool of individuals
interested in being
employed by the company, it can recruit the cream of the
crop.
In 1994, almost 56 000 people applied for jobs at Disney World,
while only 8
750 were successful. Professionalism depends largely on
institutional ethics
but it is also reflected by the quality of people that
are employed by the
company or government.
Earlier this year, a
leaked World Bank report found that 75 000 of Zimbabwe’s
civil servants were
unqualified for their jobs while thousands more were
said to be ghost
workers.
Following the Disney World model, governments could build a grand
network of
infrastructure and maintain it. Beyond the multitudes of rides
that Disney
World’s visitors enjoy, one is also struck by the wonder of the
perfect
condition of its roads and railways.
Roads inside the parks
are steam cleaned every day! In fact, the park
employs around 5 000 people
to do maintenance and engineering, 750
horticulturalists and 600
painters.
I was really impressed with the efficiency and effectiveness of
Disney World’s
infrastructure (which includes rides, monorails, ferryboats,
bus services
and water taxis) spread out over 22 000 acres of land. Disney
World spends
US$100 million annually on maintenance alone. Needless to say,
it has a
constant supply of water and electricity. Since it opened its
doors, Disney
World has only shut down three times and only once due to a
power failure at
one of the parks.
If government leaders had Walt
Disney’s vision and the leadership skills of
his successors, they could
create wealth out of poverty. Some countries
possess vast resources, which
are too often mismanaged by governments of the
day.
The result is
poverty on top of poverty. Disney World was built on a piece
of land which
was largely alligator infested swamp. It took real leadership
and vision to
develop the largest and most visited recreational resort in
the
world.
A recent study revealed that Disney World and its related
businesses in
Florida generate US$18,2 billion a year in economic activity
(Zimbabwe’s GDP
last year was about US$7,5 billion).
Governments that
are run like Disney World would offer us choices, lots of
it. Politicians
the world over provide us with a limited policy menu.
Leaders need more
creativity and they should be more aggressive in its
implementation.
Disney World is all about meeting the expectations of
its visitors and more.
Take for example the food that their visitors are
able to choose from: 350
chefs are employed by Disney World serving 6 000
different types of food!
Finally, tourism would boom once service
delivery is great, infrastructure
is well managed, and government has
created an environment where people are
entertained.
Disney World has
over 25 000 hotel rooms available and the resort receives
more than 47
million visitors annually. To put this into perspective,
despite the beauty
and the marvels of this country, Zimbabwe received only
two million tourist
arrivals in 2010.
One could also add that the Disney World police (yes,
it has its own police
service and a fire brigade) does not have a reputation
for political
brutality, which is an obvious deterrent for potential
tourists. Thus,
when I said that governments would be awesome if they were
run like Disney
World, I meant that government leaders should plan ahead,
they should be
visionary, focus on service delivery and address people’s
diverse needs.
It is in a government’s power to create an environment where
business and
society can flourish.
More importantly, following
Walt Disney’s Mouse, even though developmental
visions cannot be fully
completed during the lifespan of individual leaders,
it is important to
leave a foundational legacy that successive generations
can build
upon.
Leon Hartwell is an independent political analyst based in
Harare.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 01 September 2011
18:35
By Zesn
ELECTIONS in Zimbabwe have always been marred by
acts of violence and
intimidation. As far back as 1980, when Zimbabwe held
its first democratic
elections, there were complaints of violence and
intimidation. At the time,
the euphoria brought by Independence overshadowed
the violence that had
taken place.
Although the elections were
passed as free and fair, the benefit of
hindsight shows that it set a bad
precedent which would be repeated in
future elections. Violence and
intimidation have almost become part of the
country’s political culture.
Elections have become synonymous with violence.
As the world
witnessed in the run-up to the presidential run-off election
between March
and June 2008, violence claimed many limbs, lives and
property —- causing
untold suffering amongst ordinary people.
In the end, violence and
intimidation meant the process and result of that
election was severely
compromised. The legitimacy of the result was
contested and could not be
sustained — and without any viable option, the
political parties ended up
negotiating a power-sharing deal under which the
country is currently
governed. There can be no doubt, however, that if any
future election is to
have legitimacy and universal acceptance, the
cancerous strain of violence
and intimidation must be removed.
It is important to critically
assess how the proposed reforms to the
electoral laws attempt to deal with
this problem and to determine their
strengths and
weaknesses.
Code of conduct
The measures against
politically-motivated violence include a code of
conduct set out in a
schedule of the Electoral Act, with which all political
parties and
candidates in an election are expected to abide.
The proposals place
responsibility on political parties and candidates
contesting an election to
take steps to prevent politically-motivated
violence and
intimidation.
The Zimbabwe Election Support Network (Zesn)
recommends, however, the
necessity of setting out clearly the legal
consequences of any failure to
comply with the code of conduct. There must
be specific sanctions which
detail the effect of any breaches of that code
of conduct on the legality of
the election.
A critical question would
be whether a breach of the code of conduct affects
the legality of the
election. At what point does politically-motivated
violence and intimidation
affect the legality of the election? A code of
conduct without specific
legal sanctions that go to the core of the election’s
legality can be easily
flouted.
Anti-violence structures
The proposals also
include a fairly elaborate architecture of policing,
investigating and
prosecuting offenders accused of committing acts of
violence and
intimidation. This includes the appointment of a Special Police
Liaison
Officer (SPLO) and special investigations committee (SIC) for each
province
which together will be specifically responsible for the expeditious
investigation of cases of politically-motivated violence or intimidation
within each province.
The appointment of the SPLO would be done
by the Police Commissioner General
in consultation with the Zimbabwe Human
Rights Commission (ZHRC), the
constitutional body which oversees the
protection of human rights. If the
spirit of this clause is upheld, it would
mean a more inclusive appointment
process, which in theory may prevent
partisanship.
The SIC would be chaired by a person representing the
ZHRC and would consist
of the special police liaison officer for the
relevant province, two
representatives of each political party taking part
in the election.
The SIC will direct the special police liaison officer
to investigate cases
of politically-motivated violence and intimidation
during elections and may
also take on a hands-on role in the investigations.
This multi-party body
would in theory be inclusive and therefore work
collectively to deal with
violent activity.
Further, the
commission may, following an investigation by the SIC, warn
persons accused
of violence or refer the matter for prosecution by a special
prosecutor
designated for the purpose by the Attorney-General. They would be
prosecuted
before a special magistrate designated by the Judicial Service
Commission.
There is also provision for the creation of special police
units to carry
out expeditious investigations.
What we have set out above is the
theoretical framework as envisaged in the
proposed legislation. On a quick
glance, it would appear, in theory, to be a
fairly robust legal structure
for curbing and dealing with politically
motivated violence and intimidation
during elections. Indeed, if everything
were equal, the mechanisms set up
might be expected to yield desirable
results.
The problem,
however, is that the theoretical framework has to be
implemented by human
agents whose weaknesses may derail an otherwise noble
cause. Experience has
shown that it is not enough to have beautiful laws
designed to curb
violence. Those laws need to be complemented by
professionally independent
human agents charged with implementing those
laws. The structure will
therefore succeed or fail depending on the attitude
and conduct of the men
and women charged with ensuring the laws work.
Human
factor
Now, although the law requires that the SPLO is to be
appointed by the
Police Commissioner General in consultation with the ZHRC,
there is no
guarantee that the Commissioner General will not act
unilaterally. Indeed,
we have already seen controversy over senior
government appointments —
ambassadors, governors, etc which have been done
unilaterally by Zanu PF to
the chagrin of its partners in the inclusive
government. Challenging those
decisions will be time-consuming and even if
successful the result may only
be of academic importance unless the courts
decide on the matters
expeditiously.
Also, even if the SIC brings
matters to the AG’s Office for prosecution,
there is no guarantee that all
matters will be prosecuted. Indeed, there is
always the risk of selective
application of the law — so that matters
adverse to one political party may
be swept under the proverbial carpet. The
AG will argue that the
constitution obliges him not to be directed by any
person in the execution
of his duties. Therefore much will turn on the
integrity and professional
independence of the AG.
Fit and proper test
Yet, evidence
shows that holders of the offices of the AG and the Police
Commissioner
General have made no secret of their support for and allegiance
to Zanu PF,
a key contestant in the elections.
As key players in the enforcement of
electoral laws, holders of these
offices are expected to demonstrate
impartiality and exercise professional
independence, regardless of their
personal political preferences. It is
impossible to see how they can be
regarded as fit and proper persons to
exercise the functions required of
them by the constitution. It is fair to
say that persons of that calibre are
not fit for purpose.
Adverse public statements
It is also against
this background that violence and intimidation must be
read in the widest
sense to also include partisan use of office by senior
state officials
(including, in particular, security officials) who have
constitutional
duties to uphold the laws of the state. These prohibitions
should cover the
making of public statements that are designed to affect the
outcome of an
election or are made recklessly without due regard to their
negative impact
on the election process.
There have been instances in the past when
senior security personnel have
made statements to the effect that they would
not salute certain candidates
even if they won an election.
Such
statements may have affected voting decisions, causing fear and
helplessness
amongst members of the public, especially because they are made
by senior
officers of the uniformed forces in an atmosphere of violence and
intimidation which also often involves members of the security forces. The
law must regard such statements as acts of political violence and
intimidation which must be prohibited, with adverse consequences upon those
who make them.
Urgency
Finally, if the public is to
have confidence in these measures, justice must
be seen in action in real
terms.
This means matters must be brought before the courts
expeditiously and the
courts must handle the matters on an urgent basis,
ensuring that cases are
concluded without undue delay. Perpetrators of
offences must suffer
consequences of their actions during the relevant
election period and the
more this is visible to the general public, the more
itwill inculcate a
culture of accountability and therefore build confidence
in the system. It
may also deter would-be offenders.
Election
observers will have their work cut out. It is important to
recognise that in
an environment such as that obtaining in Zimbabwe, when
the country has been
in an almost permanent state of electioneering acts of
violence and
intimidation take place in any given period.
It is therefore important
that the “election observation” process be read
more widely to include other
periods even before official announcement of
the election season. Of
particular significance is to keep a watchful eye on
the selective
application of the law.
Info@zesn.org.zw or zesn@africaonline.co.zw
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 01
September 2011 19:09
By Itai Masuku
JUDGING from the
flurry of results released since last week, Zimbabwe’s
economic cloud does
have a silver lining after all.
However, much of the profitability is
coming from the banks for reasons we
have touched on before. Banks are
middlemen, and when the middle man is
making more money than the principals,
it’s a cause for concern. No wonder
then that in this current scenario,
there is an inverse relationship between
the viability of banks and
viability of industrial companies.
Far from being a positive
development, it is still an unhealthy sign as
there is absolutely no value
addition coming from this section of the
economy.
Therefore it is not
surprising that many of Zimbabwe’s banks and financial
institutions, our
equivalent of robber barons, are solidly in the black,
while some in the
real sector are still reeling in the red, largely because
of punitive rates.
Interest payments wipe out any income that would have
been made before
interest and taxation.
No wonder the banks themselves now account for 13%
of deposits, as opposed
to mining at a mere one percent, yet mining is the
key driver of the economy
as things stand, expected to account for 44% of
GDP growth.
To their credit, many of the banks have organised lines
of credit with
foreign financial institutions which we hope will ultimately
result in
interest rates heading south and longer tenors. One need not
overemphasise
the need for low interest rates in order to speed up economic
recovery.
The Marshal Plan post World War II was precisely about this.
Within a decade
war-torn Europe had reasserted its position as a world
economic power, with
Germany as the dominant economy.
In our own
small way, we in Zimbabwe are in the position that Europe was
post WWII,
even though we were in a war where not a single bullet was fired.
Americans
will tell you that there are no better prospects for business as
in a
reconstruction era, or rather, an economic recovery era.
And that’s the
phase Zimbabwe is in. All this talk about economic growth is,
in the truest
sense of the term, hogwash. We are in a phase of economic
recovery.
And it is that economic recovery that has generally seen
the increase in
aggregate demand as reflected in many companies that
reported over the past
two weeks. Volumes for many firms have been as high
as 56%, something that
would turn any firm in the developed economies green
with envy.
Other firms reported turnovers of 136%; impressive, but one
hopes that this
is not just a case of slapping price increases on their
products, confirming
what an airtime vendor said is the general Zimbabwean
business model: people
simply rob each other.
While we are yet to
see increased margins across the board, indications are
that as many shed
costs weighing them down, finance costs being the
millstone around the neck
for a number, the return to viability is around
the corner.
Of course
it will be interesting to see the models companies will adopt, the
interesting one being for instance the TN Holdings and FBC Holdings
question; are these banking groups or conglomerates?
Market
sentiment seems to indicate that investors prefer to deal with an
animal
that is to them clearly either a Zebra or a horse, not a zorse or a
hebra.
Such grey areas may confuse share prices.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 01 September 2011
19:07
Constantine Chimakure
SOUTH African President Jacob
Zuma is a frustrated man and understandably
so.
Since becoming president
in 2009, he has been seized with the Zimbabwe
crisis, labouring overtime to
ensure a smooth transition from the current
shaky inclusive government
towards free and fair elections that would usher
in an undisputed
government.
His task, however, apart from being thankless has been
made all the more
difficult by the parties’ dismal failure to implement what
they have agreed
on in the GPA and through several negotiations that took
place after the
inking of the pact on September 15 2008.
Zuma’s
report to the 31st Sadc Summit in Luanda, Angola, a fortnight ago,
was a
clear indicator of how the facilitator is frustrated by the
helter-skelter
pace with which the parties in the unity government implement
agreed
issues.
“Many of the fundamentals are in place in Zimbabwe for a
successful
election,” Zuma said “The problem though is failure and/or slow
pace in the
implementation of the agreements between the parties of key
elements of
their work toward the full implementation of the GPA.
The
parties have not established an implementation element within government
to
ensure decisions that are taken by the inter party negotiators and
endorsed
by the political principals are implemented by the line
ministers.”
Examples of this implementation failure abound. Despite
agreeing to media
reforms in September 2008, President Robert Mugabe and
Zanu PF have ensured
that the national broadcaster Zimbabwe Broadcasting
Holdings has maintained
its monopoly.
Hate speech in the public
media that was supposed to have ended after the
signing of the GPA has, in
fact, worsened with the continued increase of
partisan messages on
television and radio praising Mugabe and Zanu PF. The
only time other
parties are mentioned is for the purposes of denigration and
ridicule.
An agreed land audit to expose multiple farm owners —
captured in the GPA —
remains a pipedream nearly three years after the pact
was signed. Added to
this, the National Organ on Healing and Reconciliation
has remained
ineffectual as incidences of violence across the country spiral
unabated.
Who can forget the scenes at Parliament Building where Zanu
PF thugs beat up
MPs and journalists in June. Despite the fact that the
police were there as
well as the overwhelming evidence of the identity of
the perpetrators, not a
single arrest has been made since. If violence can
be condoned in
parliament, what about in the streets?
Zuma
described the disruptions as “one of the most unfortunate incidents in
recent times”.
The failure to implement agreed issues and reforms
explains why Sadc has
resolved that its Organ on Politics, Defence and
Security appoint a team to
join Zuma’s facilitation team and work with the
Joint Monitoring and
Implementation Commitee, which has been criticised for
being weak in
carrying out its mandate to supervise the implementation of
the GPA. This
has been met with serious resistance form Zanu PF, which has
been throwing
spanners in the consummation of the political
agreement.
This also explains why the tone of the facilitation team
comprising Lindiwe
Zulu, Mac Maharaj and Charles Nqakula has become more
strident in recent
months prompting virulent attacks from Zanu PF
apologists. The
confrontations have become so heated that some Zanu PF party
members have
called for the removal of Zulu from the team.
As
Zuma’s frustrations mount over the continued and prolonged haggling
over
agreed issues, it will only be a matter of time before we have a major
showdown between Sadc and the political parties in the inclusive government
especially Zanu PF. Sadc should tell Mugabe and Zanu PF to stop being
intransigent and move the country forward.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 01 September 2011
19:05
THE decision by President Robert Mugabe and his advisors to expel
the Libyan
ambassador to Harare and all embassy staff because of their
support for the
rebels-led National Transitional Council (NTC), which
recently ousted vile
dictator Muammar Gaddafi, clearly showed our foreign
policy is vastly out of
touch with reality.
The move to banish Libyan
diplomats for backing the NTC was not just
delusional, but also
unnecessarily put Zimbabwe on a diplomatic collision
course with those now
in charge in Tripoli.
Of course there may have been diplomatic
indiscretions by Libyan envoys in
terms of the Vienna Convention on
Diplomatic Relations during their
understandable euphoria and celebrations
after the fall of Gaddafi, but that
did not warrant the overreaction by
Harare.
Libyans suffered under Gaddafi’s tyranny for 42 years and the
jubilation of
their diplomats all over the world should have been understood
in that
context.
More importantly, the remedial action taken by
Harare authorities, if ever
there was need for such, should have always been
guided by the national
interest and the country’s strategic
objectives.
We know some in government are anguished by Gaddafi’s
ouster because they
have had close relations with him as their financier and
comrade-in-arms,
but that should not blind them into making foreign policy
choices driven by
grief and self-serving interest without bearing in mind
the consequences of
their actions for the country.
Even though
the African Union (AU) and most of its member states do not as
yet recognise
the NTC, the decision by Harare to eject Libyan diplomats more
than anything
else was an exercise in denial and futility. They don’t want
to accept
things have changed and the world is moving on. Gaddafi is now
history.
Their decision is clearly out of touch with domestic and
international
realities. It does not serve or advance the national interest.
It just
betrays the insecurities and grief of those who sympathised with
Gaddafi
despite that he came to power through a military coup and committed
atrocities against his own people.
While there is no question
that western intervention in Libya through Nato
after manipulating the UN
Security Council resolution 1973 was wrong and
unacceptable, Gaddafi’s
regime was abominable. Gaddafi not only brutalised
his own people and
committed serious human rights abuses, but also funded
international
terrorism.
Besides, after seizing power via a military coup, what
moral high ground did
he have to protest his own citizens’ revolt against
his rule? What basis did
he have to complain about Nato intervention when he
also interfered in the
domestic affairs of other countries by funding
terrorists, trade unions and
even political opposition?
Nato’s
intervention was wrong, but Gaddafi dug his own grave. AU leaders
were also
paralaysed and hand-wringing at a time when they should have
grabbed the
crisis by the scruff of the neck and led the way. Instead, the
Arab League
and other stakeholders like the UN stole a march on them.
The AU’s
chronic incapacity and lethargy was partly to blame for the way the
Libyan
revolt against Gaddafi was handled. After all, what would you expect
from an
organisation chaired by a coup leader? We all know Equatorial Guinea
President Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, current AU chairman, came into
power in 1979 through a bloody coup.
People out there are sick
and tired of dictators, especially those who
brutalise their own people and
ruin their economies. That is why we think
Harare’s decision to expel Libyan
diplomats was out of touch with global and
local realities and ill-advised.
It simply exposed the paranoia, nostalgia
or hangover of those associated
with Gaddafi involved in love-hate
relationships with Western and African
leaders.
Dictators must learn from history. They must stop being
delusional and
clinging onto the disproven myth of infallibility and
invincibility. In our
situation, Mugabe has two options left: to crush his
opponents and hang onto
power through brute force, or embrace reform and
have an honourable exit. We
kindly advise him to take the second route to
avoid a Gaddafi-like fate.
Time is fast running out for him.