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      Mugabe blasts ministers

      Felix Njini
      10/21/2004 6:43:51 AM (GMT +2)

      PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe, under whose stewardship the economy has
collapsed into a recessionary heap, took a swipe at non-performing members
of his Cabinet and chief executives of loss-making parastatals this week for
running down the once resilient and robust economy.

      The ageing leader, who seldom fires at friendly troops, spared his
irreconcilable enemies - British Prime Minister Tony Blair and American
President George Bush - at a special caucus meeting held in the capital city
when he turned his guns on unsuspecting ministers and their trusted
lieutenants heading parastatals.

      Inside sources said President Mugabe pointed out that the virtual
collapse of some state companies meant that those responsible were no longer
serving the nation effectively. The President also reportedly pointed out
that the failure of these parastatals reflected inefficiency and lack of
seriousness on the part of the ministers to their "sworn duty of serving the

      What was happening at parastatals, the President said, amounted to
"sabotaging the economy".

      The attack re-ignited fading hopes that the 80-year-old veteran
politician might finally crack the whip, which he has been accused of
sparing, on under-performing ministers, who have virtually run down once
vibrant key national institutions.

      While the ruling ZANU PF first secretary is likely to keep the Cabinet
intact until after the 2005 parliamentary elections, heads might roll soon
after, as President Mugabe prepares to hand over the throne at the expiry of
his last term in office in 2008.

      President Mugabe, who has ruled Zimbabwe since independence, has
hinted he will not seek re-election in 2008 although the current
constitution permits him to seek a fresh mandate from the electorate.

      Highly placed sources told The Financial Gazette that President
Mugabe, whose ruling ZANU PF faces the main opposition Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) in a tricky poll next year, gave the ministers an
earful, accusing them of incompetence, and warned he would not hesitate to
sack them.

      According to the sources, a furious President Mugabe said: "If I had
my own way people were going to be put in jail. I would arrest the minister
responsible for each parastatal, the chairman of the board and the chief
executive and lock them behind bars.

      "Ministers have never been refused money from the national treasury
and yet there is no performance. They should take decisive action, but they
are just crying. They are 100 percent responsible over parastatal failures,"
President Mugabe is reported to have fumed.

      This implies that pressure is inexorably rising on ministers, who may
respond by reading the riot act on captains of parastatals, blamed for
bleeding the government purse. Inefficiency and corruption have put a damper
on the recovery of state-owned enterprises, which account for at least 60
percent of the country's public debt.

      President Mugabe's outbursts came amid fears that the ZANU PF risked
leaving a terrible legacy: obsolete socio-political and economic structures
given the disastrous condition of the health delivery system and transport
services, the deteriorating education system and general infrastructure. It
is against this background that President Mugabe whose government has since
pledged to find a way to the democratic renewal of the country, seeks the
reformation of the economy.

      The tough-talking veteran, whose anti-graft crusade has seen the
arrest of senior ZANU PF officials including Finance Minister Christopher
Kuruneri who has struggled to secure his freedom since April, expressed
concern at the way some 'war cabinet ministers' have failed to turn around
their ministries and the parastatals.

      The anti-corruption crusade has however stirred a simmering discord
within the ruling ZANU PF. The party's parliamentarians were this week
reported to have implored their leader to pardon those caught up in the
ant-graft dragnet. The President who has pledge that he will take the
crusade to its full expression, is however reported to have emphatically
rejected the proposal.

      The government has under its wings more than eleven parastatals, which
have been a drain on the fiscus. Allegations of corruption, lack of
corporate governance and accountability have also marred the operations of
most parastatals.

      Some of the strategic, but most pathetically performing parastatals
include the National Railways of Zimbabwe, Air Zimbabwe, the Zimbabwe
Electricity Supply Authority, the Zimbabwe Iron and Steel Company, the
Agricultural Rural Development Authority, the National Oil Company of
Zimbabwe, the Grain Marketing Board and Zimbabwe Broadcasting Holdings.

      The government has been doling out billions of dollars, which are not
being accounted for to ailing parastatals, a move, which has riled the
overburdened, suffering taxpayer.

      At the same special caucus meeting attended by ZANU PF
parliamentarians, traditional chiefs and provincial governors, President
Mugabe also reminded war veterans that they were no special provisions for
them in the redistribution of land under the A2 model.

      It is only under the A1 model that the war veterans are entitled to 20
percent of the land offered for redistribution.
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      Split over Joyce Mujuru

      Zhean Gwaze
      10/21/2004 6:45:43 AM (GMT +2)

      FISSURES have emerged in the ZANU PF women's league's quest to push a
female candidate for the party's vice-presidency, amid reports that certain
factions would prefer Thenjiwe Lesabe ahead of Joyce Mujuru, considered a

      The ruling party women's league, for long a mere source of ready votes
in the ZANU PF scheme of things, resolved at its annual conference held in
September to put forward a female candidate for the party's vice-presidency,
a position left vacant following the death of Simon Muzenda.

      Ever since the resolution was passed, Mujuru has been touted as a
front-runner for the position, which would pave way for her emergence as
Zimbabwe's first female vice-president.

      However, influential ZANU PF women's league officials this week
revealed lack of consensus on Mujuru's candidature ahead of the ruling party's
December congress, where other far-reaching changes are expected.

      It has been noted that even with the women's support, Mujuru would
still have to contend with a host of ZANU PF stalwarts coveting the

      Politburo members Emmerson Mnangagwa, Didymus Mutasa, national
chairman John Nkomo and retired army general Vitalis Zvinavashe have been
touted as possible candidates.

      It was, however, not expected that Mujuru would meet resistance from
within the usually banal women's league, which hogged the headlines when it
passed the resolution.

      Oppah Muchinguri, the national deputy secretary in the league, who has
been reportedly drumming up support for Mujuru in the provinces ahead of the
congress, could scarcely conceal her exasperation at the lack of consensus.

      She, however, denied campaigning for Mujuru, saying that the ongoing
campaigns in the provinces were meant to conscientise women on the quota
system and to launch the ZANU PF women league's membership card.

      The campaign is said to have kicked off in Mashonaland East, where
Mujuru's husband hails from.

      The campaign is likely to proceed to Mashonaland Central, which is
Mujuru's home province.

      "We are not lobbying for any candidate because there are protocols and
procedures to be followed before the selection of a candidate to the post.
We have two senior women in the league (Lesabe and Mujuru) hence we cannot
be lobbying for a candidate," Muchinguri told The Financial Gazette.

      Garrulous Gutu South MP, Shuvai Mahofa - the women's league secretary
for security who holds a lot of sway in the party's grassroots politics -
said any talk of a female candidate was jumping the gun.

      "Ah, I am not aware that we have a woman candidate for the vice
presidency. It is a resolution which was passed at congress but the new
women's league executive is yet to meet and make a decision on how women can
be afforded the chance to the high position," Mahofa said.

      "The final decision has to come from ZANU PF. Those who are lobbying
for a candidate are pursuing their own agendas. A woman candidate has to be
chosen by women from the grassroots," Mahofa, considered to be one of
Mnangagwa's allies, said.

      Muchinguri expressed fear that the women's resolution could be
undermined by underhand tactics to divide the league's position.

      "Women are their own worst enemies," Muchinguri said. "Some are busy
teaming up with men and decampaigning the idea for a woman vice-president."

      ZANU PF insiders told The Financial Gazette that Lesabe, the iron lady
of the party's politics, had not said "no to proposals from certain
quarters" that she also throws her hat into the ring.

      Lesabe, a former ZAPU official, made a belated and ultimately
unsuccessful bid for the party chairperson's position, which was won by
Nkomo at the expense of Mnangagwa in 2000.

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      Govt domestic debt eases, latest RBZ figures show

      Staff Reporter
      10/21/2004 6:46:12 AM (GMT +2)

      THE government domestic debt, which ballooned by about five times
between June 2003 and August 2004, peaked to $2.8 trillion in early October,
before easing to $1.7 trillion as of last week.

      The debt, which simply put, refers to the amount a government owes its
people, largely comprises Treasury Bills, government stocks and the Reserve
Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) overdraft.

      Latest RBZ statistics indicate that the debt, which peaked at $2.8
trillion on October 8 2004, has gone down to $1.7 trillion as of October 15.
Zimbabwe's external indebtedness, which is hardly being serviced because of
a biting foreign currency crunch, is around US$4 billion.

      Analysts told The Financial Gazette this week the debt had, up until
now been on an upward movement because of efforts aimed at shoring up the
productive sector, which is seen as the engine of growth and partly because
of inflationary pressures.

      Although the central bank has fared well in reducing inflation to
251.5 percent by September 2004, the domestic debt is still quite high. The
government should not compete with the private sector for scarce resources.
The huge interest burden on the outstanding domestic debt would also put
pressure on the government's ability to service the debt, while at the same
time frustrating the stability of fiscal policy.

      The rise in the domestic debt has also been attributed to the decrease
in corporate tax payments, as most firms' earnings momentum decelerate.

      The debt is expected to go up again in the coming months as government
borrows to finance seed maize and grain imports to beef up its dwindling
food reserves.

      Moses Chundu, CFX Financial Services group economist noted that
government was being forced to borrow on the local market because of the
lack of open offshore lines of credit. Chundu said government was for the
first time only borrowing to fund capital development, in line with the 2004
national budget recommendations.

      "The treasury has become very tight with individual line ministries'
expenditure patterns. The only borrowings are from quasi-fiscal operations,
which is still worrying."

      The withdrawal of balance of payments support by the International
Monetary Fund (IMF) and other foreign agencies has seen government relying
heavily on borrowing locally.

      He noted that debt was likely to shoot up, as there were no proper
provisions in the national budget for seed maize, fuel, electricity and
grain imports.

      Efforts by the central bank to restructure government domestic debt
have been hit by insufficient investor support.

      Government stock issued by the RBZ mid this year evoked lukewarm
interest among investors.

      Analysts noted that the RBZ has been grappling with the twin
objectives of mopping up excess liquidity as well as restructuring the
public debt.

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      Vic Falls Bridge lifespan up

      Nelson Banya
      10/21/2004 6:47:38 AM (GMT +2)

      THE Victoria Falls Bridge, the gateway to trade between Zimbabwe and
other SADC member states such as Zambia and the Democratic Republic of the
Congo, is fast approaching the end of its lifespan and urgently requires
reconstruction to avert a potentially disastrous structural failure.

      The bridge was constructed and opened to traffic in 1905 with a
lifespan of up to 100 years, which ends in 2005.

      Officials in the National Railways of Zimbabwe's (NRZ) infrastructure
division revealed that the bridge, which carries a railway line, a roadway
and a pedestrian walkway, had for long been overburdened due to lack of load

      The 1929 design load for the roadway was derived from two five tonne
axles spaced about three metres apart. Two such lorries were allowed side by
side to give an intensity of one tonne per foot (or 32.8 kiloNewtons per

      Documents prepared by the NRZ infrastructure department revealed that
the bridge was being overloaded for the past 15 years, "due to no clear load
limit being given."

      "There have been no loading restrictions operational on the bridge,
thus the legal load limit on the roadway has been assumed to be the limit on
the bridge by transport operators. The legal road limit for vehicles in
Zimbabwe is 24.6 tonnes (241 kiloNewtons) for a triaxle combination 2.8
metres long.

      "This gives a load intensity of 57.4 kiloNewtons per metre, which is
75 percent over the design load. Overweight vehicles have been measured and
found to have weights of up to 37.9 tonnes for a triaxle combination, giving
load intensity of 88.5 kiloNewtons per metre, which is 170 percent above
design limit. There are excessive vibrations being felt whenever a heavy
truck traverses the bridge," reads part of the document, prepared by the NRZ
to lobby for Zambian support in imposing load restrictions.

      Zimbabwe shares the bridge with its northern neighbour, Zambia.

      However, an official in the NRZ's infrastructure division said load
restrictions, stipulating among other things 30 tonnes per vehicle, have now
been imposed on the bridge.

      "We are now limiting traffic to one lorry at a time and there are boom
operators from the ministry (of transport and communications). Plans are
afoot to install robots and other automatic signals.

      "A structural analysis of the bridge is also underway, on the basis of
which action to either reconstruct it or reinforce it will be taken. At the
moment we are not quite sure what will happen," the official, who requested
anonymity, said.

      The bridge's railway loading remained within stipulated levels, he

      Divisional head, engineer, a certain Dzino-tyiweyi, was not available
for comment.

      It has also been established that the Zambian authorities have
received World Bank funding for adjustments to be made to the bridge.

      Built by Freeman Fox and partners in 1905, the bridge was originally
desgned to support two railway lines but was reconfigured in 1929 to
accommodate one railway line, one roadway and a walkway.

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      EU welcomes Tsvangirai acquittal

      Staff Reporter
      10/21/2004 6:48:08 AM (GMT +2)

      THE European Union (EU), which slapped President Robert Mugabe's
entire Cabinet and some senior ZANU PF officials with sanctions, has
welcomed the acquittal of Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) president
Morgan Tsvangirai on treason charges.

      In a statement, the EU said the development should help reduce
political tension and improve the political environment in the run up to the
country's parliamentary elections in 2005.

      "In this regard, the (EU) presidency encourages the implementation of
the principles and guidelines governing democratic elections as adopted by
the Southern African Development Community, so that free and fair elections
can take place," the EU said.

      The Netherlands currently holds the EU presidency.

      Tsvangirai was jointly charged with the party's secretary general
Welshman Ncube and shadow minister for agriculture Renson Gasela with
treason in the run-up to the 2002 presidential election, which the 80-year
old President Mugabe won controversially.

      Ncube and Gasela were later acquitted while Tsvangirai had to be put
to his defence in a year-long trial.

      Tsvangirai this week said the party has now refocused its attention
from the treason case to national issues, particularly the issue of

      "Even if we get good rains, we are still not far from the threat of
famine. An MDC government shall attend to agriculture as a national
emergency in order to revive the economy, create jobs and place food on the
table," he said.

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      Parly body to grill Made over food

      Zhean Gwaze
      10/21/2004 6:48:44 AM (GMT +2)

      JOSEPH Made, the Agriculture Minister who predicted yet another bumper
harvest despite the limiting factors facing farmers, will be hauled before a
parliamentary committee to explain the current food situation.

      The Financial Gazette can reveal that the Agriculture Minister, who
became part of President Robert Mugabe's Cabinet in 2000, will face the heat
as pressure mounts on government to reveal the actual grain stocks, amid
concerns that Zimbabwe could plunge into yet another food crisis.

      This development also comes as it emerged that the ruling ZANU PF
supreme decision-making body, the Politburo, and the Cabinet had also cast
doubts on figures touted by Made, the former boss of the state-run
Agricultural Rural Development Authority.

      Made, who will be fighting against Gibson Munyoro for the Makoni West
constituency, is supposed to ensure the nation's food security but his
execution of the task at hand has become questionable after previously
misleading the nation on the food situation, lulling the nation into a false
sense of security.

      ZANU PF Member of Parliament for Zhombe and chairman of the 11-member
portfolio committee on lands, agriculture, water development, rural
resources and resettlement Daniel McKenzie Ncube said his committee had
requested a meeting with the minister before they could present their final
report on the food situation to parliament next week.

      The portfolio committee has already met Ngoni Masoka, the permanent
secretary in the Ministry of Agriculture, as it moves to compile facts and
bring sanity to the former breadbasket of the region.

      "The food situation is confusing and we have already met other
stakeholders in the sector. We have arranged to meet the minister this week
and we will conduct the meeting as superintendents of our committee. I
cannot reveal what evidence we have obtained so far because I will be in
contempt of parliament," Ncube said.

      Stakeholders under the portfolio include the country's granary, the
Grain Marketing Board (GMB), seed houses and fertiliser firms.

      The government, which has been accused of politicising food to woo
voters to the ruling ZANU PF fold, claims that the country has enough food
while donors and the West insist that Zimbabwe faces a massive grain

      According to reports from the GMB, the country has harvested 2.4
million tonnes of maize, which would be enough to feed the nation of 12
million people up to the next harvest without importing the staple food.

      However, the Famine Early Warning Systems Network (FEWSNET), a United
States Agency for International Development-funded programme, in its latest
report warns that more than 2.3 million rural people require a total of 178
000 metric tonnes of food in the current marketing year.

      "Current constraints on farmers' attempts to prepare for the 2004/05
agricultural season include seed, fertiliser and fuel shortages, all of
which sell at prices far above the affordable range for most people,"

      A British-based rights group Amnesty International in a report this
week also added that supplies of grain may run out by the next harvest in
April 2005. It added that the cessation of most of international food aid
since mid-2004 had left millions of people dependent on grain distributed by
the state-run GMB, which in the past has been criticised of playing politics
of the stomach by depriving opposition supporters food. This has been
disputed by the government.

      The country's major seed producers, Seed Co and Pannar Seed, last week
made startling revelations before the parliamentary committee on agriculture
that the country had a seed maize deficit of more than 40 000 tonnes out of
more than 100 000 tonnes required in the 2004/05 farming season.

      The 100 000 tonnes of seed maize will enable the country to produce
the three million tonnes of maize to almost double the country's annual
requirement of 1.8 million tonnes.

      Zimbabwe also requires US$20 million to purchase agro-chemicals ahead
of this current farming season, which began this month.
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      Seed crisis blamed squarely on Made

      Charles Rukuni
      10/21/2004 6:50:16 AM (GMT +2)

      Zimbabwe is currently facing a seed and input crisis because
Agriculture Minister Joseph Made rejected recommendations made by farmers
and Parliament's Portfolio Committee on Lands, Agriculture, Rural Resources,
Water Development and Resettlement.

      Movement for Democratic Change shadow minister for agriculture, Renson
Gasela, who is also a member of the committee, said this week farmers had
recommended that the government should have an agricultural plan for the
next season by January or February.

      The committee, which produced its report in December last year, had
recommended that the Minister of Agriculture should advise Parliament about
the state of preparations for the next season by March.

      Gasela said when the report was presented to Parliament, Made had
bluntly told the committee that he did not take instructions from anyone.

      The Lands committee is dominated by ZANU PF MPs and is chaired by
Zhombe Member of Parliament Daniel Ncube.

      Comment could not be obtained from Made. The Financial Gazette was
asked to fax its questions to his office last week, and did so, but no
response had been received up to the time of writing.

      While Gasela said there was total chaos in the seed and input sector,
agro-economist Jonathan Kadzura said the situation was much better this
year. He said there had been total chaos in the past two seasons because of
the ongoing land reform programme but things had stabilised.

      "We are now better organised," Kadzura said. "Demand for seed maize
has been overwhelming. In the past we used only 35 000 tonnes of seed maize.
We now require 80 000 tonnes. This is an expanded requirement because of the
land reform programme."

      Kadzura said 60 000 tonnes of seed was already in the country. There
was therefore a shortfall of only about 20 000 tonnes. Gasela said national
requirement was about 60 000 tonnes but the country only had just over 20
000 tonnes.

      Kadzura also argued that the inputs were not late because the season
only started in November. Seed companies said they were going to import 31
000 tonnes of seed maize from the region. They said only 6 900 tonnes had
already been released to the market.

      Some reports in the media have said the country requires up to 200 000
tonnes of seed. Kadzura said 80 000 tonnes were enough as only 1.2 million
hectares was going to be put under maize. Some officials have put the area
of land to be put under maize at four million hectares.

      "Why should we put all that land under maize when we were already
producing a surplus with 35 000 tonnes of seed?" Kadzura asked.

      He also disputed reports that some of the wheat crop could have been
wasted because of the delay in harvesting the current crop which could have
been affected by the early rains.

      He said the harvesting plan was coordinated by the Grain Marketing
Board and all those who owned combined harvesters entered into a contract
with the GMB as early as May.

      Gasela differed. "There is a potential disaster in this year's wheat
crop," he said. "There was a lot of rain in and around Harare which is the
main wheat-growing area. This has disrupted harvesting and even though the
rains have stopped, the farmers have to wait until the ground dries up
because harvesters cannot go in while the ground is still wet."
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      Mzembi imposed on people

      Felix Njini
      10/21/2004 6:51:00 AM (GMT +2)

      ZANU PF heavyweights cowed Daniel Shumba, the party's chairman in the
fractious Masvingo province, into lifting Walter Mzembi's suspension, a move
which party insiders said has done little to douse the raging factionalism
flame in the politically volatile province.

      So tight was the noose around Shumba's neck that the former army
colonel rushed to appoint Mzembi the de facto candidate for Masvingo South
constituency, left vacant following the death of firebrand politician
Eddison Zvobgo.

      Mzembi has since landed the Masvingo South seat unopposed after the
country's opposition parties failed to file their papers by the close of the
nomination court two weeks ago. The by-election for the constituency had
been slotted for October 30.

      Party insiders however, told The Financial Gazette that the subsequent
imposition of Mzembi had added a spark to the factionalism flame, which is
likely to ignite in the forthcoming ZANU PF primaries pencilled for November
to chose candidates who would represent the ruling party in the watershed
2005 parliamentary polls.

      The imposition, sources said, had created a simmering atmosphere
likely to explode when ZANU PF finalises its list of candidates to stand on
its ticket in next year's polls.

      Shumba, who had been instrumental in suspending Mzembi from his post
as the district coordinating chairman (DCC), had got wind that the party's
national chairman, John Nkomo and the political commissariat Elliot Manyika
wanted to appoint Mzembi and immediately end his suspension.

      To avoid embarrassment, Shumba decided to take the lead, much to the
amazement of his backers in Masvingo who were itching for a showdown between
the TeleAccess boss and the ZANU PF heavyweights.

      "Nkomo and Manyika had already made their decision that Mzembi's
suspension was to be lifted. Shumba had little choice, but to impose him as
the candidate," said a well-placed source.

      "The Politburo also vetted candidates who wanted to participate in
the --

      primaries and concluded that Mzembi is developmentally minded," the
source said.

      Party insiders however, said that factionalism was far from over in
the province. Sources said the silence by the Shumba-led faction was just a
lull before a storm. Reports emanating from the party say the Shumba-led
faction is still baying for Mzembi's blood.

      "They are just playing for time and strategising," sources said.

      It has been established that the Shumba led provincial executive,
angered by the decision taken by the party's heavyweights to lift Mzembi's
suspension and appoint him to run for Masvingo, boycotted the nominations
court to choose Mzembi.

      Little known provincial party political commissar, Admore Hwarare
presided over the nominations.

      Sources also said Shumba and his team had not formally lifted Mzembi's
suspension as the party's DCC.

      The simmering divisions are pitting Mzembi, whose sympathisers include
former solider Josiah Tungamirai, presidential hopeful Emmerson Mnangagwa,
former Masvingo Member of Parliament Dzikamai Mavhaire and Eddison Zvobgo
Junior against Provincial governor, Josiah Hungwe, Foreign Affairs Minister
Stan Mudenge, Fortune Charumbira and Shumba among others.

      "They are just saying let sleeping vets lie, let us carry on with the
existing legal structures. They only lifted Mzembi's suspension on national
television but they have not done so formally," said a party insider.

      "Masvingo squabbles are not yet over. The Shumba-led faction's
behaviour on the ground does not demonstrate reconciliation. They have
adopted a standoffish behaviour. If they have genuinely suspended Mzembi,
they should have summoned him to chart the way forward on developments in
the province," the same source said.

      Mzembi refused to comment saying he was still waiting for "senior
provincial party leaders to tell him the way forward".

      Primary elections to choose the ruling party's representative for the
Masvingo South constituency were promptly cancelled as other candidates
chose not to court the wrath of ZANU PF gurus by contesting against the
"blessed candidate".

      Mzembi, a close relative to the late Eddison Zvobgo courted the wrath
of the provincial leadership when he openly allied himself with the late
firebrand politician.

      Nkomo refused to comment referring all questions to Manyika who could
not be reached at the time of going to press.

      Mzembi's appointment, without going through the usual primary polls
caught people in Masvingo South by surprise.

      "Did these other people who wanted to run for the same constituency
voluntarily decided to step down," said a source from Masvingo.
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      Public against MDC poll boycott

      Charles Rukuni
      10/21/2004 6:51:32 AM (GMT +2)

      BULAWAYO - The movement for Democratic Change (MDC) could sink into
political oblivion if it boycotts next year's elections. More than half of
its supporters feel that the party should contest the elections because
electoral reform is a process and not an event.

      They believe that the MDC's participation in elections acts as a
bulwark against total dominance by ZANU PF and guarantees that ZANU PF is
kept on its toes.

      According to an independent survey whose results were released last
week, most people felt that although elections were important only when
carried out in a democratic way, the MDC's responses to the current ZANU PF
initiatives could be better.

      "The tight ZANU PF control notwithstanding, the MDC needs to find
alternative means to get its message across," the survey said. "It is
apparent that ZANU PF will not voluntarily give up on its hold."

      The MDC decided in August to boycott all pending elections until the
government abides by the principles and guidelines for democratic elections
agreed to by the Southern African Development Community.

      Though the guidelines are not legally binding, they advocate for an
independent electoral commission, access to the state media by all political
parties, and freedom to campaign, among others.

      The government has already tabled an Electoral Bill that will set up
an election commission but the chairman, it appears, will be appointed by
the President.

      It has also agreed to have transparent ballot boxes and to hold voting
over a single day, but critics say these concessions are not enough.

      The survey, which was carried out by the Mass Public Opinion Institute
in August, has some startling revelations which seem to imply that ZANU PF
has already bagged the elections.

      It showed, for example, that 37 percent of the electorate was not
registered as voters. The bulk of those not registered were aged 18-24, the
group from where the MDC draws the majority of its support.

      Only 36 percent of those aged 18-24 years were registered while 88
percent of those aged 45-54 years and 80 percent of those over 55 years were

      Despite protests that electoral reforms so far agreed to by ZANU PF
are inadequate, 83 percent of the people surveyed were not aware of the
reforms. This applied even to urban areas where information flows more

      In Harare only 33 percent were aware while in Bulawayo a paltry 19
percent were aware.

      Though the government has already decided that Zimbabweans living
abroad will not be allowed to vote, 66 percent of those surveyed said they
should be allowed. The survey showed that even in provinces that are
predominantly ZANU PF, a majority supported postal votes.

      "This is very confusing because the government is asking them
(Zimbabweans living abroad) to contribute to Homelink but will not give them
the vote," Tulani Sithole, one of the coordinators of the survey, said.

      "In other words, what the government is saying is that they are
citizens in one aspect and non-citizens in another."

      Another blow to the MDC could be that while the party has been
advocating for voting over a single day, 76 percent of the people were
against the idea.

      Compilers of the survey found that people were convinced that the
government did not have the capacity to ensure that voting could be
completed in a single day.

      The survey indicated that while most people supported the idea of
counting ballot papers at polling stations, observers were afraid that this
could lead to a rise in intimidation because it would be easier for ZANU PF
to identify which villages or areas had voted against them. People from
these areas could thereafter be denied either food or development.

      The same applied to transparent ballot boxes. While people supported
them, others were afraid these boxes would not guarantee the secrecy of
their vote. One interviewee even said: "If your ballot paper unfolds inside
the box, everyone will see who you would have voted for."

      Observers said this could be used as an intimidation tactic by ZANU PF
because if people were afraid that party cadres could identify who they had
voted for when they were using wooden boxes, what more when they were

      While admitting that the playing field was not level, most people said
the MDC should not boycott the elections.

      "The provincial analysis shows that even in provinces considered
opposition strongholds such as Harare and Bulawayo, the view is the same,"
the survey said.

      The survey showed that 64 percent of the people were against the
boycott. Among respondents who indicated that they supported the opposition,
56 percent said they were against the boycott. Sixty-seven percent of ZANU
PF supporters were against the boycott.

      "Most people are against the boycott because they consider the MDC to
be a control of some sort that tends to rein in ZANU PF when it gets carried
away," Sithole said.

      A member of the National Constitutional Assembly said: "What worries
most people is: What will the MDC do if it decides to go ahead with the
boycott? It can become irrelevant. It has no other arena to air its views
outside Parliament. Is there a plan B?"

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                  Whither parastatals?

                  10/21/2004 7:29:48 AM (GMT +2)

                  THE future of Zimbabwean parastatals increasingly appears
bleak. They have all, except for an insignificant few, lost their way and
they seem to be competing in a race to the bottom. The situation at most of
these institutions is shocking and confounding, to say the least. They have
become something of a national tear duct. No wonder alarm bells have been
ringing for years now, underlying the concern about the financial health of
the state enterprises.

                  There is a common thread that runs through most of the
government-owned companies. Be it the potentially most bankable local
company, ZISCO, which has no reason whatsoever except in never-never land to
operate below the red-ink line, the beleaguered national airline Air
Zimbabwe, the National Railways of Zimbabwe or the Cold Storage Company, to
name but a few. The situation is the same. They are haemorrhaging national
resources instead of augmenting the fiscus.

                  Not only have they remained on a life-support system
provided by the already stretched fiscus where public funds have
continuously been poured into bottomless black holes. But they also all
operate at a loss and are saddled with mountains of delinquent loans, which
they might not be rid of any time soon. Their books have never been in order
and they have been hit by a scandal of one form or another over the past few
years. It's almost always a case of billions of dollars being spirited away
by corrupt officials or books being cooked and the truth being shaded. Their
operations have, for the convenience of those corruptly benefiting from
underhand deals, largely remained opaque and unfriendly to scrutiny.
Corruption is so deep-seated that the deadly slime of the touch of those
running the companies will remain long after the corporations have been rid
of them.

                  It is, however, not difficult to pass off the failures of
the crisis-hit parastatals mainly as a function of gross incompetence and
malfeasance on the part of those running these institutions. As already
pointed out in one of our editorials of June 2003 entitled
"influence-peddling and sweetheart deals", the mess should be blamed
squarely on the deep-seated political patronage system and the resultant
influence-peddling that we have decried, time without number. To this end,
government should be blamed for the corruption in the parastatals because,
in the words of Harold Schonberg, ". . . it planted it, nursed it, fostered
it, watered it and watched it grow to sequoia size . . .".

                  Indeed, other than raising questions about the calibre of
those running these companies, the shambolic state of affairs at these
perennial loss-makers called parastatals also exposes the extent to which
the country's politics meshes up with business. Influential politicians are
known to have thrust their cronies to top management positions in companies,
not on merit, but on the basis of political connections and back-scratching
relationships for commercial convenience. And to say that these managers
have exhibited dismaying mediocrity would be unwarranted flattery - they
have been monumental failures. They inherit companies in fine fettle and run
them down. The taxpayer bears the brunt of mismanagement as he ultimately
picks up the tab when government is called in to take over the debts as was
the case recently with the public broadcaster Zimbabwe Broadcasting Holdings
(ZBH) and many others before it.

                  This has become something of a national curse. But sadly,
it does not seem to prick the conscience of those wallowing in the alarming
and nauseating corruption like rhinoceroses in African pools. Hence the
scandal-tainted state-owned companies have been turned into some fiefdoms
for the seemingly untouchable chief executives who appear to be answerable
not to their respective boards of directors but to their political
Godfathers who appear to suffer from delusions of grandeur. Examples abound.

                  Among the most prominent is the ever-borrowing ZESA where
some board members who were not happy with the defective corporate structure
at the power utility voted with their feet over a proposed controversial
off-shore borrowing they refused to rubber-stamp. There are also one or two
formerly state-owned commercial banks which had to go through a radical
surgery in the late 1990s after political interference created an
environment where less-than-wise lending occurred. Suffice to say that this
gave rise to crony-capitalism, Malaysian-style, where funds were pumped
towards the politically well-connected in misguided expansion plans in the
expansionist early 1990s. Of course the rot at the fuel procurement monolith
NOCZIM, where billions of public funds have silted up the pockets of corrupt
officials, is well-documented. Not to mention the headline-grabbing failures
at NRZ, AirZim, GMB and most quasi-government companies.

                  The most frightening thing is that despite the pathetic
state of the parastatals which could spell absolute disaster for the country
and the fact that there is supposed to be a government department
responsible for the companies, the authorities have not yet elaborated a
formula out of the crisis. This obviously begs the question: Does government
have a strategy regarding the parastatals? Most likely not. Even if they do,
we wouldn't have high hopes for it. Simply because if past experience is
anything to go by, these could be nothing more than paper reforms.

                  Yet despite all this, we still feel that the ruins must
not obstruct the prospects. This is why we feel that it is time for
President Robert Mugabe to make good his pledge this week to push for a
radical reform to overhaul the ailing parastatals and inculcate a new
corporate governance culture. Just as well he has finally spoken out against
the rot in parastatals and their failures. We say so because while silence
cannot be misquoted it can certainly be misinterpreted. President Mugabe's
continued silence over this sensitive issue could have sent wrong signals.

                  While the government's stop-go privatisation programme,
implemented through the low-profile Privatisation Agency of Zimbabwe, is
still thin on detail and hazy as to the timetable, this could provide a
perfect opportunity to clean the house. The government should insist on
hiring resolute, competent and hands-on managers whose packages should be
heavily leveraged towards performances. It is a job for those who do not
fear the political backlash, real or imagined, of disturbing what has been

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      I don't mind regime change

      10/21/2004 7:02:12 AM (GMT +2)

      EDITOR - When the Western countries call for regime change, they are
not after oil or any of our resources, but freedom for all Zimbabweans - who
also are hungry for it.

      To say that United States President George W Bush would have invaded
Zimbabwe if it was an oil producer, as one contributor to the Readers' Forum
claimed recently, is to miss the point. If America was after oil, it would
have invaded Nigeria, for instance.

      Although I don't agree with the military action against Iraq, the fact
that Saddam Hussein was a brutal dictator who tortured his own people and
deprived them of a chance to choose their preferred leader makes me happy
that he was removed from power.

      I still believe that one day the people of Iraq will experience total
freedom and live in a democratic society, and I wish the same for the people
of Zimbabwe.

      Sipiwe Mbanje,

      United States.
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      ...and now to the NOTEBOOK

      10/21/2004 7:27:28 AM (GMT +2)

      And finally Episode One of the hilarious treason soap has reached its
denouement. It was good while it lasted, thanks to all the actors who went
the extra mile to ensure that Zimbabweans get real value for their money!

      All those who followed the exhilarating Zim-Treason Soap will
unanimously agreed that Cde Ari Ben-Menashe emerged as the star actor. We
really wonder if it would be possible to get just one more performance by
this Toronto-based brother!

      CZ again refers Zimboz to one paper most of them simply ignore out of
existence, The Voice, the paper edited by his own personal brother Cde
Ranga. The paper is just news on its own, especially when it comes to the
new version of English it is introducing to the plus or minus 24 000 ZANU PF
supporters who make up its readership.

      Yes, one needs to get any copy of this paper to get a gist of what CZ
is driving at. Small wonder the professor is always angry with almost
everyone at the publication.

      This week's issue of the paper is the most entertaining. The first
word on the lead story is "Indsicpline". We wonder what it is supposed to

      Or this introduction: "The ruling ZANU PF has said the judgment by
Justice Garwe in the treason trial of MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai has shown
that Zimbabwe is a fair society governed by the rule of law and the

      ZANU PF national chairman John Nkomo was quoted verbatim as saying:
"What we say or do within the party gives the party credit or discredit."

      Then there is the ever-exciting Candid Comment from the (Bereted)

      "The road to Chimoio was more than perfect with scars." "It is this
town whose general environs are too still crying for mercy."

      What is supposed to be the paper's comment is more or less a high
school composition in which we are told that: "Cde Manyika also castigated
some war veterans for being indiscipline . . . "

      And this picture caption: "ZANU PF national chairman Cde John Nkomo
and national commissor (sic) Cde Eliot (sic) Manyika at a workshop held for
political commissars in Harare last week."

      Uku ndiko kunonzi kungochengetana chete uku!

      Anyway, it is good to notice that Cde Ranga has since come to terms
with the sad fact of life - the fact that he is powerless in the face of the
marauding Professor. And he has since transmogrified those deadly brickbats
into euphonious praise songs! Another sword turned into a ploughshare!

      An advert is running in one of the newspapers. In the advert, the
Secretary for Transport and Communications, Cde Karikoga Kaseke, is trying
to sell himself. Over-excited to be appointed by the Great Uncle, the man
who, when he is dealing with whites, calls himself "Koga" is running
half-page full-colour adverts in which he is telling anyone who cares a few
things about himself.

      Himself? Yes, himself of all the people in this country. That he is an
"O" Vet, ex-soldier and holds this and that professional qualification. Then
there is a lot more trash about which dead parastatals he is trying to
resurrect and all that hogwash.

      We wonder whether a war background and/or being a former army man
makes one better qualified for any job. War veteran projects are collapsing,
the courts are jammed with war veterans facing criminal charges, some
telecommunication firms owned by war veterans and former soldiers can't take
off . . . so what makes him different? Newspaper adverts?

      Everybody should be really wondering what the advert is meant to
achieve. Isn't it better for him to do the miracle and then let the people
say it for him? Because right now he is behaving like one of those Mbare
"prophets" who go around putting up posters telling people that a "prophet"
is at such and such a place when it is the people who should do it for him.
When people hear of such a "prophet" they become very suspicious. So we
naturally become suspicious.

      We know there are people who just love publicity, but this is taking
this penchant for publicity too far. And by the way, who is paying for this
self-serving advert? Hopefully not the sick and tired taxpayer!

      Lastly, a curious Zimbo has asked CZ to please ask, on his behalf, in
what capacity Cde-Dr Tafataona Pasipaipa Mahoso attended the United Nations
Economic Commission for Africa's Fourth African Development Forum in Addis
Ababa, Ethiopia, as part of the Zimbabwean government delegation?

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      ZESA, WCC debt row set to spill into the courts

      Zitha Dube
      10/21/2004 6:54:07 AM (GMT +2)

      THE $60 billion debt dispute between government-owned energy entities
Wankie Colliery Company (WCC) and ZESA Holdings has taken a new twist, with
the latter threatening to sue Zimbabwe's sole coal miner for slander
following press reports on the conflict.

      The two parastatals have been haggling over the $60 billion debt that
WCC claims it is owed by ZESA, which steadfastly refuses to acknowledge the

      Instead, ZESA has threatened to sue WCC should the colliery company
continue claiming it is owed money.

      In a letter to WCC dated October 8 2004, ZESA categorically denies
owing any money to the coal producer. It instead accused WCC of erratic coal
deliveries and poor quality of coal and coke.

      "We are seriously concerned over the disturbing trend whereby WCC is
resorting to seeking undue media publication of coal pricing issues. As you
are well aware, issues relating to coal pricing are determined by and
resolved through the coal supply agreement, which further provides for an
arbitration process to resolve any dispute over pricing.

      "Regrettably, instead of addressing the coal and coke oven gas
accounts in terms of the said agreement, WCC has de-campaigned and thrown
spurious allegations against ZESA in the press for the plight of WCC, which
we know is due to the need for recapitalisation more than anything else,"
reads part of the letter.

      ZESA further states that the amounts that have been cited as making up
the debt were in dispute.

      "In all instances WCC has not had the courtesy to consult with ZESA on
the alleged indebtedness," reads part of the letter ZESA wrote to WCC.

      WCC has been accusing ZESA over non-payment of debts incurred for the
supply of coal to ZESA's power generating subsidiary, Zimbabwe Power Company

      The debt is understood to have arisen out of adjustments made to the
price of coal from $37 000 to $60 000 per tonne.

      "In the event that WCC continues to slander ZESA in the press, we
reserve the right to counter such allegations and sue for defamation and
consequential damages thereto," ZESA warned.

      The latest dispute comes amid reports that ZESA has been heavily
pressing government to okay the cession by WCC of its US$100 million Chaba
coal mine concession.

      Munacho Mutezo, WCC chairman, scoffed at the threats from ZESA but
refused to comment on the issue.

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      Govt's tobacco projections just a dream

      Zhean Gwaze
      10/21/2004 7:11:39 AM (GMT +2)

      ZIMBABWE'S tobacco industry players predict an average crop estimate
of 80 million kilogrammes, despite government's target for a miracle 160
million kg in the 2004/05 season.

      The Zimbabwe Tobacco Association (ZTA) this week said although the
government, in conjunction with the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ), has
embarked on a programme termed 'Vision 160' to target a crop of 160 million
kilograms for the coming season, the projected crop output would be low
because of inadequate funding and inputs shortage among growers.

      Although the projected output represents a 15 percentage increase from
the 68.7 million kg obtained this season, the figure falls short of the
glory that was associated with the crop four years ago.

      The golden leaf, which enjoyed a peak of over 200 million kg in 2000,
has slid year on year over the last four years to 160 million kg in 2001/2,
85 million kg in 2002/03 to an estimated 68 million kg in the current

      A shortage of inputs, undercapitalisation and the government's chaotic
land reform programme have been blamed for the decline of the erstwhile
principal foreign currency earning commodity.

      "The availability of affordable financing in particular the Productive
Sector Finance, was cited as the main concern in all areas along with high
borrowing rates.

      "Most growers have 80-90 percent of requirements on farm except for
coal. Very few growers have moved coal onto their farms. High transport
costs is the main inhibiting factor," the ZTA said.

      The Tobacco Industry Marketing Board (TIMB) said it has managed to
raise $232 billion for the financing of the 2004/5 tobacco crop, with 70
percent of the funds going towards inputs while 30 percent is for capital

      Three commercial banks, Syfrets Corporate and Merchant Bank, Agribank
and the Commercial Bank of Zimbabwe are also working on raising $50 billion
to re-establish Zimbabwe's long lost glory as one of the major tobacco

      Up to 80 percent of large-scale growers have signed growing contracts
with British America Tobacco, Tribac or Zimbabwe Leaf Tobacco.

      Analysts, however, said money raised so far was just a drop in the
ocean. Financing of the crop remains critical.

      Two batches of tobacco bills introduced early this month failed to
raise the required amounts as bids were rejected with potential investors
shunning lower yielding rates.

      Last season it cost $30 million to produce one hectare of flue cured
tobacco but production costs have since gone up by nearly 40 percent.

      "Looking at the calibre of most of our farmers not many could afford
even half of that, they will be sitting on a farm with a potential to
produce more than 100 hectares of the crop," said Moses Chundu CFX Financial
services group economist.

      "Indications to date show that areas to be planted by large-scale
growers are, at this time estimated to be below last year levels, but it is
still very early to be entirely certain, as many growers are still planting
or intending to plant," the ZTA also added.

      The US$120 million earned last year can only supply six weeks of
foreign currency allocation at the central bank's auction floors and
accounts for one week of Zimbabwe's foreign currency demand.

      Drop in output is despite a sharp rise in the number of growers who
have increased from 1 493 in 1990 to 12 700 in 2003, the ZTA said.

      International investors such as Dimon, Stancom, Universal Leaf Tobacco
Company, have now shifted their attention to nascent regional tobacco
growing competitors such as Zambia and Malawi, which are taking steps to
ramp up production.
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      Rising cost of living and its impact on consumers

      10/21/2004 7:29:20 AM (GMT +2)

      CONSUMERS in Zimbabwe are confronted with escalating bills for all
essential goods and services for daily consumption such as food and
beverages, medical care, housing and accommodation, transportation,
clothing, education and communication, public utilities, recreation and
other vital goods and services.

      All basic goods and services, which form part of the "consumer market
basket", have skyrocketed beyond affordability levels for most people. The
hyper-inflationary environment in Zimbabwe, which is characterised by
continuously rising prices and equivalently continuously falling value of
the dollar, has highly inflated consumer prices as measured by the consumer
price index (CPI).

      Though there are other indexes which measure different aspects of
inflation, the CPI is probably the best measure for inflation as experienced
by consumers, (who are mostly the working class people) since it's based on
the movement of day-to-day costs for basic goods and services.

      In January 2004, inflation as measured by the CPI stood at 622.8
percent before moving downwards in April to 505.0 percent and August 314.4
percent, respectively. The average inflation for 2004 could be well around
450 percent given the highs recorded in the first quarter of the year. What
these figures tell us is that rising costs in consumer goods and services
has deflated the purchasing power of the dollar, making it extremely
difficult for the majority of consumers to afford a decent standard of

      To the contrary, though wages have changed, they have not done so at
the same pace as inflation. For example, as per Statutory Instrument 141 of
2004, Labor Relations (Domestic Workers) Employment (Amendment) Regulations
2004, basic monthly salaries applicable from June 1 2004 for grade
1yard/garden worker is $83 000, grade 2 cook/housekeeper $90 300, grade 3
child-minder $109 245 and grade 4 disabled/aged person minder $131 094,
respectively. Retirement incomes, such as pensions, for retired minimum wage
earners are lower than these figures in many instances.

      Minimum wages in Zimbabwe have lost their purchasing power to an
extent that they have only become wages in nominal value and not real wages
in dollar terms. It goes without saying that many working people, especially
those in receipt of minimum wages, are living in the shadows of poverty.

      As wages (including pensions) have not been adjusted frequently in
line with inflationary trends, most working people cannot afford basic
necessities in life. Workers continue to work hard daily, yet the returns
from their wages are insignificant and inadequate to sustain their
day-to-day cost of living. Retired workers who are on fixed income have been
severely impacted as they rely only on one income and also considering that
they have higher medical bills because of their ages. Most workers and
pensioners in Zimbabwe have simply sunk into a bottomless pit and can only
be rescued if the government, private and public sectors, take stern
measures to avert the crisis.

      Wages overall have only been jogging while inflation has been
sprinting towards the infinity line. The economic indicators like the CPI
show us that the cost of goods and services consumed daily by Zimbabweans
have been increasing at a rate beyond sustainability by wages. The imbalance
between prices for basic goods and services and wage increases has made it
difficult for workers to fill their market baskets with basic necessities.

      Price controls that have been imposed by the government as a measure
of keeping the prices for basic consumer goods and services down, have not
worked out as intended. This is so because price controls are a reactive
short- term economic measure, which in the long term has little impact in
keeping the prices of goods and services at affordable levels.

      To the contrary, price controls have led to shortages of basic
commodities on the market as industries affected by them have simply stopped
producing those goods as they found it economically unsustainable to do so
given the higher production costs they incurred. Most companies simply
closed their factories in response to price controls, sending thousands of
workers into the streets.

      The consequence of price controls is unemployment, more shortages of
goods, a thriving black market and even higher prices for consumers. In a
price controlled environment goods will be available in the streets,
backyards and alleys at double or treble the gazetted government prices.

      Instead of benefiting consumers, price controls in actual effect shoot
consumers in the foot as they hurt the consumers more that they benefit
them. From experience, in 2003 when we had sweeping price controls for basic
goods, consumers faced even higher bills for basic goods and services. The
year on year percentage movement in the CPI in 2003 rose to record highs for
most categories of goods and services. For example: the year on year
percentage CPI in 2003 for transport and communication averaged 1110.6
percent, medical care 569.1 percent, food 635.6 percent, clothing 525.2
percent, respectively.

      As part of the economic recovery process, we need to address and not
sideline concerns for consumers, which relate to the cost of living. We need
a concerted effort not only by the government, but by the private and public
sectors too. The government, of course, should take the lead in policy
formulation and implementation at the macroeconomic level, but industry and
commerce, which employs the majority of the workforce at the microeconomic
level, has to step in too. The Consumer Council Of Zimbabwe should also step
up its efforts in lobbying the government and private sector on issues
relating to cost of living, wages and consumer rights.

      In Zimbabwe as we approach the 2005 budget announcement, the Minister
Of Finance should take bold steps to address consumer issues. The budget,
while addressing the broader macroeconomic issues, should also specifically
address minimum wages, salaries, pensions and other employee benefits. The
budget should adopt measures that increase workers' take home pay, such as
increasing non- taxable thresholds for wages and salaries, increase
non-taxable portion on bonuses, cut tax on retirement income, cut taxes on
contributions to retirement plans and so on.

      Tied to this are reductions in sales tax and duties on importation of
basic goods within the definition of the CPI market basket.

      Failure to address consumer issues such as linking wages to cost of
living could make picket lines the norm in Zimbabwe. Workers will be driven
to industrial action not by choice, but as a last resort in order to draw
attention of government and employers to their grievances. In conclusion the
rising cost of living caused by high inflation can only be successfully
addressed within the broader macroeconomic environment. The 2005 budget
should therefore focus on addressing the macroeconomic fundamentals such as:
economic growth, job creation, monetary policy (interest rates, devaluation,
foreign exchange rates), fiscal issues (budget deficit, government
expenditure, taxes) and so on, that will put the economy on a path to

      Part 2 of this article will specifically look into the consumer price
index and its key components.

      Allen Choruma is a corporate lawyer based in Seattle USA. He can be
contacted on e-mail:

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      Behold:'Third Chimurenga' is now eating its children

      10/21/2004 7:26:15 AM (GMT +2)

      It is generally accepted that apart from policy implementation, the
functions of a government ministry include imposing restraints on groups and
individuals and compelling them to take or not to take certain actions.

      I strongly believe government regulation should also include
promotion, which means encouraging, strengthening and safeguarding the
interests of stakeholders falling under a particular ministerial portfolio.

      But alas, the approach of some ministries these days seems to be
vengeful and vindictive. Instead of providing leadership to ensure adherence
to stipulated procedures, some ministries seem to have abandoned this
facilitatory role. They appear to have assumed a prosecutorial stance in
which their main objective seems to be "to fix" stakeholders for real or
imagined transgressions.

      I came to this conclusion after watching the now annual eviction of
unsuspecting families from land they occupied at the height of the seizure
of farms from whites in 2000. At that time these peasants were encouraged to
stay put on the farms and their presence was touted as a sign of the success
of the land reform programme.

      But disturbingly and confoundingly, the government has now changed its
tune and the story is now that these peasants were occupying land earmarked
for large-scale farming.

      The government may not admit it, but these developments prove that
those observers who have commented on the chaotic and haphazard manner in
which the resettlement programme was implemented had a point. For, how can
the government only realise four years later that some peasants were settled
on land not earmarked for subsistence farming?

      But whether one believes the official excuse given for evicting these
landless people or the cynical and more realistic observation that these
peasants are being moved to make way for "chefs" is now beside the point.

      What is of great concern is the manner in which the hapless settlers
are being forced off land they had begun to call home. It is as though they
are now being punished for having helped to make agrarian reform a "success"
by occupying white-owned farms, for which they were once applauded by the

      One can not help wondering whether something good will eventually came
out of a process that has caused so much unnecessary anguish and acrimony.

      First it was the white farmers who were bundled off the farms without
notice. Now it is the turn of the peasants who helped to hound the whites
off the land to have a dose of the same medicine.

      One wonders if, after this, the incoming settlers will become the
permanent occupiers or whether another wave of evictions will occur when the
government discovers yet another anomaly a few years down the road.

      But why, may I ask, can't the ministry concerned undertake these
evictions in a more humane manner? Why do the peasants' huts have to be
bulldozed at this time of the year when the rain season is imminent?

      Pictures of stranded families parked along highways surrounded by all
their earthly belongings evoke images of the crisis in the western Darfur
region of Sudan where more than one million people have been driven from
their homes by Janjaweed militias. It is worrying that the actions of our
government that is supposed to have the welfare of all Zimbabweans at heart
are indistinguishable from those of anarchic Arab militias in Sudan as far
as these forcible evictions are concerned.

      This is not to say that the government should not have taken the
action it has embarked on to correct what it regards as an anomaly. The
question is why it is necessary to humiliate these landless people.

      The timing of the evictions is yet another perplexing matter. Why does
the ministry concerned wait until the rain season is almost upon us to evict
people who rely on tilling the land to feed their families and eke out a

      The fact that these evictees become fixtures along highways with
nowhere to go is proof that when these evictions are embarked on, no thought
is given to the human dimension. But these hapless evictees are every bit as
Zimbabwean as the "chefs" who are to replace them as the rightful occupiers
of the farms.

      The government's failure to be humane and even-handed in tackling this
matter is the worst example of robbing Peter to pay Paul.

      The peasants are now being nonchalantly cast aside as though they are
criminals and yet they are supposed to be the main beneficiaries of the land
redistribution programme. Where must they go now? Back to the poor sandy
soils of the congested communal areas?

      Are we to believe that the ministry responsible for these cruel
evictions is incapable of forward planning? Why did it not inform the
affected families that last planting season would be their last on the
affected farms?

      If these evictions are to continue, it would lessen human suffering if
the affected peasants were informed in advance of their planned evictions.
Is it too much to ask, for example, that those who will be required to
vacate land they are now occupying in the next rain season are informed now
that this is the last planting season they will enjoy on the farms?

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Zimbabwean MBA1 Gives Perspective on His Homeland

Global Goings-On

Published: Tuesday, October 12, 2004

In the U.S. and Europe, Robert Mugabe, the president of Zimbabwe is widely viewed as corrupt. He is regularly condemned by publications from the New York Times to the Economist and is often blamed for the country's widespread poverty. The case against Mugabe is well documented by Western publications and institutions. However, Terence Mukupe, an MBA1 from Zimbabwe, disagrees with the conventional wisdom of the West when it comes to Mugabe. In interviewing Terence this week, I heard a stark contrast from anything else I'd ever read on Zimbabwe.

Can you give us some historical context surrounding Zimbabwe's drive for independence in 1980 and Robert Mugabe's ascension to the presidency?
There was a situation whereby Zimbabwe had its own form of apartheid. Blacks had been segregated and forced onto non-arable land and limited in their careers and what they were allowed to do. Leading up to independence, there was a split amongst the freedom fighters (fighting against the white minority) along tribal lines. Mugabe came from the largest tribe, the Shona, and thereby inherited the presidency. The other tribe, the Ndebele, was led by [Joshua] Nkomo. Nkomo had a different style than Mugabe; he didn't have the same sort of aggression, and was more of a fatherly figure. To this day, people call him the father of the nation. He was to Zimbabwe what [Nelson] Mandela is to South Africa.

Shortly after Zimbabwe gained its independence, there was a civil war between the two tribes. Who and what started the civil war?
The minority tribe, the Ndebele felt aggrieved and decided to start the civil war, and the leader of their party, Nkomo, was exiled. They certainly were aggrieved, but whether it was right for them to start a civil war, I don't know. The Ndebele rebels were primarily formed by former members of the freedom fighters who were left out of independent Zimbabwe's military. When independence was won, one army had to be created. Because the Shonas were in control, they also wanted to control the army, and it came down to a power game. The rebel groups would use the civilians for logistical support; the government would try to root the rebels out, and innocent people became the casualties. The government came down hard on the Ndebele; later, the president apologized for all of the events of the civil war and said it was a bad time for all. The main complaint of the civilian minority population was that the government should have done a better job protecting them. The rebels would tell civilians that if they gave their identities to the government, then they would be killed. But then the government killed civilians as well for not telling them where the rebels were.'; paragraph[1] = 'What could have been done to avoid the civil war?
In percentages, whites are about 7-8 percent of Zimbabwe's population, Ndebele, the minority tribe, composes about 15-20 percent of the population, and the Shona are about 60 percent. (I am a Shona.) Immediately after independence, Mugabe included the Ndebele as part of his first government, and if they hadn't started the war, maybe it would have been better. Either way, things were divided along tribal lines so much that there would have eventually been a problem.

How did the civil war conclude?
During the time when Mugabe and Nkomo were freedom fighters, they used to be in the same political party; Nkomo was Mugabe's leader. In 1987, they worked out their differences in the civil war by merging their parties and forming a government of national unity where Nkomo was vice president. They put in structures whereby if the president is a Shona, the vice president must be Ndebele, and vice-versa. This ended the tribal rivalries in politics in Zimbabwe. Political clashes in Africa are always along tribal lines, and in Zimbabwe, we've become mature in that respect. I chose to learn and go to university in an area that was predominantly Ndebele; we can now do that.

Zimbabwe continued to be involved in regional wars well after the end of the war for independence and its civil war. Do you believe Zimbabwe's involvement in Mozambique and the Congo was justified?
From the time that we got our independence, all of our oil came from Mozambique. So we really had a vested interest in the outcome of the war; our participation was not a matter of choice. Our involvement in the Congo was more a matter of choice, but I believe it was the right thing to do.
You have to understand that Mugabe is a freedom fighter and doesn't believe in colonization. The quick history of the Congo conflict is that Congo's president upon independence was highly outspoken, not liked by the West, and ultimately killed by the Belgians, who then put in a puppet, corrupt government. A rebel group overthrew the puppet government, but the country was then invaded by Uganda and Rwanda for their own selfish interest in the mineral of the country. Because of Mugabe's freedom fighter convictions, he believed he needed to maintain the sovereignty of the Congo against being colonized by other African countries. Democratic institutions were on the way in the Congo if it hadn't been for the invasion.'; paragraph[2] = 'In Zimbabwe's mind, we accomplished our mission in the Congo as it was able to achieve democracy after the end of the war.

Do you believe then that life has improved for the average black citizen of Zimbabwe since independence?
Definitely, the black life has improved since independence, but I would say that we've gone through cycles. The peak of our prosperity was in 1995-1996; those were the most prosperous years for our country.

Since independence in 1980, Zimbabwe's GDP per capita has plunged from $950 to $600. Corruption and mismanagement by Mugabe are generally attributed to be the leading causes by Western governments and media institutions. Do you agree?
How do you measure GDP? It is a measure of output, but, at independence, all resources and output was catering to 100,000 white people. When independence came about, free education, health care, and other such social services were made free. This was a deliberate strategy that came at an economic cost. But in terms of literacy, we have the highest literacy rate in Africa.

What good is literacy if people still can't afford to eat?
When you say that people can't eat, you're thinking of an urban population. But when you talk about eating in Zimbabwe, you're talking about maize, and 75 percent of the maize comes from communal farmers. So the structure was such that when you're talking about GDP, you're talking about how well the whites were living. The basics are providing people with education, and then providing people with jobs. I don't believe that you can do that in the reverse order.

The government's lack of respect for white property rights is often blamed for the lack of foreign investment in the country and the fall in Zimbabwe's agricultural output. Even if the government wanted to redistribute the land, wouldn't it have been better to purchase the white land at market prices?
The first constitution signed after independence said that the government was required to buy the land to do redistribution and the government did not have the resources; it was enshrined that for 10 years, this piece of the constitution couldn't be touched.'; paragraph[3] = 'The government tried to talk to the white people to find some agreement where they would give up only some of their land. Whites rightfully felt that they owned the land and needed to be compensated. I understand their perspective, as it was their great-great grandparents and not them who had confiscated the land; their sense of belonging, having not confiscated the land themselves, was justified. The government told the whites that there was no way that taxpayers could compensate them for their land; if so, it would have meant that the black people would have been using their own money to purchase back the land that rightfully belonged to them.

But wouldn't Zimbabwe have fared better in the long run from an economic standpoint if it had taken on credit to pay the white landowners fair market value?
If you look at this from an economic standpoint, you'll always get it wrong; it's a matter of principle. Donors were prepared to give the government money to buy back the land, but only in the form of credit. Britain and America promised Zimbabwe's government at independence to provide money for land buyback, but their guarantees were not fully honored. Ultimately, Zimbabwe has to service that credit, and that is at the cost of the black taxpayer.
The issue was equity. There was no way blacks would be empowered as long as the land question was not properly addressed. Dispossession of the land was at the root of the drive for independence. You cannot go to a freedom fighter and say to him, "Wait for the agricultural output that a white farmer is going to produce so that you can see the economy is doing well." There had to be a physical transfer of the land. You cannot have 10 percent of the population controlling 85 percent of the land.
Having said all this, the government, in as much as they had a genuine reason for wanting the land - their execution strategy was too revolutionary. They could have had a better thought-out strategy of repossessing the land without disrupting the agricultural output of the country. But at the end of the day, it was something that had to be done.'; paragraph[4] = 'Why has Botswana succeeded in growing its economy while Zimbabwe has failed?
Botswana on paper has fantastic economic figures, but if you go there, it has no infrastructure comparable to Zimbabwe's. Does it have any industry? No. All the money comes from diamonds, and if the diamonds run out, what's going to happen to them? There's no farming, no industry. So tell me, are they really better off?

One of the things that has strangled Zimbabwe's economy is the long-time maintenance of a fixed exchange rate with a high black market premium. This made dollars available cheaply to those connected with the government but made exporting unprofitable. Why was this system maintained?
Look at it this way. For 99 percent of emerging markets, imports outstrip exports, so you need support for the balance of payments. With the land redistribution, all of our external credit lines were cancelled, so there is a serious shortage of foreign currency, leading to the black market and pressure on the domestic currency.

Isn't the right answer to float the currency?
The exchange rate might change, but it wouldn't have changed the scarcity of hard currency. In absolute terms there would still be a shortage of FX. Our problem is not about the exchange rate but availability of FX.

Another source of the economic decline was the price controls imposed by the government. Why did the government impose these controls?
What fueled the black market in Zimbabwe was bank speculation. The thinking behind the bank behavior was that the government was suppressing interest rates below the inflation rate so that there were negative real interest rates. In order for them to preserve their capital, they had to move their money into commodities, leading to such speculation. As an example, one of the banks bought into the largest brick company in the country and stopped a year's production in order to speculate on prices. In a situation where you have monopolies controlling the supplies of commodities, you can't talk about floating prices. So the price caps were necessary as a temporary measure. Both the exchange rate and price caps have since been removed. Now, only increases in prices basic commodities (primary inputs) must be justified to the government.'; paragraph[5] = 'If you believe that all these economic policies were ultimately the right choice, on what do you blame Zimbabwe's poor economic performance?
The combination of the arrogance of the president [Mugabe] and the arrogance of Tony Blair. These two arrogant presidents are really headstrong, and because of their behavior, ordinary people suffer. Tony Blair did more harm than good. He should have just stayed out of it. Because of his actions, maybe Mugabe hit the panic button.

Mugabe's 2002 election was widely reported to be rigged. Do you disagree?
I don't believe that the 2002 election was rigged. Everyone who wanted to vote had a chance to vote, and it was the largest turnout ever. The question is, who is the international community? If the African Union and the ACP (African, Caribbean, and Pacific States) declared the elections free and fair, and, on the other hand, the European Union declared that they were not free and fair, then you wonder, who is the international community that should be valued the most?

Do you believe that Mugabe is corrupt, and, if not, do you believe he can be an effective leader for Zimbabwe?
I don't believe that he is corrupt, and I do believe that he can be an effective leader. Before the land question came up, he was the darling of the west. Once that came in, it took on a racial tip instead of looking at the facts on the ground. I don't think you can become a bad leader overnight.

What do you think of Zimbabwe's future?
I think it's on the right track, and, if only people could leave us Zimbabweans to decide our destiny, we'd be fine. We don't need people to tell us what to do, and if people could just see what's on the ground, they might think differently. It's not as if whites are on one side and blacks are on the other; that's what the Western media would want people to believe. We've always been a peaceful country and I believe God is on our side.

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GARY KEOGH, much loved husband of Tina, (Harare), adored father to Richard
(20) and Cailin (12) (Johannesburg), and step-father to Natalie (15) and
Chantelle (13); eldest son of Derrick and Charlene Keogh (Harare), and
eldest brother to Neville, Darryl and Kathy, died tragically in a plane
crash at Halifax in Canada in the early hours of 14th October 2004.

A Celebration of his life will be held at the Chisipite Senior School
Chapel in Harare on Friday 22nd 2004 at 3.30 pm and afterwards at his home
at No. 2 Yardley Road, Chisipite.


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20th October 2004



TAKE NOTICE that an application for the confirmation of the acquisition
order issued in respect of the following farms has been filed in the
Administrative Court at Harare and that the Respondent and any holder of
real rights over the said farm are required to lodge their objections
within 5 days after the publication of this notice failure to which the
matter shall be set down unopposed without any further notice.

A copy of the application is available for collection at Applicant's
undersigned legal practitioner of record's address between Monday to Friday
from 8am to 4pm.

Minister of Special Affairs in the Office
of the President and Cabinet in Charge of Lands,
Land Reform and Resettlement.

Applicant's Legal Practitioners
2nd Floor, Block "A"
New Govt. Complex
Cnr Samora Machel AVe/Fourth St.

1.  5707/92. Sabi Star Enterprises P/L: Bikita: Angus Ranch: 15 784,7999
ha: LA 4475/04

 2.  6684/84. Roger Topping P/L: Bindura: Gashforth: 894,2048ha: LA
 3.  59/55. Victor Vaillie: Bindura: Foothills: 703,2013 ha: LA 4480/04

 4.  5718/82. Campbell's Holdings (Private) Limited: Charter: Inyatzitzi:
1 285,00 ha: LA 4508/04.
 5.  2107/78. Johan Christiaan Adriaan Smit: Charter: Markdale South: 1
777,5162ha: LA 4237/04
 6.  5718/82. Campbell's Holdings (Private) Limited: Charter: Chipisa:
642,4656 ha: LA 4234/04
 7.  4399/54. James Thomas Wheeler: Charter: R/E of Wildebeestlaagte: 1
000,14 morgen: LA 1321/02
 8.  5/59. James Thomas Wheeler: Charter: Fairview of Hartebeestlaagte: 1
500,14 morgen: LA 1323/02
 9.  14/90. Chigara Estates P/L: Charter: Delport Wish: 1 182,3090 ha: LA
 10.  11132/99. Freitas Investments: Charter: Vasalt of Knockholt: 1
027,82 ha: LA 3073/02
 11.  2161/82. Cornelius Johannes Nel: Charter: Doorn-Kastel: 1 284,7842
ha: LA 469/01

 12.  7788/89. The Jovner Family Trist: Chilimanzi: Widgeon: 5 333,8734
ha: LA 4465/04
 13.  2830/76. Jacobus Johannes Petrus La Grange: Chilimanzi: Nuwejaar: 2
851,0558 ha: LA 4468/04
 14.  2595/71. Johan Christian Kriek: Chilimanzi: Lot 1 of Beema:
274,0391 ha: LA 4235/04
 15.  6499/80. Phillip Rudolph Kruger: Chilimanzi: Middeldeel: 2 510,7960
ha: LA 4522/04
 16.  1755/80. Johannes Michiel Jacobs: Chilimanzi: Grassland A; 1
372,7937 ha: LA 4342/04
 17.  1032/58. Maria Elizabeth Kriek MOCP to
   Johan Christiaan Kriek: Chilimanzi: Lot 2 of Beema: 159,9707 morgen: LA
 18.  122/63. Jacobus Marthinus Erasmus: Chilimanzi: Floradale: 1
502,7218 acres: LA 4439/04
 19.  2516/91. Berry Springs Holdings (Private) Limited: Chilimanzi:
Berry Springs: 1 339,0989 ha: LA 4295/04
 20.  1639/81. John Christian Kriek: Chilimanzi: Osemrowend Estate
comprising Lot 3 of Beema, Asemrowend: 722,0545 ha: LA 4400/04
 21.  4290/91. Nyororo Farm (Private) Limited: Chilimanzi: Nyororo
Estate: 2 412,7464 ha: LA 4517/04
 22.  4796/75. Jacob De Klerk Jovner: Chilimanzi: Northdale: 2 831,4770
ha: LA 4262/01
 23.  218/96. Fefetera Investments P/L: Chilimanzi: Southdale: 2 381,0122
ha: LA 4363/04
 24.  5701/80. Malcom Kenneth Mackintosh: Chilimanzi: S/D fo Grasslands:
854,1655 ha: LA 4325/04
 25.  4287/77. Malcom Kenneth Mackintosh: Chilimanzi: The Remainder of
Daviot of Shasha Fountains: 1 157,1911 ha: LA 4496/04
 26.  1658/91. Indibreed P/L: Chilimanzi: Nyombi Estate: 1 243,2046 ha;
LA 4283/04
 27.  3465/80. Johannes Jacobus Smit: Chilimanzi: Endama Ranche: 1
386,6228 ha: LA 4442/04.
 28.  3143/66. Jacobus Marthinus Erasmus: Chilimanzi: Kombisa: 2
450,99180 acres: LA 2942/02
 29.  598/97. Sarco Farm (Pvt) Ltd: Chilimanzi: Llandebie: 966,15 ha: LA

 30.  7158/97. Grassflats Farm P/L: Chipinga: Ypres 1A: 891,4524 ha: LA
 31.  490/86. Jacob Salomon Kotze: Chipinga: Remainder of Hartebeest Nek:
858,5751 ha: LA 4394/04

 32.  693/96. Pepperidge Farm (1991) P/L: Darwin: Lot 2 of Kwarate:
565,9000 ha: LA 4398/04

 33.  4452/2000. Inspan Investments (Private) Limited: Gatooma: Coryton:
1 294 4500 HA: la 4241/04
 34.  6760/72. Alfred John Read: Gatooma: Pamene: 1 253,9424 ha: LA
 35.  4300/85. Peter Haritatos: Gatooma: Remainder of Farm 1 of Umsweswi
River Block: 712,1259 ha: LA 4406/04
 36.  4085/76. Molina Ranch (Private) Limited: Gatooma: Molina: 6
965,0194 ha: LA 4403/04

 37.  10838/89. Dunclare Enterprises (Private) Limtied: Goromonzi:
Fordyce of Melfort Estate: 1 279,1654 ha: LA 3290/03
 38.  9148/87. Northfield Farm P/L: Goromonzi: Northfield: 676,6492 ha:
LA 3288/02

 39.  5081/84. Jacobus Gerhardus Jorner: Gutu: The Remainder of Geluk:
856,9306 ha: LA 4252/04
 40.  705/80. Thomas Johannes Nel: Gutu: Minjn Rust: 763,2604 ha: LA
 41.  2195/79. Jakob Johannes Jackson: Gutu: Chomfuli: 1 011,2816 ha: LA
 42.  3465/80. Johannes Jacobus Smit: Gutu: Woodlands: 1 323,3918 ha; LA
 43.  2115/65. Thomas Johannes Nel: Gutu: Goie Hoop: 1 886,0428 acres: LA
 44.  9766/90. Wheatlands Holdings P/L: Gutu: Wheatlands: 1 444,5634 ha:
LA 4523/04
 45.  5209/84. Hendrik Stephanus Veldman: Gutu: Lauder: 741,7446 ha: LA
 46.  5081/84. Jacob Gerhardus Jovner: Gutu: The Remainder of Welwart: 1
402,3613 ha: LA 4245/04
 47.  5051/82. Thomas Johannes Bezuidenhout: Gutu: Ripley: 543,0324 ha:
LA 4491/04
 48.  1170/76. Dirk Cornelius Odendaal, Gert Hacobus,
   Adrian Odendaal, Thomas Joahnnes
   Bezuidenhout, Johan Christian Kriek
   Bezuidenhout, Cecilia Jacomina Maris: Gutu: Denholm: 493,4186 ha: LA
 49.  10488/91. Vosloo Investment (Private) Limited: Gutu: Donnachaid:
606,2749 ha: LA 4444/04
 50.  10489/99. Sepbell Investments P/L: Gutu: Good Luck: 1 320,9935 ha:
LA 4450/04
 51.  6765/85. Cornelius Johannes Odendaal: Gutu: Willand: 1 245,1417 ha:
LA 4238/04
 52.  6764/85. Dirk Cornelius Odendaal: Gutu: Edgar Ridge: 1 486,0588 ha:
LA 4242/04
 53.  560/62. Thomas Johannes Nel: Gutu: Neoldale: 3 970,5719 acres: LA
 54.  208/63. Dirk Cornelius Odendaal: Gutu: Blyth: 1 540,7476 acres: LA
 55.  2660/85. Benjimin James Layard Bezuidenhout: Gutu: Haig: 625,5951
ha: LA 4337/04
 56.  4899/85. Cornelius Johannes Odendaal: Gutu: Lorn: 1 978,4610 ha: LA
 57.  2330/77. Jacobus Daniel Nel: Gutu: Muirlands: 961,9135 ha: LA
 58.  5118/99. Hendrik Stephanus Veldman: Gutu: Eyrie: 800,8444 ha: LA
 59.  893/47. William Charles Rhodes Nel: Gutu: Chibakwi: 1 777,5980
morgen: LA 4489/04
 60.  3414/78. Esajas Fillipus Petrus Vosloo: Gutu: Irvine: 1 280,7115
ha: LA 4323/04
 61.  3602/81. Dirk Cornelius Odendaal: Gutu: Condor A: 2 015,6249 ha: LA

 62.  509/97. C M Zartmann (Pvt) Ltd: Gwelo: Belgrave: 1 761,39 ha: LA
 63.  3083/96. Nursells Farming P/L: Gwelo: Mt. Pleasant Portion of Lot
Number 60 Portion of Umsungwe Block: 145,7085 ha: LA 1671/02

 64.  5138/94. Mafuti Estates (Private) Limited: Hartley: Donore:
653,0522 ha: LA 4437/04
 65.  303/82. Zimbo Junction Farm (Private) Limited: Hartley: Rosedale of
Lot 1 of Zimbo Junction: 485,6257 ha: LA 4415/04
 66.  4897/85. Johannes Jacobus Joubert: Hartley: Lot 1 of Mopani:
885,2304 ha: LA 4269/04
 67.  0432/91. Ryange Farming (Private) Limited: Hartley: Homedale:
566,9507 ha: LA 4448/04
 68.  7315/95. Burnbank Estates (Private) Limited: Hartley: Lot 6 of
Cxrown Ranch: 727,0774 ha: LA 4447/04
 69.  11104/98. Milanwood Enterprises (Private) Limited: Hartley:
Milanwood: 798,8823 ha: LA 4312/04
 70.  6769/85. James Crichton Lamb: Hartley: The Remaining Extent of
Lambourne of Railway Farm 16: 591,7045ha: LA 4464/04
 71.  5733/94. B Barry: Hartley: Nugget: 274,3356 ha: LA 4466/04
 72.  5305/72. W J Henry: Hartley: Torphin: 647,9131 ha: LA 4236/04
 73.  3376/75. Kenneth Selous Sherrifs: Hartley: Tilford: 856,5180 ha: LA
 74.  2584/78. Helden Estate (Private) Limited: Hartley: Sivundazi:
780,2879 ha: LA 3171/04
 75.  612/97. Sezlin Investments (Private) Limited: Hartley: The
Remaining Extent of Preston Estate: 419,2812 ha: LA 4467/04
 76.  1761/91. Danlyn Estates (Private) Limited: Hartley: Childerly of
Makwiro Source: 445,1076 ha: LA 4368/04
 77.  10302/99. Mike Campbell (Private) Limited: Hartley: The Remaining
Extent of Railway Farm 19: 1 132,8408 ha: LA 4428/04
 78.  2508A/86. Ronald Herbert Speight: Hartley: Remainder of Farm
Lowood: 883,1816 ha LA 4350/04
 79.  4587/89. Ronald Herbert Speight: Hartley: Esintabeni: 4 305,5291
ha: LA 4429/04
 80.  11800/99. J T Management Consultancy (Private) Limited: Hartley:
Zimbo Drift: 996,1305 ha: LA 4477/04
 81.  7058/80. Hopeful Farm (Privte) Limited: Hartley: Faun of Rederma:
984,2277 ha: LA 42132/04
 82.  1715/63. Merton Park (Private) Limited: Hartley: Lot 3 of
Knockmalloch Estate of Austria: 1788,6987 acres: LA 4258/04
 83.  5682/74. Brunswik Farm (Private) Limited: Hartley: Remainder of
Brunswick of Railway Farm 13: 514,1667 ha: LA 4331/04
 84.  012/91. G D R Investment Holdings (Private) Limited: Hartley: The
Remainder of Cornucopia: 823,8123 ha: LA 4318/04
 85.  1168/83. Balclutha (Private) Limited: Hartley: Remaining Extent of
Good Hope: 513,0380 ha: LA 4478/04

 86.  39/95. Mark Jeremy Freer: Marandellas: Remainder of Farm 5 of
Holton Estate: 514,4222 ha: LA 3222/02

 87.  604/85. Thomas Negri Da Oleggio: Mangwendi: Farm Mignon: 1 213,2493
ha: LA 355/00

 88.  884/90. Peigeonswood Farm (Private) Limited: Mrewa: Remainder of
Devauden: 996,7070 ha: LA 3368/03
 89.  6954/94 Landsley Farm (Private) Limited: Mrewa: Lot 1 of Leylands:
809,3726 ha: LA 3357/03

 90.  4105/84. Douglas John Stanley:0 Wedza: Lot 1 of Subdivision A of
Fair Adventure of Hopleys Block: 607,0104 ha: LA 3274/03



JAG Hotlines:
(091) 261 862 If you are in trouble or need advice,
(011) 205 374
(011) 863 354 please don't hesitate to contact us -
(011) 431 068
                                we're here to help!
263 4 799 410 Office Lines
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LEGAL COMMUNIQUÉ - 20th October 2004



Please find listed below the Section 5 listings from the Herald on Friday
15th October, 2004.


Preliminary Notice to Compulsorily Acquire Land

NOTICE is hereby given, in terms of subsection (1) of section 5 of the Land
Acquisition Act (Chapter 20:10), that the President intends to acquire
compulsorily the land described in the Schedule for resettlement purposes.

A plan of the land is available for inspection at the following offices of
the Ministry of Special Affairs in the Office of the President and Cabinet
in Charge of Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement between 8 a.m. and 4 p.m.
from Monday to Friday other than on a public holiday on or before 15th
November 2004.

(a) Block 2, Makombe Complex Cnr Harare Street and Herbert Chitepo Avenue,
Harare; (b) Ministry of Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement, CF 119,
Government Composite Block, Robert Mugabe Way, Mutare; (c) Ministry of
Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement, 4thFloor, Block H Office, 146,
Mhlahlandlela Government Complex, Bulawayo; (d) Ministry of Lands, Land
Reform and Resettlement, M & W Building, Corner Park/Link Street, Chinoyi;
(e) Ministry of Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement, 1st Floor, Founders
House, The Green, Marondera; (f) Ministry of Lands, Land Reform and
Resettlement, 19 Hellet Street, Masvingo; (g) Ministry of Lands, Land
Reform and Resettlement, Exchange Building, Main Street, Gweru; (h)
Ministry of Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement, Mtshabezi Building, First
Floor, Office No. F20, Gwanda; (i) Ministry of Lands, Land Reform and
Resettlement, Ndodahondo Building, Bindura.

Any owner or occupier or any other person who has an interest and right in
the said land, and who wishes to object to the proposed compulsory
acquisition, may lodge the same, in writing, with the Minister of Special
Affairs in the Office of the President and Cabinet In Charge of Lands, Land
Reform and Resettlement, Private Bag 7779, Causeway, Harare on or before
15th November 2004.

 J L NKOMO, Minister of Special Affairs in the
President's Office in Charge of Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement.

 1.  3436/90. Liebigs Zimbabwe Limited: Bellingwe: Lot 2 of Wedza Block:
7 805,1675 ha
 2.  2233/90. Kenneth David Drummond: Bellingwe: Lot 3 of Wedza Block: 9
886/3341 ha
 3.  1139/90. Ranching Company (Private) Limited: Bellingwe: Lot 4 of
Wedza Block: 13 345,5157 ha
 4.  1250/90. E R York and Company (Private) Limited: Bellingwe: Lot 5 of
Wedza Block: 16 547,9644 ha
 5.  1193/90. Barberton (Private) Limited: Bellingwe: Lot 6 of Wedza
Block: 10 675,5869 ha
 6.  1190/90. Lynwood Ranching Company (Private) Limited: Bellingwe: Lot
7 of Wedza Block: 17 268,6700 ha

 7.  5818/80. Dunbarton Estate (Private) Limited: Darwin: Lot 1 of Vuka:
1 223,1987 ha

 8.  3779/2000. Derdrop (Private) Limited: Lomagundi: Homefield: 614,999

 9.  636/96. Longevity Investments (Private) Limited: Mazoe: Subdivision
B of Caledon: 908,4345 ha
 10.  7972/98. Elgrey Management (Private) Limited: Mazoe: The Remaining
Extent of Ndiri of Moores Grant: 282,1486 ha
 11.  6686/2000. Samuel Edward Miller: Mazoe: Lot 6 of Mbebi Jersey:
86,0629 ha
 12.  6688/2000. Schaldo Farm (Private) Limited: Mazoe: Lot 2 of Mbebi
Jersey Farm: 311,8603 ha
 13.  6687/2000. Getthrough Investment (Private) Limited: Mazoe: Lot 3 of
Mbebi Jersey Farm: 126,5410 ha
 14.  6685/2000. Titular Investments (Private) Limited: Mazoe: Lot 5 of
Mbebi Jersey Farm: 79,1842 ha
 15.  931/92. Fantail Farms (Private) Limited: Mazoe: Lot 1 of
Springvale: 738,2173 ha
 16.  4338/75. R A Beatie & Sons (Private) Limited: Mazoe: The Remaining
Extent of Barwick Estate: 1067,0583 ha

 17.  6809/88. Peter Southerton Hingeston: Ndanga: Lot 1A of Triangle
Ranch: 211,5373 ha

 18.  118/2001. Nimbindale Farm (Private) Limited: Shamva: Lot 2 of
Wolley Estate: 141,7788 ha
 19.  1345/78. P & M Enterprises (Private) Limited: Shamva: Palmgrove
Annexe of Ceres: 155,0298 ha

 20.  10724/89. Deborah Jane Laing, Hayley-Joy Laing, Charlene Dale
   Laing, Paula Jane Laing: Sipolilo: Gurungwe Estates: 2047,6641 ha
 21.  5546/80. Zimbabwe Mining and Smelting Company (Private) Limited:
Sipolilo: Matimba: 1 301,9994 ha
 22.  38/67. Nicholas Floyer Botwell Leared: Sipolilo: Flame Lily:
845,4819 ha



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(011) 205 374
(011) 863 354 please don't hesitate to contact us -
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President Tsvangirai analyses the electoral framework ahead of March 2005

See the attachments Census 2002 figures and October 2004 Voters' Roll Summary


-- urban constituencies lose voters, could lose constituencies: Harare (46
780), Bulawayo (22 689), Mutare Central (1 285), Gweru Urban (1 741), Mkoba
(1 382), Masvingo Central (622) ... the list goes on!

--  rural constituencies gain large numbers of voters, could gain new
constituencies. Uzumba Maramba Pfungwe (13 993), Seke (10 000), Kadoma West
(15 000), Makonde (11 000), Bikita West (6 000), Insiza (6 000), Manicaland
(106 757), Masvingo (82 908)... check out the figures for yourself!

--  Zengeza, Insiza, Bikita West gain new voters (There were by-elections in
these constituencies after 2000. The MDC complained of ballot robbery ...)

-- Matabeleland North & South, Harare, Bulawayo, according to the latest
(published this month, October 2004) Voters Roll, show a massive decrease in
the number of voters.

-- But Census 2002 figures depict a different demographic pattern.

-- Also, see an October 2003 report on the age distribution of Zimbabwe's
population by Ms F Matarise of the Statistics Department of the University
of Zimbabwe for an independent demographic analysis.

Have a good day.

20 October 2004

IN MARCH 2005.

By Morgan Tsvangirai, President of the Movement for Democratic Change,
Harare, Zimbabwe.

There are only five months to go before another Parliamentary General
Election is due in Zimbabwe.  However, although preparations are being made
for this election, it is presumptuous and premature to proceed with it
before the outcomes of the Parliamentary Elections held in June 2000 and the
Presidential Elections held in March 2002 have been determined.

It is abundantly clear to any objective observer that these two previous
elections were deeply flawed. On both occasions, there was widespread
violence inflicted on the people of this country, especially in the rural
areas, and yet this is where ZANU (PF) claims to have their main support.
On both occasions, the voters' rolls were in a shambles and contained
numerous irregularities which were used by ZANU (PF) and its President, Mr
Mugabe, to subvert the electoral process.

Shortly after the hotly disputed parliamentary election held in June 2000,
which were narrowly "won" by ZANU (PF), my Party, the MDC, filed with the
Courts a total of 39 Elections Petitions challenging the outcome of the
elections in 39 constituencies.  Since then, we have been successful in 7 of
those challenges in the High Court.  However, in each case, the opposing
ZANU (PF) candidate has appealed and none of these appeals have been

 In another 11 cases, the MDC candidates were unsuccessful in their election
petitions to the High Court.  In 8 of those cases the MDC candidates have
appealed but their appeals have not yet been determined.  In a further 5
election petitions filed by the MDC candidates, the cases have still not yet
been determined by the High Court.  In most of the remaining cases, the main
reason why the MDC candidates did not proceed with their Elections Petitions
was because of gross intimidation and violence inflicted on them and their

The effect of all this is that despite the lapse of 4 years and 4 months
since the Parliamentary General Elections in June 2000 were held the
composition of Parliament remains unaltered as a result of our election
challenges filed with the courts. The will of the people, which was so
clearly manifested at the time of the elections has been thwarted.

In April 2002, I filed with the High Court an election petition challenging
the outcome of the Presidential Election held in March 2002.  Election
petitions are supposed to be dealt with urgently by the courts.  However, it
was only in November 2003, that is some 19 months later, that the initial
stage of the hearing was held.

This initial hearing dealt with numerous and various powerful legal
arguments which my legal team raised, especially the blatantly unfair,
illegal and unconstitutional amendments made by Robert Mugabe to the
Electoral Act which greatly benefited him in the run up to the election. In
addition it was pointed out that the failure by the State to conduct the
election throughout Zimbabwe on the 3rd day of the election in itself
nullified the election.

Judgment was only given in my Presidential Election Petition on this initial
hearing in June 2004 and even then it was simply a one page order. This
judgment was only handed down after considerable pressure had been placed on
the Judge to deliver his judgment. It should be stressed that in writing his
judgment the Judge only had to consider a day and a half of legal argument
as no evidence had been presented to the Court at this stage.

To date, and despite the lapse of nearly a year since the initial hearing,
no reasons for judgment have been given. My lawyers have requested on
numerous occasions that his reasons be handed down so that an appeal against
them can be considered. I should also stress that the Electoral Act itself
compels the Courts to handle all electoral petitions urgently. Given that
two and half years have now elapsed since I instituted these proceedings it
is blatantly clear that the provisions of the Electoral Act are not being
complied with.

It is unacceptable that the presiding Judge has been so dilatory in handing
down full reasons for his judgment. I call upon the Chief Justice to order
the High Court Judge in question to immediately hand down his full reasons
for declining so that this matter can proceed further without any more

In order to determine whether or not the electoral process used in the
Presidential Election was free and fair it is essential for the
Registrar-General of Elections to bring the used ballot papers and voters
rolls to Harare and allow them to be inspected. However, to date, and
despite persistent attempts by my legal team, and despite various High Court
orders, which they have obtained, this has been denied to me. In fact, up to
this date, I have never been allowed to examine the main and supplementary
voters' rolls and the ballots papers used in the Presidential election.

It is abundantly clear that in order to comply with the Electoral Act, the
Registrar-General has an  obligation "as soon as may after polling day" to
arrange to be brought to Harare all the ballot boxes and voters' rolls used
in all the various constituencies during the Presidential Election held in
March 2002.  However, to date, despite the lapse of 2 years and 7 months
since then, the Registrar-General has persistently and unlawfully refused to
comply with his legal obligation to do so.  In fact, in doing so, the
Registrar-General has acted in open defiance of the laws of this country and
the orders of the courts of this country.

Re-enforced by the  provisions of the SADC Principles and Guidelines
Governing Democratic Elections recently adopted in Mauritius, I issue this
day a challenge to Tobaiwa Mudede, the Registrar-General of Elections, to
immediately make available to my lawyers in Harare the ballot papers and
voters' rolls which were used in the Presidential Election held in March

I strongly suspect that the Registrar-General is in fact unable to take up
this challenge because his officials in the various constituencies have
destroyed all these election materials.  I say this because, although the
Registrar-General originally stored the ballot papers and voters' rolls in
the ballot boxes which he used in the Presidential Election, I strongly
suspect that he later removed them from the ballot boxes. He then used the
same ballot boxes in the District Council Elections at the end of September
of the same year.  By acting in this manner, if in fact he did, the
Registrar-General acted in breach of the Electoral Act and contrary to
Orders of the High Court.

If the Registrar-General of Elections has nothing to hide, then there is no
reason why he cannot do as I challenge him to do. We can then thoroughly
examine the ballot papers and voters' rolls and determine who really won the
last Presidential election. Only then can we move on to the next
Parliamentary General elections.

Finally, I also want to express my deep concern regarding our preliminary
findings following our analysis of the new voters' rolls finally provided to
us two weeks ago by the Registrar General's office. I should stress that
these have been provided to us after a long delay and the rolls do not
relate in any way to the existing court challenges but concern the
forthcoming Parliamentary election and in particular the work of the
Delimitation Commission.

As can be seen from the attached summary Harare, Bulawayo, Matabeleland
South and North Provinces have suffered a huge reduction in the number of
registered voters (over 60,000) since the last time we had access to a
national voters' roll in March 2002. During the same period some other rural
provinces have enjoyed an increase in the number of registered voters.

In the context of the African continental wide phenomenon of urban drift,
the huge numbers of voters (well over 100,000) who were denied the
opportunity to vote in Harare in particular in 2002 (resulting in the State
itself agreeing to a 3rd day of voting), and the obvious growth of both
Harare and Bulawayo in the last 3 years it is hard to believe that there
could be possibly be a decline in the number of urban voters. If anything
there should have been a substantial increase in the number of voters.

Furthermore the National Census conducted on the 17th August 2002, six
months after we last received a copy of the national voters' roll, shows
that Harare in particular has experienced a population growth of more than
three times that of any other Province. In the period 1992 to 2002 Harare's
population grew by some 424 670 compared to Manicaland's growth of just 29
213. It is self evident that Harare's growth in the last 2 years has
continued at a similar rate. And yet now, if the Registrar General's figures
are to be believed Harare has suffered a loss of 46 780 voters and in the
same period Manicaland has enjoyed an increase of 16 736 voters!

The figures show, for example, that the voter population of Uzumba Maramba
Pfungwe constituency has increased from 44 077 in the year 2000 to massive
58 070 in October 2004.  This particular constituency has recorded an
unbelievable voter population growth in four years. In March 2002, during
the Presidential election, it had 56 734 registered voters, up by more than
12 000 voters from 2000. This could mean that voters are migrating from the
capital city, Harare, to a seemingly more attractive location, Uzumba
Maramba Pfungwe. Another interesting observation:  Insiza, Zengeza, Lupane
and Bikita West - constituencies which according to the 2000 Parliamentary
election results  were MDC strongholds - recorded significant increases in
their voter population while all the constituencies in Harare and Bulawayo
lost their voters to rural constituencies.

We are well aware that despite the phenomenon of urban drift during the last
delimitation exercise Harare lost one seat (with the amalgamation of
Chitungwiza East and West into one constituency) and Bulawayo likewise lost
one seat (Luveve). It is clear to us that the voter registration process
and, consequentially, the voters' roll itself, have been manipulated to
secure even further reductions in urban seats and possibly in addition
Matabeleland rural seats (areas where the MDC is known to have overwhelming

In the circumstances I demand that there be an immediate independent audit
of the voters' roll to rectify these grave anomalies prior to the
Delimitation Commission concluding its work. I have also instructed our
legal team to consider legal action to protect the interests of hundreds of
thousands of Zimbabweans who will effectively be disenfranchised through the
scandalous conduct of the Registrar General's office.

Morgan Tsvangirai


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Zim Observer

      Moyo attacked in Parliament
      by STAFF EDITORS (10/21/2004)

 Zimbabwe's Information Minister, Jonathan Moyo was yesterday attacked in
Parliament by opposition legislators over his alleged ambition to control
the country's media for personal gains. During the debate, in which Zanu PF
MPs remained silent, the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
lawmakers said Moyo's proposed changes to the Access to

Information and Protection of Privacy Act were driven more by his personal
ambitions than by national interest.

Gabriel Chaibva, the MP for Harare South said: "Since 1988, it is publicly
documented that Professor Moyo is a man who cherished a free press, but he
has now made a dramatic somersault.

The man has gone on to trample on views that he previously held. There can
only be one reason why a man wants to hear his own voice. There can only be
one reason why he wants to dance to his own music.

He is a dangerous man. If you support him, you will have facilitated the
reincarnation of the devil himself." Job Sikhala said: "We have seen the
Vice-President of this country, the only Vice-President we have, being
castigated. We have seen a few individuals being put in the limelight while
others, who are taken to be a threat to the man's ambitions, being stampeded
upon. So it is an ambitious amendment to further the ambitions of the man.

"The amendments by the Honourable Minister are criminal, criminal in that no
one, including Members of the other side, will be spared from the crescendo
of the minister's ambitions. He is giving himself supernatural powers to
dictate whatever he wants to the House."

Innocent Gonese, the MDC chief whip and Mutare Central legislator, said the
minister should not be vested with powers to appoint members of the Media
and Information Commission.
Paul Themba Nyathi, the MDC spokesperson, said: "It is the process that has
been put in place which is threatening the security of the jobs of
journalists and cause them to sing for their lunch.

For that reason, we have ended up with what would easily be some of the
professional men and women being turned into clowns of those that handle
them. Unfortunately, those that handle them are not themselves intelligent."

The MPs said the fact that not only the Daily News and Daily News on Sunday,
but also The Tribune, owned by ruling party legislator for Makonde, Kindness
Paradza, were banned, showed that no one would be spared by the repressive
media law.

Moyo then asked for the debate to be adjourned, saying he needed time to
look into concerns raised.

Deputy Speaker of Parliament Edna Madzongwe booted Gonese and Renson Gasela,
the MP for Gweru Rural, out of the august House for not being attentive.

Source: Daily Mirror By Clemence Manyukwe
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The Herald

Jingle seeks to build public awareness: Moyo

Herald Reporter
THE Minister of State for Information and Publicity in the Office of the
President and Cabinet, Professor Jonathan Moyo, has said the jingle on the
success of the rural electrification programme seeks to draw attention to
the major strides power utility Zesa Holdings has made in building
infrastructure for the provision of electricity in rural areas and support
for the irrigation drive.

He was responding to a question in Parliament by Kambuzuma Member of
Parliament Mr Willias Madzimure (MDC), who wanted to know the justification
behind flighting jingles on the success of the electrification programme on
national television and radio when the country was experiencing shortages in
electricity supplies.

Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs Minister Cde Patrick Chinamasa read
Prof Moyo's response on his behalf.

"Additionally, the campaign sought to mobilise communities against vandalism
of energy infrastructure which has not only disrupted power supplies, but
has also led to numerous deaths through electrocution.

"The jingle sought to build public awareness on enterprises to emerge from
the unbundling process of the old Zesa," said Prof Moyo.

He said such matters were imperative and noble and his department was happy
to have been associated with that campaign.

Prof Moyo said the department has also sought to use the medium of music to
rally the nation around its over-arching objectives and pursuits, or simply
celebrate its natural endowments and beauty.

Some songs and jingles, said Prof Moyo, were developed to mobilise the
nation for agrarian reforms and the attendant challenges of raising
agricultural productivity for food security.

"Songs like Chave Chimurenga, Dai Kuri Kwedu Machembere, Sevenza Nhamo
Ichauya, Rambai Makashinga and Sendekera Mwana Wevhu, from which promotional
jingles were developed, were efforts in that direction," he said.

He said foreign programming in the country had created a management outlook
that was hostile to local talent and material, in preference to that which
was foreign and deemed superior.

Prof Moyo said with the passing of the Broadcasting Services Act by
Parliament in 2001, the 75 percent local content stipulated in the law
decolonised the country's airwaves which, from the start of broadcasting in
Zimbabwe, were filled and monopolised by foreign, colonial and Eurocentric
material, which treated Africans with disdain, racial prejudice and

"With this law, enjoining broadcasters to fill our airwaves with words,
sounds and images that are truly indigenous and African, it was anticipated
that our finite frequency spectrum, itself a national property, would be
instrumental in upholding our national collective dignity, in exploring and
expressing our national identity; in defining and defending our national
interest, projecting our national viewpoint and, of course, in celebrating
our national cohesion, values, achievements and sovereignty," said Prof

Mr Madzimure further asked whether the department could consider flighting a
jingle informing people about HIV/Aids that has become a national disaster

Prof Moyo said the issue was a grave matter that that deserves the nation's
undivided attention.

He said the national media has been instrumental in building awareness of
the menace and the commitment to building awareness cannot be doubted.

The department, said Prof Moyo, has encouraged Government ministries to
include in their 2005 budget estimates, monies for sustained public
awareness campaigns in order to build awareness in such matters.

"I hope Honourable Madzimure's sense of an HIV and Aids awareness campaign
does not include adding offensive 'Zvakwana' messages on condoms, or using
the HIV and Aids pandemic to disguise covert, foreign-funded anti-Zimbabwe
campaign messages meant to shore up his party," he said.

Mr Madzimure also sought to know where the funds being used to organise
galas were coming from.

Prof Moyo said the funding of galas, which have been held in different
provinces and recently in Chimoio, Mozambique, has largely come from
Government through the Department of Information and Publicity in the Office
of the President and Cabinet and its various public companies, principally
the national broadcaster.

"Some resources, albeit very modest, have come from the corporate world
through direct donations or the purchase of airtime for advertising on the
national broadcaster.

"Some modest revenue has come from the catering industry, which has sought
to take advantage of the huge public gatherings at these galas to do
business," said Prof Moyo.

He said a total of $538,4 million was paid as artistes' fees for the Hwange
Independence Gala, Umdala Wethu Gala in Gweru, Heroesplush in Marondera,
MzeeBira in Masvingo and the Chimoio Solidarity Bash in Mozambique.

He said for those galas, there was a total of $2,765 billion expenditure
against income of $909,9 million.

"Clearly, the galas have not been able to recoup the monies involved in
organising them, let alone, make a profit," he said.

Prof Moyo said it was, however, important to remember that the objectives of
these galas were largely social and that while important, financial
measurements were for now not a decisive consideration.

He said the department has tried to minimise the costs of organising the
galas and it was in the process of setting up a public company, National
Productions, which would take over the galas and manage them in the
direction of financial self-sustainability.

The galas, he said, provided huge opportunities for those in the catering
industry, which was a multi-billion dollar industry in any economy, and
although these galas were not that developed in the country's economy, they
would, in time, nudge the industry to full growth.

"Of course, galas are an important plank for promoting tourism, both
internal and foreign tourism.

"Let it not also be forgotten that the galas are an important platform for
marketing our artistes beyond our borders. We are confident that the
entertainment industry will grow to be a significant foreign currency earner
for the economy in the future. It needs careful nurturing," said Prof Moyo.

Revenue realised from the galas, he said, has gone into the Consolidated
Revenue Fund except in cases where Treasury has advised or authorised a
rolling-over of revenue to fund the next gala as happened between the
MzeeBira and the Chimoio gala.

He said no money had gone to the families of the country's heroes in the
case of commemorative galas because that would be inappropriate, apart from
the impracticalities of the suggestion which seems calculated to give the
galas a bad name.

Prof Moyo said it was not possible to pay the little money realised from the
galas to the countless heroes who were massacred by the Rhodesians during
the liberation struggle.

"Among other objectives, they (galas) are meant to remember and celebrate
our dear departed and their families are given a pride of place at such
galas," he said.

He said the galas have been very well patronised, a clear indication that
the people value them and appreciate efforts at making them both sustainable
and accessible.

Mr Madzimure also sought to know who were PaxAfro and their relationship
with the Department of Information and Publicity and how the production of
music by Prof Moyo helps meet the department's objectives.

Prof Moyo said in respect of the musical projects that the department has
supported, the proceeds have gone to the artistes involved and not to
Government, because the idea was to help such artistes who have been
struggling for so long.

"We will continue to help them as and when we can. The PaxAfro project has
been funded the same way," he said.

He said the group's sales to date have gone towards meeting a small fraction
of the costs of producing promotional videos, as well as in meeting costs
for an inaugural concert set for October 29.

"Although I happen to have composed all the songs on the project, I collect
no fees I am entitled to as an individual composer. This is entitlement I
have decided to forego, wishing instead to develop the artistes and the

He said the same also applied to Minister Without Portfolio Cde Elliot
Manyika for compiling the rendition of "Nora", which has proved so powerful
and irresistible.
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