TEXT only 14 September 2013

  • Chinamasa saddled with a heavy burden
  • Mujuru wins Cabinet war
  • Chinese firm scales up Zim power project
  • Sable seeks fertiliser funding
  • Bredenkamp acquitted
  • The more things change….
  • Zim to confiscate Tongaat Hulett fields
  • MDC-T in disarray after heavy defeat
  • New Cabinet – for whom and for what?
  • Climate-hit Zimbabwe farmers opt for traditional crop varieties
  • Patronage doors swung wide open
  • A patron and his clients in cabinet
  • Some things never change
  • New parliament faces arduous task
  • Kick them out Mr President!
  • Perception greater than fact
  • Is Mugabe softening on indigenisation?
  • New govt to weigh heavily on Treasury
  • Joy as Kasukuwere is demoted
  • Zanu PF’s populist policies disastrous
  • Mnangagwa declines finance portfolio
  • Embrace market, new Finance minister urged
  • Industry awaits recovery blueprint
  • World Bank paints a gloomy outlook for Zim
  • Makoto an international master
  • Police left with egg on face as judge quashes ban of ZCTU march
  • Govt pay deal in sight | The Herald
  • Ethiopian oldest man at 160
  • Mujuru’s ring takes Cabinet
  • Africa and the politics of slavery
  • WTF? Mugabe’s Psychomotor minister
  • Perform or be fired: Mugabe
  • Gem deals listed
  • Can China save Zimbabwe?
  • Nikuv’s $3 billion budget: leaked docs
  • Zim’s 8th Parly: The good, the bad and the ugly
  • Moyo remembered as ‘ruthless’ Information Minister
  • MDC-T supporters in Mash Central ‘living in fear’
  • Govt’s failure to provide hospitals with water “irresponsible”
  • Unregistered “fake school” profiting ZANU PF chefs
  • Govt to Prioritize Agriculture Financing, Industry Revival
  • Zimbabwe Association of Doctors for Human Rights
  • ZCTF report 11 September 2013


Chinamasa saddled with a heavy burden by AM – 09-13-2013
via Chinamasa saddled with a heavy burden – The Insider 13 September 2013 President Robert Mugabe’s taskman, Patrick Chinamasa, who has been shifted from the Ministry of Justice to Finance, has been saddled with a heavy burden- how to deal with the International Monetary Fund’s Staff Monitored Programme. The programme which covers the nine month period from April to December this year was aimed at: Strengthening fiscal sustainability by ensuring that expenditure is kept in line with fiscal revenue, protecting investment in infrastructure and priority social spending, and gradually clearing outstanding domestic arrears; Begin rebuilding international reserves; Increasing financial sector stability by implementing financial sector reforms and tightening the regulatory framework; and Advancing the structural reform agenda, including areas of public financial management, tax policy and administration, and increasing transparency in diamond revenues. Though the programme was agreed by cabinet, it was largely driven by the Movement for Democratic Change represented by then Finance Minister Tendai Biti, to get Zimbabwe back into the international arena. The programme has already been offset by the elections and the national referendum because the government had no money for both and had to source it from elsewhere. It would also not be unreasonable to assume that the programme is now off-track as nothing was probably done to meet targets during the election campaign period from May to end of July. The biggest problem, however, was the victory of the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front and its leader Robert Mugabe in the 31 July elections. This has obviously upset the programme because the West has refused to accept the election results. This poses the question: How can Zimbabwe work with the International Monetary Fund when the United States and the European Union do not recognise its government? More importantly how will the IMF work with Zimbabwe when it is not allowed to give loans to Zimbabwe unless this is approved by the United States president? ZANU-PF won the 31 July elections basically on two platforms: consolidating land reform and indigenising the economy. Chinamasa will, therefore, have to answer the crucial questions about whether the staff-monitored programme (SMP) is compatible with the ZANU-PF promise to deliver the economy to the people. The first hurdle is likely to be debt. The SMP is aimed at getting Zimbabwe to pay back its debt, especially its arrears so that it can get back onto the IMF’s good books and be able to borrow again. ZANU-PF in its manifesto said debt was a major threat to winning all the goals of the people over the next five years. The debt, estimated at US$10 billion, includes US$700 million incurred by Ian Smith’s Rhodesian regime ironically from some Western countries – that have imposed sanctions against Zimbabwe – “to enable Smith and his racist cabal to fund their brutality and atrocities during the liberation struggle and to avoid the UN backed sanctions against Rhodesia”. The party says there are two policy actions that are needed to address this threat. “In the first place, it is not right that Zimbabweans should continue to be burdened by a debt whose unjust origins are in Rhodesia and whose loans came from Western countries that have imposed illegal sanctions against Zimbabwe today thereby making the burden of the original unjust debt even worse. The time has come to revisit this issue once again with a view to cancelling a significant portion of the debt to redress the unjust origins of the debt. “In the second place, any settlement of the remaining debt should be based on mobilising domestic resources from the Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment programme.” The SMP says Zimbabwe must use proceeds from its natural resources like diamonds to pay off the debt.

Mujuru wins Cabinet war by ZimSitRep – 09-13-2013
via Mujuru wins Cabinet war – DailyNews Live by Fungi Kwaramba, Godfrey Mtimba and Thelma Chikwanha 13 SEPTEMBER 2013As the battle to succeed President Robert Mugabe rages on, the faction led by Vice President Joice Mujuru seems to have come out with an edge over the camp believed to be led by Emmerson Mnangagwa in the new Cabinet announced by the 89-year-old leader on Tuesday. The bulk of ministers in the new Cabinet are said to be Mujuru loyalists, although they publicly deny belonging to any camp. And as a sign of her consolidation of power, her key ally Sydney Sekeramayi has taken over the reins at the Defence ministry following the relocation of Mnangagwa to the Justice portfolio. And another key Mujuru loyalist, Didymus Mutasa will now effectively run the State Security ministry from the President’s Office. Simon Khaya Moyo, the Zanu PF national chairperson and a close Mujuru ally, is poised to be the second vice president with the party’s December extraordinary congress standing between him and the coveted post. In the latest Cabinet, the ex-diplomat was appointed senior minister. Mujuru is the motherly and affable wife of the late retired general Solomon Mujuru, the powerful former head of the army who enjoyed widespread support in Zimbabwe’s straight jacket military establishment. Informed sources told the Daily News that the Mujuru camp was in celebratory mood after the Cabinet announcement, while the Mnangagwa faction, which remarkably won the battle for Parliament, was sulking. Authoritative sources said Mujuru played a big role in the setting up of the Cabinet and reshuffling of certain ministers to their new portfolios. A senior member of the Zanu PF consultative assembly told the Daily News that Mujuru held sway over the appointments, removing some deployees from the Mnangagwa faction on the Cabinet line-up especially in Masvingo, where the Ngwena faction was literally buried. In Masvingo, alleged key Mujuru loyalist Dzikamai Mavhaire has earned the powerful post of Energy and Power Development minister while Walter Mzembi and Kudakwashe Bhasikiti, also believed to sympathise with Mujuru, obtained ministerial posts. Mnangagwa faction loyalist Josaya  Hungwe was given minister of State for Liaising on Psychomotor Activities in Education, a move analysts described as a “mockery” to the faction. Most of the key posts in the new Cabinet went to members said to be of the Mujuru faction, save for a few, such as Patrick Chinamasa and Jonathan Moyo. It is however, not clear if Moyo is still loyal to the Mnangagwa camp after the Tsholotsho debacle. So far, Mujuru has shown not just an incomparably greater grasp of the situation but a real fire in the belly in going after Mugabe’s vulnerable flank. But for Mujuru to show the kind of transformational leadership the Zanu PF succession crisis demands, analysts say, she needs to be more solid. Political analyst Masimba Gonese said Mugabe was systematically positioning Mujuru to take over from him. “The move by Mugabe to sideline Mnangagwa and his faithful in the Cabinet and ministerial posts was a deliberate ploy to weaken him while positioning the vice president strongly to succeed him,” Gonese said. “His members, including him, were appointed to less influential ministerial posts to silence them.” Mujuru’s star has been rising since 2004 when she secured a Zanu PF congress resolution, which stated that one of the party’s two deputy presidents had to be a woman. Analysts say Mugabe and Mujuru both belong to the Zezuru subgroup of the majority Shona people and are from the Mashonaland provinces. After her elevation to the vice presidency in 2004, Mugabe said, “When you choose her as a vice president, you don’t want her to remain in that chair do you?” — a suggestion that Mujuru, could be the next Zanu PF leader after Mugabe, 89, steps down. Trevor Maisiri,  a senior analyst with the International Crisis Group (ICG),  said Mugabe has built a Cabinet whose loyalty was primarily to him than it is to Mnangagwa or Mujuru factions. “President Mugabe wants to run for the full five years of his term and therefore wants to dissolve factional alignments and bring everyone into a line of loyalty that leads to him,” Maisiri said. “This gives him stable support for his five-year term. The faction that has therefore benefited in this Cabinet is the Mugabe faction.” He added: “I think you will find Mujuru and Mnangagwa loyalists in the Cabinet but that was not the main point in this Cabinet. “There are key Mnangagwa and Mujuru loyalists yes, but the push of their appointment is not to leverage their support for those factions, rather it’s about them being channelled to  primarily be loyal to Mugabe; not necessarily their traditional factions. “What will happen is that even those who are aligned to either Mnangagwa or Mujuru will in the end endorse a successor whom Mugabe prefers because their loyalty has been realigned primarily to Mugabe himself.”

Chinese firm scales up Zim power project by ZimSitRep – 09-13-2013
via Chinese firm scales up Zim power project – DailyNews Live by John Kachembere 13 SEPTEMBER 2013  China Africa Sunlight Energy Limited (CASE) says it is now considering building a 600 megawatt (MW) thermal power plant in the northern part of Zimbabwe from the initially planned 120 MW. The Asian group, intending to invest approximately $2,1 billion in the southern African country’s energy sector, has since engaged the Zimbabwe Energy Regulatory Authority (Zera) on their plans to build a bigger plant after concluding exploration activities in Gwayi. “CASE is seeking to amend the licence to an increased generating capacity of 2x300MW,” said the company in a statement yesterday. The application for amendment of the licence by CASE is done and is terms of sub-section (1) (b) of section 49 of the Electricity Act (Chapter 13: 19) of 2002. CASE — a joint venture between Old Stone Investments of Zimbabwe and Shandong Taishan Sunlight — recently indicated plans to invest as much as $2,1 billion to develop coal mines and build a 2 100 MW coal fired power station in Zimbabwe. The energy firm said it will start with capacity to produce 300 MW by mid-2015 and raise this to 600 MW by the end of that year. CASE has spent $20 million on exploration, and was granted rights to look for coal and coal-bed methane in the area in October 2012. The southern African nation has a huge power deficit, and imports 35 percent of its national requirements from its neighbours. Due to lack of funds, and a general power deficit in southern Africa, the country experiences constraints with imported power, resulting in electricity rationing to consumers. Zimbabwe domestically generates around 1 200 MW, against a 2 100 MW demand. The country has coal resources of 10 billion to 15 billion tonnes, according to government estimates. CASE, which recently received a certificate to carry out a full Environmental Impact Assessment for the construction of a power generation plant, plans to sell some of its electricity to Zesa, the State-owned power-generation company. Its coal exploration area, in Gwayi in the western Matabeleland region, has four billion tonnes of resources and CASE is conducting studies to measure how much gas is available, with the results to be known in three months. “If they discover gas, the way we think they are going to, we want to export the gas overseas to India in partnership with Discovery Investments,” said Charles Mugari,  CASE’s general manager. Mugari noted that depending on the outcome of the gas study, the company wants to start a programme piloting methane gas for domestic gas in Hwange, also in Matabeleland, and extend this to Bulawayo, the second-biggest city, if successful. “CASE is looking at the possibility of pumping gas to the port city of Beira in neighbouring Mozambique, using an idle pipeline that the National Oil Company of Zimbabwe once used to bring fuel into the country,” he said.

Sable seeks fertiliser funding by ZimSitRep – 09-13-2013
via Sable seeks fertiliser funding – DailyNews Live by Kudzai Chawafambira 13 SEPTEMBER 2013  Sable Chemicals Industries Limited (Sable) says it is seeking finance to import ammonia in order to boost local fertiliser production and supply. The agro-based company — Zimbabwe’s sole ammonium nitrate fertiliser producer — is currently experiencing working capital constraints due to the country’s acute liquidity crisis. Jack Murehwa, the Sable chief executive, told businessdaily that his company is also suffering from unsustainable electricity bills emanating from its archaic electrolysis production system. “For most of this year because of working capital constraints, ammonium nitrate manufacture has been based largely on locally manufactured ammonia with very limited ammonia imports. To increase ammonia imports, we are seeking financing from banks and negotiations are at advanced stages,” he said. Murehwa said the electricity tariff applicable to Sable will continue to be a subject for discussion with authorities taking into consideration the strategic nature of ammonium nitrate in Zimbabwe’s agriculture sector. “There is need to consider the real cost of power to the nation used in the manufacture of the AN, relative to the benefits of local manufacture of such a strategic commodity,” he said. The electrolysis system has over the years heavily weighed down Sable’s bottom line prompting the firm to plan decommission the plant — used to separate water oxygen for the hydrogen it requires in the production of ammonia in the near future. Meanwhile TA Holdings (TA) — parent company to Sable — recorded a $2,2 million loss in the half year to June 30. TA, however, forecasts Sable to increase production in nitrogen fertilisers and ensure greater economies of scale. Zimbabwe Fertiliser Company, another TA subsidiary, is expected to return to profitability by the end of the financial year despite continued streamlining of operations to adapt to the prevailing economic environment. The group achieved a profit before tax of $3,6 million compared to $1,4 million in the same period last year while total group revenue surged to $38,9 million from $34,6 million in prior comparable period.

Bredenkamp acquitted by ZimSitRep – 09-13-2013
via Bredenkamp acquitted – DailyNews Live  by Tendai Kamhungira 13 SEPTEMBER 2013  Controversial businessman John Arnold Bredenkamp has been found not guilty of swindling a friend of $4,2 million. High Court Judge Felistas Chatukuta acquitted the tycoon, ruling the State had failed to proffer evidence that would sustain a fraud charge. “It is my conclusion that the accused does not have a case to answer. State’s evidence bears no resemblance to the charge,” Chatukuta said, clearing the businessman of any wrong doing on the other charge of externalisation. Chatukuta said the State had failed to give the proper relationship of Bredenkamp and a company called KMC Limited, a firm the businessman alleges borrowed the money from the complainant Yakub Ibrahim Mohammed. She said despite it being mentioned that he had interests in the company; no evidence was led to prove he owned the firm. Chatukuta said that the matter was civil in nature and it appeared the Attorney General’s office had succumbed to Mohammed’s pressure when it pursued criminal charges. She further said that this was a business loan, which needed to be pursued through non-criminal means. For long, considered one of Britain and Europe’s richest men, the 73-year-old Zimbabwean businessman and ex-rugby player was acquitted after his lawyer Eric Matinenga applied for discharge at the close of the State’s case. Matinenga said that the State had failed to prove a case against Bredenkamp. “Consequently, I am constrained to apply for discharge at the close of the State’s case. There is no evidence to prove an essential element. A criminal court cannot be used to recover debt,” Matinenga said. Bredenkamp had denied the allegations claiming the charges were malicious and civil in nature. However, Mohammed said the businessman had defrauded him, after asking for the money on the basis that he wanted to fund his mining operations in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Mohammed said he later discovered that Bredenkamp had used the money personally and in funding the ministry of Defence’s feeding programme during its operations in the DRC war. Allegations against Bredenkamp arose when Mohammed advanced the foreign cash component from proceeds of his Sahawi International (Private) Limited cigarette trading business in South Africa, Bredenkamp — famous for his helicopter shuttles in Harare — had promised to pay back the money after disposing off his Kababankola Mining Company in the DRC. According to the agreement between the two businessmen, the advance was to attract six percent interest per year, capitalised on a monthly basis. Mohammed claimed in court that he has not yet been paid the full amount after only getting $400 000 in 2001.

The more things change…. by ZimSitRep – 09-13-2013
via The more things… – DailyNews Live by Bill Saidi  13 SEPTEMBER 2013  The last time I wrote a column for the Daily News was before I was promoted to editor of the Daily News On Sunday in 2003…10 years ago. Most people devoted to the unfolding history in their country will remember those days…when there was tension between the media and the government…as there still is today. Frankly, I can not imagine a smooth ride for any of us not in the government media with Jonathan Moyo back at the helm of the ministry of Information. I have never likened him to Goebbels and I am not about to now. But…. You might say this confirms that the more things change, the more they remain the same. Zimbabwe is again tense today, as it was during those years. I know some people will insist that the tension was caused by people who would not “listen” to what is euphemistically called “the voice of reason” — that portion of society which insists that we must sing from the same hymn book, the disciples of the one-party doctrine. This almost “decrees” that a nation must be united against “the enemy”, by following the political dictates of one group of people. In this political formula, any group of people which opposes this system is treated as an enemy of the State — they are alleged to be against everything that the nation stands for — sell-outs, lackeys of the West or nhunzvatunzva, a word I first heard used by the late George Nyandoro, during the heyday of the ANC. Moreover, such people are tagged as malleable because they follow the advice of foreigners who have evil designs on the future of the country. In other words, their campaign is to oppose everything that the first group presents as “the only path” for the nation to take, supposedly because it behooves all citizens to support this one doctrine propounded by this one leader and this one party — because it promises the people the path to a political Nirvana, in which all people will be provided with the wherewithal to develop themselves and  their families to a level unparalleled in the history of the country. All this has been described, with sizzling pride, by some famous (?) people as “the dictatorship of the proletariat”. The results of the July 31 elections, in which the “party yeropa” (as its more fanatical members call it) knocked out the stuffing out of the opposition right, left,  and  centre, confirmed, for many of us, one thing. This was the determination by Zanu PF to inflict on this country the one-party State which was thrown out of kilter by the Movement for Democratic Change ( MDC) in 2000. July 31 was planned as meticulously as all such evil plans are, to throw that opposition to the dust heap of history for an eternity.   It would be absolutely incredible if all the reports, rumours and so-called “documented evidence” of chicanery before, during and after the elections turned out to be absolute hogwash. Something unpleasant — to put it mildly — did happen and it was not, by any stretch of the imagination, an election in which the winner won in a fair and square “squeaky clean”  exercise. Someone belonging to the band of observers who seemed to have been briefed in their task by a tough breed of apparatchiks at “Shake Shake” building put it this way: the opposition  should appreciate that losing an election is not abnormal — certainly not the end of the world. What was abnormal was to “whine and whine” about it long after the fact. The suggestion was that all citizens should take the results calmly — people would win, but others must lose. The losers were not to whine, not just because they had lost, but had to accept the results because it was important for the nation not to plunge into turmoil because the losers would not accept defeat — for any reason. A long time ago, again an election in this self-same Zimbabwe, a woman lost an election to this same ruling party. She smelt a rat and went hammer and tongs against the result — and had it overturned by the courts. This was Margaret Dongo, a war veteran and former Zanu PF MP, for whom I have always had the greatest respect. She is now politically very quiet, but will remain in the memories of all who cherish real democracy and despise the notion that dissent is evil or “un-proletariat”. She beat her former party at their own game in a 1985 by-election and lived to tell the tale.

Zim to confiscate Tongaat Hulett fields by ZimSitRep – 09-13-2013
via Eyewitness News: Zim to confiscate Tongaat Hulett fields Edited by Craig Wynn HARARE – Zimbabwe’s ruling party Zanu-PF says it will take over 6,000 hectares of land owned by South African sugar giant Tongaat Hulett. The company runs cane-growing and milling operations in Triangle Sugar and Hippo Valley Estates in the extreme south east of the country. An official from the party accused Tongaat Hulett of under declaring the size of its cane-growing fields. Zanu-PF Masvingo Province Chairperson Lovemore Matuke claimed the company falsely declared the size of its fields to be 29,000 hectares. He says the land is more than 35,000 hectares. Matuke told the Herald newspaper that Zanu-PF will immediately begin to allocate 6,000 hectares to landless people. Indigenisation was a key promise of President Robert Mugabe’s recent election campaign. Tongaat Hulett was threatened with takeover earlier this year for its alleged failure to comply with Zimbabwe’s strict laws limiting foreign ownership.

MDC-T in disarray after heavy defeat by ZimSitRep – 09-13-2013
via MDC-T in disarray after heavy defeat – The Zimbabwe Independent by Brian Chitemba September 13, 2013 AFTER 14 years in the trenches on a rugged political terrain where it appeared to be on the verge of finally wresting power from Zanu PF, the MDC-T seems to be now radarless in the aftermath of its heavy elections defeat. The labour-backed MDC-T, which presented the first formidable challenge to President Robert Mugabe and Zanu PF’s political dominance since entering the political fray in the 2000 elections, appears to be in disarray amid renewed infighting. Zanu PF secured 197 of the 270 seats while the Morgan Tsvangirai-led MDC-T won 70. Mugabe won 61% of the presidential vote while Tsvangirai secured nearly 34% in what observers said could mark the end of his political career. However, the MDC-T maintains the polls were flawed owing to systematic rigging. Thus, the MDC-T will mark its 14th anniversary at Sakubva stadium in Mutare tomorrow, heavily weighed down by uncertainty at a time intra-party wrangles are widening as a result of the setback and the on-going self-introsepction process. It is rather ironic that the party will mark the anniversary under the theme “Claiming the People’s Victory” when it is still licking its wounds. However, party spokesperson Douglas Mwonzora defended the theme arguing the party was celebrating after losing a “stolen election where the people’s will was subverted by Zanu PF”. “The celebration which comes soon after the stolen victory in the just-ended election could not have come at any better time as the people of Zimbabwe seriously need to reflect on this monumental indictment of a people’s march to victory in the history of mankind,” the MDC-T said. The MDC-T insists it lost elections because Zanu PF, through state institutions, manipulated the electoral processes although some political pundits blame the party for being complacent, failure to organise structures, naivety, imposition of candidates as well as lack of a strategy to unseat Mugabe. MDC-T organising secretary Nelson Chamisa and his colleagues have been widely criticised for the party’s defeat. Despite what appears to be a devastating electoral setback, political analyst Dumisani Nkomo said considering that Tsvangirai has been a major threat to Mugabe’s rule since 2000, the party had done fairly well. “In its 14 years the MDC-T has had both the good and the bad as can be expected,” said Nkomo. “It’s been a mixture of all, but we should give them credit for standing against an authoritarian Zanu PF regime,” he said. In its maiden electoral participation in 2000, the MDC-T won 57 parliamentary seats against Zanu PF’s 62, but the number dropped to 42 seats while Zanu PF garnered 72 in 2005. Nkomo said the MDC-T’s performance between 2000 and 2013 indicated the party managed to create nightmares for Mugabe and Zanu PF and has thus made history. However, another political analyst Chamu Mutasa said despite the MDC-T’s bravado in previous years, the party was in a panic mode and it doesn’t seem to have a plan on how to extricate itself from below the Zanu PF landslide and regroup for the next elections in 2018. Nkomo laid into the MDC-T for numerous cases of corruption involving councillors from the previous government, while factionalism and imposition of candidates impacted negatively on the party’s image. But the MDC-T has defended its performance saying: “It is not an illusion that over the past 14 years the MDC has established itself as a formidable political force in Zimbabwe and characteristically our most ardent critics and enemies are always unsettled and unnerved by this gesture of our periodic renewal. It is therefore not surprising that perennial and rabid critics from Zanu PF get incensed and would go all out concocting all sorts of ill-conceived ideas and myths towards our well intended gesture to the people of Zimbabwe.” However, despite the concerted efforts to convince Zimbabweans that all is well in its camp, events on the ground suggest it is becoming increasingly difficult to paper over the cracks Tsvangirai’s 14-year hold on the party could be under serious threat amid reports that some senior party officials are baying for his blood as they demand leadership renewal even before the elective congress in 2016. Among those said to be interested in Tsvangirai’s job is MDC-T secretary-general Tendai Biti who is said to be pushing the ‘2016 agenda’ where the leadership is set to change, according to MDC-T insiders. However, Biti has denied moves to topple Tsvangirai. While the original MDC constitution had a two five-year presidential term limit, Tsvangirai pushed for an amendment which scrapped the term limit. Tsvangirai stands accused of imposing candidates including his close ally, former Housing minister Giles Mutsekwa, to contest in the July 31 elections despite him losing primaries to lawyer Arnold Tsunga in Dangamvura constituency. Tsunga went on to beat Mutsekwa. In what is certain to be a worrying development for Tsvangirai, senior provincial members have taken to the social media to air their discontent over the alleged “stifling of internal democratic expression” by the party’s top brass. The celebrations tomorrow will offer Zimbabweans the chance to gauge the cohesion and strategy of the MDC-T going forward.

New Cabinet – for whom and for what? by ZimSitRep – 09-13-2013
via From the Director’s Desk : THE NEW ZIMBABWE CABINET – FOR WHOM AND FOR WHAT? by M. Lewanika Director of Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition Reading the Cabinet Wrong On the 10th of September 2013, 40 days after romping to victory in the disputed July 31 Election, President Robert Mugabe finally announced his team to drive government policy and program implementation for the next 5 years. By the end of the announcement, my initial impressions were that this Cabinet was as new as the President appointing it, with a lot of continuity on the front line (The Ministers) and just a little bit of change on the backline (Deputy Ministers). My initial thoughts were that this was clear madness. Madness here, being used to refer to doing the same thing over and over again expecting to get different results. I made the argument to myself that there was hardly anything new about the cabinet, that only one person was dropped from the ZANU PF contingent from the last government and that a number of people have returned to their pre-2009 ministries. My initial thoughts were that this is bad for the country and its economy because these were the people who presided over the demise of the same prior to 2009. I however immediately checked myself, after remembering that there are many things that ZANU PF has done in the past that have closely resembled madness at first sight, but that almost always there was some method to the madness. I am convinced that generally there was nothing wrong with my initial thoughts, except that the reason why most right thinking Zimbabweans are not imbued with confidence by this cabinet and are afraid that it will fail, is because they are using lenses and standards of success, and key performance indicators that are different from President Mugabe’s lenses.

A Cabinet for Mugabe and ZANU PF not for Zimbabwe Where people expected a Cabinet to service the country, what they have got is cabinet to service ZANU PF. Where people expected a Cabinet to enhance the Country’s Economic fortunes, what they got was a cabinet adept at improving their own and ZANU PF’s balance sheet. No one could have put it any better than incoming Government presumptive Spokesperson, Professor Jonathan Moyo, who said: I am coming in to do any assignment given to me by my boss. I am coming in as Team ZANU PF, and Team ZANU PF has a Captain”  Ordinarily there would be nothing wrong, and no factual errors with this statement had Jonathan Moyo been reacting to an appointment to the ZANU PF Central Committee. It puts clearly at whose service Jonathan Moyo, and those he now speaks for in Government, will be. He is in the service of ZANU PF not Zimbabwe; he is coming in to serve the person not the people. The Minister of Information, in his first pronouncements in that capacity betrayed the fact that we are poised to return to those “good old days” where the party was the state and the state was party, where ZANU PF was the people and the people were ZANU PF. If there ever was room for doubting Jonathan Moyo, the Principal himself, President Mugabe, spoke on Inauguration of the Ministers saying; The decision (to appoint) was based on how much of ZANU PF you are, how long you have been with us, and how educated you are.”  It is apparent from the foregoing that the Cabinet has also been used as part of a reward system that only entrenches ZANU PF’s patronage system, and dares those who have remained outside to be more daring in their service of ZANU PF, than those who have been rewarded. Stagnation of the Democratic reform Agenda One of the reasons why this cabinet was anticipated was also based on the fact that, whom Mugabe would surround himself with would give clear indicators of which direction he would take the country. Our organizational view was that, depending on who would be chosen it would indicate whether the President and his government, would, in terms of the transition, regress, stagnate or move towards further reform and consolidation of some of the positive gains from the GNU period. The Cabinet as announced by President Mugabe is symbolic of the oxymoronic situation where the way forward is stated as being backwards. The new Cabinet’s resemblance to the retrogressive, economy wrecking, freedom arresting war cabinet of 2002 is striking, both in terms of Key actors and the politics represented. In essence, the Cabinet that the country has been saddled with leaves very little hope that this government can take us forward in terms of consolidating our democracy. If anything, the Cabinet is a loud warning shot that the only consolidation that it is intent on is ZANU PF’s power through authoritarian consolidation. This is not a matter of conjecture but can be read from the strategic deployments that seem to have been made to stifle reform. As things stand in Zimbabwe, given the new constitutional dispensation that this Government is supposed to preside over, having a “Hardliner” like Cde Emmerson “Ngwena” Mnangagwa standing guard at the Justice Ministry, is a sure sign that not only will justice not be done, but also that any legislative reform that may have been hoped for will die a quick death. Mr. Mnangagwa himself, is on record as saying that contrary to popular opinion, he is “as soft as wool”, but this ministry of Justice (which he is not a new to having presided over it in the past) and the new circumstances that he leads it under, present an opportunity for him to show whether he really is ‘as soft as wool’ or he is as ruthless as the crocodile that is his totem. While the above can easily be put aside as conjecture, a sure fire sign that the democratic reform agenda is likely to be stalled during the life of this government can be found in the short but loaded statement, again by the presumptive spokesperson of Government, Professor Jonathan Moyo, who on being asked whether there would be media reforms he simply quipped;   “You do not reform anything that is not deformed.” This statement, while telling, and while uttered by the new Minister of Information is reflective of a standing ZANU PF belief that, contrary to all indications everything is alright in Zimbabwe and its body Politic. Whether this narrative prevails or not depends on how people respond to this clear statement of intent by the new government. The rise of the Ideologues with an Eye on legacy One of the things that seem to be clear from this cabinet is that Jonathan Moyo, because of his extraction from the political burial ground after being rejected in the elections by the people of Tsholotsho, is going to be a central character and figure. The question is why? The professor’s extraction and appointment seem to signal that ZANU PF is preparing to amplify its propaganda and ideological war. It betrays a clear agenda of a return or resumption of destructive, ruthless and unproductive propaganda. Jonathan Moyo appears as representative of a set of ideologues brought in to stem the tide of the propaganda war that ZANU PF was beginning to lose especially in the region. In this it seems clear that Ambassador Christopher Mutsvangwa another ideologue, is brought in for the same reasons in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to aid Samuel Mumbengegwi, who seemed to be out his depth as he is more of a diplomatic practitioner rather than a political operator and purveyor of ideology, which his deputy clearly is. The Deputy Minister will lead the propaganda charge on the foreign front, while Professor Moyo will ensure that local state media digs in in the ideological war, but on an intellectual basis. Rather than any real victories on the ideological battlefront, this approach by President Mugabe is entirely selfish, meant to buttress his status as the great African who fought imperialism and neo-liberalism at home and abroad, and won. This move by the President is made with an eye on his legacy and the fact that he will be taking over the reigns of SADC in August 2014, which everyone generally agrees will be a good way to go out for him – on top of the region backed up by a fire spitting propaganda artillery led by Professor Moyo and Ambassador Mutsvangwa. The battle lines are drawn and they seem clear enough. The new Cabinet will be unrelenting in its attacks on the West, and will not want rapprochement on any issues of difference that may exist now because that will mess with the legacy that the President wants to have. Both sides have already set up this epic match up, Mugabe through his actions, utterances and appointments including the recent censure of the European Union Delegation Head and his “ tit for tat “ speech with regards to sanctions. The West, through their reaction and judgment on the elections that just passed, and their role in colonial history has concluded the preparations for the battle. The Cabinet as a Balancing Act The Cabinet’s frontline is clearly made up of Political Heads in large part, whose ability to manage the country’s affairs is doubtable, but there is a clear attempt to balance them with the “ Young Turks” who in outlook are largely technocratic and have some idea of how to go about the real tasks in the Ministries they have been seconded to. This back row is likely to be leading the rear guard action on the real work of running the country – doing the leg work- while their Primaries do the politics. From a delivery perspective, these Deputies, are largely a more impressive bunch than their Primaries, which itself presents challenges because the first rule of power is that you should never outshine your master. As such, though the balance is attempted – between the ideologues and technocrats, the hardliners and the moderates, the tried and tested as well as the new – it is a balance that will not hold and deliver for the country because it is not weighted evenly. The priorities for the government are Mugabe, ZANU PF and then Zimbabwe in that order. The Balancing Act and Its Impact on the EconomyMy thinking on looking at the Cabinet is that the Economy is clearly not priority number one. But there is an attempt, as part of the balance to put in key Economic Ministries moderates, whom potential investors can have some confidence in dealing with. Minister Chinamasa, despite all the fire and brimstone he can breath in Politics, showed that he can be a liberal in terms of his approach to the economics. We know that he has already attempted to woo the Banking sector through consultations and promising them greater influence on what happens on that front. His counter-parts in industry and commerce, indigenization, tourism, agriculture, mines and other ministries that have a bearing on the economy, will also take a very practical approach, in spite of the hard lines that the Political Heads and ideologues in the government will be pushing. It is generally agreed that had economic sustenance of the country, reform and development been what the President wanted, he might have gone with a different team. What the Cabinet composition makes clear is that this is not the case, and it puts a nail into the coffin of reconciliation and the conciliatory approach that the president made on his inauguration. To have expected change from ZANU PF was a bit of wishful thinking on the part of those who did. It is akin to going to water well and expecting to draw oil, or going to the Chinhoyi Caves and expecting to find diesel.

Climate-hit Zimbabwe farmers opt for traditional crop varieties by ZimSitRep – 09-13-2013
via Climate-hit Zimbabwe farmers opt for traditional crop varieties from Thomson Reuters Foundation by Busani Bafana 13 Sep 2013 BULAWAYO, Zimbabwe (Thomson Reuters Foundation) – There is always something to eat in Esinah Moyo’s one hectare plot. In between rows of maize are indigenous beans which make a yummy soup. Groundnuts are intercropped with sorghum, ready to harvest for a meal. In a changing climate where rainfall has become even more unpredictable than before, Moyo plants every inch of her small plot with traditional seed varieties. The benefits, she says are big in terms of resilience to unpredictable conditions, crop diversity and food variety throughout the year. Moyo, a farmer in Jambezi ward, 300 km north of Bulawayo, credits much of her success as a farmer to conservation agriculture techniques, such as planting seeds in holes that collect water and extend the moisture available to thirsty plants. But she also grows traditional crops whose seed she can save and sell to other farmers. She focuses on “open pollinated varieties” – plant types that are pollinated by wind and insects, and whose seeds can be saved for planting the next year, unlike store-bought hybrid seeds. Yields from hybrid seeds can be significantly higher, in good conditions. But with weather shifts making farming seasons more unpredictable, farmers like Moyo are having to balance the need for bigger yields with their need to reliably get at least some yield – and to earn income from selling seed to neighbours. Hybrid seed varieties are produced from controlled cross-pollution of two different varieties of parent plants, and their seeds cannot be stored and saved for use the following year. Hybrids can produce bigger crops, and commercial seed companies prefer to sell them as farmers need to buy new supplies each year. But as farmers try to find the right mix of resilience and reliable yields to combat changing climate conditions, plenty believe that traditional seed varieties – not just high-producing hybrids – are part of the answer. Owing to their resilience in harsh conditions, farmers have for generations saved part of their harvest each farming season to plant the next season. Researchers agree this type of seed does not offer yields that compare to hybrid seed grown in good conditions. But traditional seed has much wider genetic variety, which can be beneficial when fields face unexpected challenges. In September, the United Nations World Food Programme said more than 2 million Zimbabweans will need relief food to get through to the next harvest in April 2014 because of food shortages attributed to high input costs – including that of hybrid seed – and bad weather. GOOD YIELDS IN BAD YEARS Moyo, who has grown both types of seed, says hybrid maize varieties that mature early can produce high yields in good years, compared to traditional varieties. But “in a bad season, it is mostly the (traditional varieties) that give me a good yield,” she said. Farmers say they are also benefitting from selling to other farmers non-hybrid seed that they can produce themselves – particularly grains that are resilient to increasingly unpredictable weather. Planting two crops a year, Moyo produces an average of two tonnes of seed each year and earns more than $2,000 from the one-acre plot she farms. She sells at least one tonne of seed for about $1 a kilogramme, keeps a third of the remainder of the crop as seed to replant herself the following year, and uses the rest of her harvest to feed her family. Moyo and her neighbours in Nemananga ward, in Zimbabwe’s Matabeleland North Province, were trained in seed production under the Food Security and Livelihood Diversification Programme in Hwange and Binga Districts in the northern part of Zimbabwe. Moyo in May showcased some of her seed at the Zimbabwe International Trade Fair, a global business exhibition held in Bulawayo annually. Another farmer, Ivy Nyoni, has been producing traditional seed for the past five years, annually harvesting between one and three tonnes of different seed varieties. Last season she made more than $2,000 selling the seed. “The project has enabled me to build my house, pay school fees for my children and raise chickens and rear goats,” Nyoni told the Thomson Reuters Foundation. “The seed project has uplifted farmers in my community as they have been able to sell the seed to others and invest the money.” HYBRID ADVANTAGES But Moses Siambi, principal scientist with the International Crops Research Institute for the Semi-Arid Tropics (ICRISAT), encourages farmers to grow hybrids because the productivity of traditional varieties is low and they generally don’t produce enough to give farmers enough excess to sell “Farmers should be encouraged to grow hybrids because the productivity of (open pollinated varieties) is low. It is difficult to develop, for example, OPV maize that can yield 10 tons per hectare,” Siambi said. “OPVs may be good for the family to enjoy certain characteristics of the ‘local’ variety but (farmers) will never produce enough to sell and send their children to school.” Moyo disagrees, noting that by selling some of her produce as seed she can earn enough money while also having greater resilience to changing climate conditions. Davison Masendeke, the Matabeleland North provincial agronomist in the Department of Agriculture Extension Services under the Ministry of Agriculture, says smallholder farmers who use non-hybrid seed they save each season often cannot afford to buy hybrid seed, cutting off their potential for producing higher yields. Traditional seed has its own drawbacks, he said. If weather conditions are severe enough that hybrid seed fails, “the chances are that the (open pollinated variety seed) will also fail,” he said. Traditional varieties also can take longer to mature, and “in a climate changing environment, this is not a desirable trait for farmers.” Busani Bafana is a freelance contributor for the Thomson Reuters Foundation, based in Zimbabwe and covering climate change issues.

Patronage doors swung wide open by ZimSitRep – 09-13-2013
via Patronage doors swung wide open – The Zimbabwe Independent by Owen Gagare and Herbert Moyo September 13, 2013 APPOINTING his long-awaited new cabinet this week amid great expectations among Zimbabweans, President Robert Mugabe swung wide open political patronage doors, letting in a legion of predominantly male Zanu PF cronies, while slamming the doors on the faces of his fervent women loyalists. Mugabe’s cabinet, widely described as hugely disappointing in view of demands for a lean, performance-driven team with a healthy mix of young technocrats and experience, has 23 men, some of whom have been there for 33 years and others for at least two decades, and only there women. Proportionally, the new cabinet is still very huge even if it has 26 ministers compared to the recent coalition government one which had 33 members. In so far as gender balance is concerned, the new cabinet is only marginally different from Mugabe’s first one at Independence in 1980. Soon after becoming prime minister in 1980, Mugabe announced a 23-mmber cabinet designed to bring together both wings of the Patriotic Front alliance, reassure the white minority and foster unity within his Zanu PF at odds internally. Mugabe retained the defence portfolio for himself but made two key appointments to reassure whites. David Smith of the all-white Rhodesian Front was named secretary of commerce and industry, and Denis Norman was appointed agriculture minister. After refusing to be ceremonial president, PF Zapu leader Joshua Nkomo was given home affairs and his party got four posts in cabinet. However, only one woman, Teurai Ropa Nhongo (now Vice-President Joice Mujuru), was given a full cabinet post, as minister of youth, sport, and recreation. Two other women were named deputy ministers. Now 33 years later there are only three women in cabinet even if the new constitution says there must be gender parity. In total Mugabe, made 63 executive appointments in the new government, in a move which will further balloon the wage bill and seriously drain government’s limited revenues. This will chew over US$1 billion in cars and other benefits. Already government’s wage bill gobbles up a staggering 69% of the total revenues. Zimbabwe’s Gross Domestic Product is estimated at about US$7 billion, although officials claim is it US$11 billion. Scrutinised from all possible dimensions, including size, renewal and ideas, rewarding loyalists, Mugabe’s promise a day before elections, regional and ethnic balance, demotions and promotions, gender and budget, the new team comes across as a regressive, if not a comatose, cabinet largely informed and influenced by patronage — the use of state resources to reward individuals for their political and electoral support – and loyalty considerations rather than meritocracy and delivery. Cabinet size The sheer size of Mugabe’s cabinet tells the story of a man either failing or unwilling to learn anything from the old adage “cut your coat according to your cloth”. Mugabe’s chief cabinet secretary Misheck Sibanda may have trumpeted the reduction of the cabinet size from 33 during the tenure of the inclusive government to 26, but this simply fails to capture the fact that the coalition government consisted of three political parties that had to share the spoils after a disputed election. The new cabinet is still a proportionally big team given that there has been a reduction of only seven ministries from the coalition era. In fact, all things considered the new executive appointments, including ministers of state, deputy ministers and governors, now simply renamed ministers of state for provincial affairs to circumvent the new constitution, add up to 63. If Mugabe really wanted to reducing the size of government, he could have eliminated ministers of state, deputy ministers and minister of state for provincial affairs who are essentially the new governors whose positions were scrapped under the new constitution. He could also have avoided appointing two deputy ministers for Agriculture ministry. Besides, Mugabe could have consolidated certain ministries such as agriculture and lands, the two education and sports ministries, and media, information and broadcasting services and information communication technology, postal and courier services, among others. The two Presidential Affairs portfolios headed by Didymus Mutasa (who will be partly in charge of intelligence) and Flora Buka could have been combined or scrapped altogether. Mugabe himself admitted other countries don’t even have a minister for state security. Zimbabwe’s cabinet is proportionally huge for a country with 13 million people and a GDP of US$11 billion compared to other African countries. Egypt, for instance, has 84,5 million people and a US$264,7 billion GDP but a 35-member cabinet; Nigeria 170,1 million people and a US$268,7 billion GDP but a 32-member cabinet; Kenya 44,4 million people and a US$41,1 billion GDP but an 18-member cabinet; Zambia 14,3 million people and a US$20,5 billion GDP but a 20-member cabinet and South Africa, the continent’s biggest economy, has 52,9 million people and a US$375,9 billion GDP but a 34-member cabinet. Renewal Some re-appointed individuals in the new cabinet have been in government since independence in 1980 and hence have nothing new to offer. Besides Mugabe himself and Mujuru, Justice minister Emmerson Mnangagwa and Sydney Sekeramayi, for instance, have been there for 33 years. Didymus Mutasa (except when he was Speaker of Parliament) has also been around. Other ministers such as Nicholas Goche, Ignatius Chombo and Oppah Muchinguri, among others, have been in office for a very long time. The so-called “new blood” in cabinet includes Dzikamai Mavhaire (Energy), Mike Bimha (Industry and Commerce), Walter Chidhakwa (Mines) and Douglas Mombeshora (Lands). However, analysts say Mavhaire does not have a traceable record of delivery and thus he doesn’t inspire confidence. So there was no serious renewal of cabinet and resultantly no chance of new ideas.Reward Mugabe himself admitted that his appointments were mainly about rewarding party loyalists and those who delivered during elections, besides education. Mugabe summed it up when he said the key criteria is: “Are you Zanu PF? And if you are Zanu PF, how much of Zanu PF are you? How long have you been with us?” Some ministers were rewarded for working hard to ensure a Zanu PF victory. Simon Khaya Moyo, who delivered Matabeleland South province during the elections, is poised to land the vice-presidency and his elevation to senior minister is the clearest indication of that yet. He would also be rewarded for his role as the Zanu PF’s national elections directorate during the polls. Those from provinces which Zanu PF wrested from MDC-T such as Masvingo and Manicaland, besides Matabeleland South and others, were also rewarded. Mavhaire captured the point when he said: “The fact that we got 26 out of 26 seats is a good testimony to say we tried our best. It is the people of Masvingo who demonstrated and corrected their mistakes. I am happy His Excellency the president recognised the effort we put and rewarded us.” So Mugabe spread his appointments across all provinces to reward loyalists and those who delivered during elections. Although he said education was a key consideration, he did not mentioned meritocracy as one of the benchmarks. Patronage For a long time, Mugabe has always loved the politics of the patron and his clients. His government has always used state resources to reward individuals for their political and electoral support — in other words exercised patronage. While most cabinet ministers, except a few who have relatively good records like Walter Mzembi, the majority are creatures of patronage. Instead of using the five appointments allowed by the new constitution outside parliament, Mugabe created jobs for the boys and swung the patronage doors open for Jonathan Moyo (information), Joseph Made (Agriculture), Lazarus Dokora (Lower Education), Martin Dinha (Mashonaland Central provincial minister) and Faber Chidarikire (Mashonaland West provincial minister). Even if he lost, Moyo was also apparently rewarded for his work hard, including writing the Zanu PF election manifesto. Backtracking  A day before the July 31 general elections, Mugabe told journalists at State House in Harare that he would not appoint losers. This was a repeat of his remarks in June at the Tokyo International Conference on African Development where he said those who lose elections would not be hired in government. However, he dramatically backtracked on his promises and appointed cronies like Made, Moyo, Dokora, Dinha and Chidarikire. Factionalism One of the most enduring features of Zanu PF politics is factionalism. It appears Mujuru has managed to use her position and influence to ensure her faction gets the largest share of cabinet posts with those linked to the Mnangagwa camp picking up crumbs. Those reportedly aligned to the Mujuru camp include Khaya Moyo (Senior minister), Sekeramayi (Defence), David Parirenyatwa (Health), Mavhaire (Energy), Bimha (Industry), Muchena (Higher Education), Mzembi (Tourism), Chidhakwa (Mines), Dokora (Lower Education), Goche (Labour), Webster Shamu (ICT), Mombeshora (Lands), and ministers of state Mutasa, Buka and Sylvester Nguni, among others. Saviour Kasukuwere, who was said to be in the Mujuru faction for a long time but has reportedly fallen out of favour with her after clashes in Mashonaland Central and over the indigenisation programme, was demoted from Indigenisation to Water, environment and climate portfolio. For the Mnangagwa camp, only the faction leader himself and Patrick Chinamasa (Finance) got significant ministries. Besides a few other posts which went to the Mnangagwa faction, some went to neutrals like Moyo and Made now. Regional balance Although the Unity Accord of 1987 between Zanu PF and PF Zapu is fading away with time, there are still traces of adherence to it as shown by Khaya Moyo, Kembo Mohadi and Sithembiso Nyoni appointments. Mugabe also said he tried to ensure regional and ethnic balance by appointing about three ministers per province, resulting in some people with questionable credentials like Josiah Hungwe coming back. “We also ensured that all provinces are represented as much as possible. We took two to three or more from each province,” Mugabe said on Wednesday. Demotions/promotions While some ministers like Chombo, Simbarashe Mumbengegwi (Foreign Affairs), Nyoni (Small to Medium Enterprises), Made and Mutasa retained their portfolios, others like Obert Mpofu (Transport), Goche and Kasukuwere were demoted. Even Mnangagwa was demoted, although he reportedly declined appointment to finance. Others like Chinamasa, Mavhaire, Chidhakwa, Francis Nhema and Bimha, actually moved up the ladder. Gender There seemed to have been no attempt to redress gender imbalances with the appointment of only three women to cabinet, as Mugabe claimed “there were just not enough women”. But Mugabe failed to use the provision to appoint five ministers outside parliament to bring in technocrats and women, preferring political cohorts. Cost As a result of the bloated government, more than US$1 billion will be spent on ministers and senior government officials, who include 26 cabinet ministers and 24 deputies, three ministers of state and 10 ministers of provincial affairs. Ministers usually get between two and three upscale vehicles, among them a Mercedes Benz, Range Rovers, Jeep Cherokees and Land Cruisers Rovers as well as Toyota Prados, and even upmarket houses. In addition, government provides accommodation and other benefits for senior officials.

A patron and his clients in cabinet by ZimSitRep – 09-13-2013
via A patron and his clients in cabinet – The Zimbabwe Independent by Kevin Msipha September 13, 2013 IN 2004 the then United States president George W Bush upon winning re-election, proceeded to proclaim that he had earned “political capital” which he intended to expend. The announcement of the new cabinet by the President Robert Mugabe on Tuesday has echoes similar to Bush’s remarks albeit with a much deeper mandate and more serious challenges facing the nation. While like other Zimbabweans, I was looking for hope, inspiration and new faces in key cabinet portfolios, I must confess this expectation, as it now transpires, was founded on some rather naive and profound lack of nuances about the political culture that we live in. The new appointments have disabused me of this innocent trusting I had on politicians and their designs. The conferment of monikers to describe ministerial appointments is a time-honoured tradition dating back as early as Abraham Lincoln’s first cabinet in 1860 which was christened “team of rivals” by the local press. More recently the local media in Kenya excited by both the size and composition of the cabinet called it the “team of professionals” or “great expectations”. However, locally commentators have described the new Zimbabwean cabinet using all sorts of dramatic and colourful adjectives, ranging from a “team of recycled deadwood”, “team of cronies”, or “tired and detested” has-beens. A glance at the members of cabinet leaves the impression that Mugabe has hand down on the country a team of “unwavering loyalists”. This cabinet will be old-school and prescriptive in nature as opposed to being consultative and reformist. The broader message for stakeholders and the economy is that this government has every intention to utilise its recently acquired mandate to stay course and accept little progressive accommodation. All interactions will be done on their own terms as they remain entrenched in their frayed framework. The cabinet viewed, together with the party’s two thirds majority, would imply that we may be about to witness the intensification of crude implementation of an unstructured indigenisation programme even though the appointment of Francis Nhema may suggest otherwise. This government has every intention of persisting with its controversial policies, something which will fuel uncertainty and stymie recovery. Those with expectations of the new government adopting a policy shift and pushing hard against inefficiencies, waste and corruption will continue to be disillusioned as nothing much will change. This is evidenced by the fact that Mugabe has in the past said he was informed by former president of South Africa Thabo Mbeki that some of ministers were demanding bribes, yet all of them (except the unwell Herbert Murerwa) have been retained.Well, they will say there is no evidence on corruption allegations, but that on its own is not enough and shows lack of political will. Zanu PF does not even have combating corruption as one of its major issues in the election manifesto. In fact, Zanu PF made huge promises to free trillions of dollars in the liquidity-hit economy through its indigenisation and other programmes, something it will be hard pressed to fulfil. The size of cabinet of 26 full ministers is proportionally big when compared with other African countries. Kenya with a population of 42 million has a cabinet comprising 18 full ministers, down from 44 from the coalition government. Zambia has a cabinet of about 20 full ministers against a population of about 14 million. Looking at the actual composition of cabinet, the finance portfolio carries the most meaning for most observers. That it was handed to Patrick Chinamasa may have as much to do with the absence of a loyalist candidate with widely respected financial pedigree and profile. The most puzzling appointment appears to be the one of the Energy and Power Development minister Dzikamai Mavahaire. One hopes there was more to his appointment than the need to reward the people of Masvingo as he alluded to in his remarks. Another surprise inclusion is the elevation of Walter Chidhakwa to the post of Minister of Mines and Mining Development. In his favour, he is young and without some of the baggage his older comrades come with. Many will be watching as his public profile finds expression. The exchange of portfolios between Francis Nhema and Savior Kasukuwere may have more to do with managing the tenor of the indigenisation programme as opposed to reducing its intensity as some people hope. The accommodation of Professor Jonathan Moyo could mean an escalation of centralisation of government communication and adoption of an aggressive posture. With the fact that the ruling party now has a two thirds majority in parliament, the appointment of the former Defence ministr Emmerson Mnagwagwa in the justice portfolio is quite telling as to the probability that along the way, the new constitution might undergo some amendments even though it also speaks to going round in circles as he has been there in the past. The education portfolios comprise a new comer to full ministerial status Lazarus Dokora and seasoned female minister Olivia Muchena. The country is in dire need of revitalising the education sector, and giving greater emphasis to the scientific and research front. While the she is respected by some, the portfolio, split to accommodate loyalists, might have benefitted from a performer with a bigger profile. The movement of former Mines minister Obert Mpofu to the Transport and Infrastructural Development portfolio is not a demotion as some quarters say. If investment is forthcoming as we have been led to believe, the portfolio will prove to be as influential as the mines ministry. In this largely loyalist-laden cabinet, there was room for performers like Walter Mzembi, who can consider himself in the ascendency after pulling off the recent UNWTO general assembly in Victoria Falls. Given the size and importance of the informal sector in Zimbabwe, one hopes that the Minister of Small and Medium Enterprises will find her voice and seek greater visibility for her portfolio at the second time of asking. Then finally, one must understand that in any party or grouping, there those for whom only their promoters — patrons — can understand and appreciate their usefulness. The minister of Agriculture Joseph Made, a key Mugabe client, may just be one such man. Having lost a primary election and presided over food shortgaes in the past, he was brought back for reasons nobody understands beyond patron-client relations. In summary one can only hope that the state-driven developmental model that Zanu PF aspires to is not one entirely premised on a militaristic ethos along the line of countries like South Korea or Singapore. What would be the probability that Zimbabweans would heed the call to turn in their jewelry to build a foreign currency buffer as occasioned in South Korea during the Park Chung Hee era? Or Mugabe finally being Zimbabwe’s Lee Kuan Yew? Meanwhile, for those still struggling to catch up, we are now firmly and without question, for better or worse, in the ship in which Mugabe is captain. Msipha is a finalist of the chartered financial analysts programme. He writes in his personal capacity.

Some things never change by ZimSitRep – 09-13-2013
via Some things never change – The Zimbabwe Independent Editorial September 13, 2013 WHEN Xi Jinping became Chinese president in March as part of the country’s once-a-decade power transfer, he came in with a cabinet which included technocrats tasked with tackling a decelerating economy, among other things. At the time, China’s annual growth was slowing down. It dropped to 7,5% in the second quarter, down from 7,7% in the three months ending March 31 –– the ninth such drift in the past 10 quarters. However, since Xi came in the economy has been showing signs of recovery, sustaining the positive momentum on course to meet growth targets. This is partly because China’s new political leadership appointed veteran technocrats, many with vast international experience, to the new cabinet. Xi and his performance-driven team promised efficiency. “In face of the mighty trend of the times and earnest expectations of the people for a better life, we cannot have the slightest complacency, or get the slightest slack at work,” he said. “We must resolutely reject formalism, bureaucratism, hedonism and extravagance, and resolutely fight against corruption and other misconduct in all manifestations.” Compare Xi’s approach to what President Robert Mugabe is doing. While Xi (60) came in with technocrats and skilled performers with traceable records of delivery, Mugabe (89) simply recycled the same old faces, mainly inept cronies. Instead of sending a clear message against corruption, he was apologetic saying there is no evidence. At a time when the nation was expecting serious changes in cabinet to stabilise and consolidate economic recovery, Mugabe appointed another unreconstructed team –– which includes dyed-in-the-wool populists –– showing either he has no clue and is stuck, or is stubbornly clinging to failure for patronage reasons. The latter seems to be true, as he said he mainly considers first if you are Zanu PF, how loyal you are and for how long you have been there, besides education. Meritocracy doesn’t feature. Well, there is no problem with him appointing Zanu PF ministers who won but the issue is what calibre of ministers did he appoint? Bringing back Emmerson Mnangagwa and Sydney Sekeramayi, ministers for 33 years, Didymus Mutasa, Ignatius Chombo, Joseph Made, Olivia Muchena, Sithembiso Nyoni, Simbarashe Mumbengegwi and Webster Shamu, for instance, surely will not take us anywhere. What can they really do to take us forward? Patrick Chinamasa may be competent in executing Mugabe’s political survival projects, but is he suitable at Finance? Besides incompetence, the trouble is some of these ministers are just corrupt. It’s not our job to give Mugabe the evidence. That’s why the police are there. Mugabe, if it’s not too late, must learn from his Chinese benefactors how Deng Xiaoping did it. He reformed the party and the state, adopting progressive market policies within a developmental state framework, thus enabling rapid and sustained economic growth.So why can’t Mugabe, with his “Look East” policy, do the same?

New parliament faces arduous task by ZimSitRep – 09-13-2013
via New parliament faces arduous task – The Zimbabwe Independent by Paidamoyo Muzulu September 13, 2013 MANY Zimbabweans will re-ignite their love-hate relationship with the state broadcaster, ZBC, on Tuesday to listen to President Robert Mugabe spell out his legislative and policy agenda in his crucial opening of parliament address. Zimbabweans are hoping to hear how Mugabe and Zanu PF intend to deliver on their profligate election promises premised on the indigenisation and economic empowerment drive. Mugabe is under immense pressure to give impetus to the hemorrhaging economy that has missed its economic growth projections at a time industrial capacity utilisation remains low and unemployment rate hovering above 80%. Mugabe’s work is cut out by the new constitution and the prevailing economic situation which has seen most Zimbabweans continue to wallow in abject poverty. Despite opposition allegations he stole the election through systematic rigging, Mugabe’s legitimacy received a major boost last week when the Sadc observer mission report described the polls as “free, fair and generally credible”, much to the chagrin of the opposition which insists the polls were stolen. The new constitution demands that parliament immediately amends or enacts new laws consistent with the governance charter. There are six amendments that need immediate attention for government to fully implement the new constitution that came into full operation on August 22 when Mugabe was inaugurated. The laws are meant to give life to new institutions such as the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA), Constitutional Court (Concourt), provincial and metropolitan councils, Gender Commission, National Peace and Reconciliation Commission and the Zimbabwe Land Commission. Constant bickering throughout the tenure of the previous coalition government meant the seventh parliament ended before it could enact laws giving effect to the new institutions. Veritas, a grouping with interests in parliamentary work, said the absence of enabling legislation for these new institutions will render their existence theoretical. “In the absence of legislation setting out its structure and organisation, the NPA’s existence remains largely theoretical,” said Veritas. “Presumably all public prosecutors and members of the criminal division of the Attorney-General (AG)’s Office are continuing to carry out their functions as before, but their authority to do so is doubtful in the absence of a law which states that they are employed by the NPA.” The new constitution split the AG’s office by forming the NPA to deal with prosecutions while leaving the former as government’s chief legal advisor. The Concourt still largely uses the Supreme Court Act to conduct its business as it still has no Act that defines its jurisdiction and operations. “All these, as well as time-limits for instituting proceedings in the court, procedures for the issue of summonses, warrants and other documents, and the conferring of supplementary powers on the court, should be dealt with in a new Constitutional Court Act along the lines of the Supreme Court Act and High Court Act,” Veritas said. The newly enacted provincial and metropolitan councils, in accordance with Chapter 14 of the new constitution, will remain in limbo until a new enabling bill is passed. Strictly speaking, Veritas argues, the councils have been established by the new constitution itself, but until legislation is enacted, they will have no venues, no structures, no procedures and no staff. There are currently a large number of newly-elected councillors awaiting their job description. Clerk of parliament Austin Zvoma has confirmed there was no clarity yet as to what provincial councils will be doing or how they would be aligned to the National Assembly. “There is urgent need for passing an Act that will define the councils’ operations and more importantly how their work will be aligned and synchronised with the National Assembly,” said Zvoma. The new government is also expected to finalise the new Mining (Diamond) Bill, liberalisation of the electronic media and promotion of the human rights agenda. Mining activist Farai Maguwu said although there will be some reforms, he doubts if Mugabe will implement them to their logical conclusion. Maguwu said: “No doubt mining will be on top of the next government’s agenda. Some form of legislative reform is possible. However, there is no incentive for Mugabe to reform laws and improve transparency.” Zimbabwe’s mining industry, particularly activities of the diamond sector, lacks transparency amid allegations of corruption and looting. Mugabe this week appointed a new Mines minister and promised a clean up of the sector. Human rights activist and researcher Dewa Mavhinga said Mugabe was unlikely to focus much on human rights issues during his term, but they would keep piling pressure on him. “It is doubtful that Mugabe will make human rights protection a priority, but at Human Rights Watch we urge him to prioritise human rights protection and promotion,” Mavhinga said. He said Mugabe should implement policies that encourage freedom of the press and ensure the rights to freedom of association and assembly are fully realised, and the promotion of free expression and communication. Zimbabwe is still to heed calls to amend or repeal repressive laws such as the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act, the Public Order and Security Act, and the Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Act. The wish list is long and on Tuesday Mugabe will lay out his legislative and policy agenda during the first year of what is widely regarded as his final five-year term in office.

Kick them out Mr President! by ZimSitRep – 09-13-2013
via Kick them out Mr President! – The Zimbabwe Independent by Brian Mangwende September 13, 2013 President Robert Mugabe this week promised to fire non-performing ministers from his predictable “new” cabinet in what is widely seen as a last-ditch attempt to convince an uninspired nation that his appointments can deliver. Responding to questions from journalists soon after the swearing-in ceremony of ministers and their deputies on whether his appointment of Francis Nhema, regarded as a moderate, signalled a climb-down on his combative indigenisation drive, formerly spearheaded by an aggressive Saviour Kasukuwere, Mugabe retorted: “Nhema is an introvert, Kasukuwere is an extrovert, but don’t think that the one who talks a lot is the one who performs a lot. We expect the ministers to deliver. If the introvert goes to sleep, we chase him away.”This is exactly what Mugabe must do. He must kick them out when they don’t deliver. Mugabe must be held to his word, taking into consideration his somersault on a promise not to appoint unelected individuals to ministerial posts by roping in five losing party members. His cabinet has been received with mainly scepticism because it comprises virtually of the same “old boys” whom many, including those in Zanu PF circles, wanted gone like yesterday raising queries as to whether he was sincerely for government reform. While retaining the old guard, Mugabe demoted some and elevated others. But surely, unproductive public servants must shape-up or be dismissed, period. Cabinet posts must not be meal tickets to access public funds for self-aggrandisement. Mugabe must, without any compunction, fire poor performers because the economy has been haemorrhaging for too long without any consequences against the culprits. Mugabe is reluctant to take action against some of his bosom buddies in government to maintain the patronage system, unity accord of 1987 and tribal balance. How do ministers account for the loads of money they will spend vis-a-vis their salaries? Mugabe must close the tap if his ministers do not cut back on their spending. It has been said and not denied that Mugabe has on several occasions discussed issues of extravagance with his ministers and their astonishing incapability to vigorously see through government policies. From the onset Mugabe should ensure there are mandatory written performance contracts, clear guidelines on how each minister is going to improve output and conduct an evaluation within the first 100 days in office. He should encourage spot performance checks with a view to reining in delinquent and lazy ministers. Lame excuses such as “when I got into this ministry, it was dysfunctional because of the incompetence of the coalition government”, should not be tolerated. Unlikely as this may sound, something has to be done to get real value from this recycled cabal. The Zanu PF government, which made fantastic promises during elections, needs to deliver lest it gives credence to assertions it has nothing new to offer. Currently, Zimbabwe depends too much on handouts and loans from China without production, hence its liquidity crisis, so it is prudent for Mugabe to re-engage the world’s biggest economies and move forward. The nation is waiting with bated breath for Mugabe to deliver on his threats to fire non-performers and election promises.

Perception greater than fact by ZimSitRep – 09-13-2013
via Perception greater than fact – The Zimbabwe Independent Editor’s Memo with Itai Masuku September 13, 2013 MANY who have done strategic management courses will remember the famous SWOT analysis method, where situations are analysed according to their Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunties and Threats. What is often forgotten is how weaknesses can be turned into strengths and how threats can actually present opportunities. This implies going beyond Hannibal’s “I see no mountains” maxim to something like “I see the mountains, there must be tonnes of gold in their crust.” Zimbabwe’s so-called US$45 billion infrastructure deficit as per World Bank figures is an opportunity for Build Own Operate Projects. There is no problem at Zesa; there are opportunities to seriously push for Private Power Corporations. The shambolic state of the National Railways of Zimbabwe is yet another opportunity for investment. Throughout 18th, 19th and 20th century history, introduction of railways always catalysed economic growth. The list is endless. It’s just a matter of how this is presented to investors. We are all aware Zimbabwe is at a crossroads in terms of its economic direction. On the one hand, it desperately needs to take a huge leap forward in creating an environment that is conducive to attracting both domestic and foreign investment, particularly the latter. The country’s investment as a proportion of Gross Domestic ratio, estimated at 27% for this year can be improved. Locals are reluctant to invest in their own economy. While it often holds true that outsiders can see opportunities where insiders don’t, foreign investors often take a cue from local investors. If the locals are not confident in investing in their own economy, why should they (foreigners) be? It therefore cannot be overemphasised that investment is the name of the game where governments want to foster economic growth. On the other hand, it is also understandable that while Zimbabwe wants to foster growth, it wants growth with equity. In other words, it wants a trickle-down effect of each investment dollar to the proverbial man on the street, hence its promulgation of the land reform and indigenisation programmes. For foreign investors in particular, these two programmes have presented the greatest threat to their investing in Zimbabwe. It is clear that government has dug in its heels on these issues. Its weakness, however, has been in how it has sold the programmes abroad. The fact that some investors, including Canadians are willing to invest under such conditions means there is manoeuvrable space. Everything ultimately depends on how the programmes are packaged. If they are enunciated in a confrontational and aggressive manner, they will also be received by the international community as such. It’s a simple process of communication. If you encode a message in a particular manner, it will be decoded as such at the receiving end. In this regard, perhaps a word of caution would be in order for the incoming Finance minister Patrick Chinamasa. Maybe because of continuous bickering in the just-ended inclusive government, the respected man of laws has often been brazen when putting his points across. There is no doubt in legal circles that the man is a respectable lawyer; even his counterpart in the GNU Tendai Biti acknowledged that. However, he must remember that he’s now handling a portfolio where perception, in this case investor perception, tends to have more impact than fact. For instance, why, according to World Bank figures, did Guinea Bissau attract more private sector investment in (US$3,8 billion) 2011 than the rest of Africa? Yet, it’s such a small country, which on average many will fail to point to it on a map. Moreover, it has all the worst indicators against it such as being on the lowest scale of the UNDP’s human development index as well as the lowest per capita GDPs in the world . It has a history of military coups and has been placed on the United Nations narco states list. Surely, Zimbabwe’s record is better than that! What economic ministries, led by Chinamasa’s, have to package are the opportunities presented by Zimbabwe’s threats. This should be food for thought for the incoming government.

Is Mugabe softening on indigenisation? by ZimSitRep – 09-13-2013
via Is Mugabe softening on indigenisation? – The Zimbabwe Independent by Herbert Moyo September 13, 2013 WHILE fielding questions from journalists at a press conference soon after cabinet’s swearing in on Wednesday, President Robert Mugabe deliberately avoided answering a direct question on whether his government would revise the controversial US$1,7 billion Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) deals signed with mining houses. A major talking point on Mugabe’s new cabinet was the perceived demotion of Saviour Kasukuwere, whose modus operandi was widely considered abrasive, from Indigenisation to Water, Environment and Climate — a development believed to signal a softening of the veteran leader’s stance on the controversial indigenisation policy which was Zanu PF’s election campaign centrepiece. In a two-part question, Mugabe was asked whether the appointment of Francis Nhema, seen as more level-headed operator, as Indigenisation minister represents a paradigm shift and if there would be a revision of the deals Kasukuwere had signed with mining companies at the beginning of this year. Mugabe responded that the change of personalities at the Indigenisation ministry did not signal any radical policy shift, although he expects whoever is in the job, whether combative or conciliatory, to deliver or face the axe. “Nhema is an introvert, Kasukuwere is an extrovert, but don’t think that the one who talks a lot is the one who performs a lot,” Mugabe replied, apparently likening Kasukuwere to “noisy” pupils who when it comes to exams always fail. “We expect the ministers to deliver. If the introvert goes to sleep, we chase him away.” However, Mugabe appeared to deliberately ignore the second part of the question by not answering it, suggesting he did not wish to acknowledge change in the indigenisation tack. Nhema is reputedly an introvert known for his moderate stance and prefers to play his cards close to his chest. As Indigenisation minister Kasukuwere structured controversial US$1,7 billion deals with mining companies. He signed MoUs with the likes of Zimplats (US$971 million), Mimosa (US$550 million), Anglo-American (US$142 million), Pretoria Portland Cement (US$27,8 million) and Caledonia (US$30 million). Negotiations with other big mining houses such as Metalon Gold, Mwana Africa and BNC were still underway. However, Kasukuwere was always walking a tightrope, especially after Mugabe added his voice to a chorus of criticism from senior Zanu PF and government officials. After a series of public spats with Reserve Bank governor Gideon Gono, Mugabe had a somewhat Damascene moment in March when he publicly stated Kasukuwere had blundered over the much-touted Zimplats deal announced in January. Under the Zimplats deal, South Africa’s Impala Platinum (Implats) agreed to sell a majority stake in its Zimbabwe unit to local blacks for US$971 million. The transaction was facilitated through vendor financing at an interest rate of 10% over an unspecified period. “That is the problem; they gave us 51% saying that it is a loan that we are giving you, and we are paying for you in advance and then you can pay us back tomorrow,” Mugabe said. “I think that is where our minister made a mistake. He did not quite understand what was happening, and yet our theory is that the resource is ours and that resource is our share, that is where the 51% comes from.” Mugabe’s outburst gave further ammunition to Gono who seized on it a week later, telling the Zimbabwe Independent it would be necessary to revisit all major indigenisation deals. “We also need to pay attention to the conditions attached to some of these transactions and violations of standing exchange control laws, rules and regulations, all of which could have been avoided had necessary consultations been done,” Gono said then. “These problems technically render some of these transactions null and void if fundamental amendments required are not done.” Analysts say replacing a man he criticised this year with a perceived moderate signals a softening of the hardline indigenisation approach by Mugabe in favour of a more rational one, especially now that electioneering is over following his landslide election victory. “The coming on board of Nhema is evidence of how Mugabe is possibly softening his stance on indigenisation,” economic analyst Takunda Mugaga said. “Nhema can be viewed as testimony to Mugabe’s retreat. He is a softer kind of minister in terms of his reputation and he is not likely to read too much into the Zanu PF manifesto (which emphasised indigenisation). His appointment is evidence that a hawkish way of doing things is not viable.” However, the chief executive officer of the National Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment Board Wilson Gwatiringa said indigenisation of mines would continue even if there is a new minister. “The (indigenisation) programme is moving on and we are talking to them (mining companies) as we would in the normal course of business,” Gwatiringa said yesterday. He however refused to shed light on the current status of the deals with the mining companies as they “do not discuss transactions with the media”. While the official position may suggest it’s business as usual, the re-deployment of Kasukuwere after stinging criticism may well represent a re-think on indigenisation, or at least a change in style to the controversial policy that remains divisive as the country battles with economic recovery after a devastating meltdown blamed on Mugabe’s leadership and policy failures.

New govt to weigh heavily on Treasury by ZimSitRep – 09-13-2013
via New govt to weigh heavily on Treasury – The Zimbabwe Independent by Owen Gagare September 13, 2013 ZIMBABWE’S new government, comprising 26 cabinet ministers and 24 deputies, three ministers of state, 10 provincial ministers of state, provincial councils for each of the 10 provinces, 275 MPs (including five non-constituency members) and 80 senators, is expected to weigh heavily on the struggling fiscus. While the cost may be difficult to quantify in exact terms, calculations show over US$1 billion will be spent on their upkeep. Cabinet ministers each normally receive three expensive state-of-the-art vehicles for their official use.Generally, a minister is entitled to a Mercedes Benz ranging from the E300, which car dealers are selling for between US$115 000 and US$120 000, to an E350 which costs about US$130 000. Senior ministers receive a Mercedes-Benz S350 which costs about US$180 000. In addition, each of the ministers gets a sport utility vehicle (SUV), among these a Land Rover Discovery whose price range is US$85 000-US$140 000 depending on specifications, Range Rover Evoque which is between US$110 000 and US$120 000, Range Rover Sport (US$125 000-US$165 000) and the Range Rover Vogue (US$220 000—US$280 000). Most of these vehicles are fuel guzzlers. Some ministers and senior government officials are also allocated off-roaders, including Toyota Landcruiser VX 200 V8V which cost approximately US$140 000 and Toyota Hilux 4×4 double cabs which cost about US$60 000. Deputy ministers are normally allocated SUVs such as Jeep Cherokees which cost between US$100 000 and US$110 000. Last year, MPs were allocated US$30 000 each to purchase vehicles and, assuming the allocation remains unchanged, government will spend about US$11 million on vehicles for the 355 members of the House of Assembly and Senate. Government will also face large hotel bills when parliament is sitting, given that it pays for accommodation of legislators who reside outside Harare. As a result of the proportional representation system, MPs have increased from 210 in the previous parliament to 275 this year, including five appointed ones. Members of provincial councils will also receive vehicles and other perks and so will the 10 provincial ministers of state, adding to the huge government expenditure Government officials, including President Robert Mugabe, also have a penchant for travelling abroad, often at a huge cost due to bloated delegations. In his 2012 national budget statement, former Finance minister Tendai Biti revealed foreign travel blew US$45,5 million in 2011. Biti also told MPs in July last year that government officials had spent US$157 million on foreign travel since 2009.

Joy as Kasukuwere is demoted by ZimSitRep – 09-13-2013
via Joy as Kasukuwere is demoted – The Zimbabwe Independent by Staff Writer September 13, 2013 THE removal of Saviour Kasukuwere from the Indigenisation ministry torched celebrations at the National Indigenisation Economic Empowerment Board (NIEEB) by employees who detested his abrasive management style. Kasukuwere was reassigned to head the new Water Resources, Environment and Climate ministry. Former Environment minister Francis Nhema has taken over the Indigenisation ministry. A NIEEB staffer said there were ecstatic celebrations when news of Kasukuwere’s removal filtered through. The employees’ acrimony towards Kasukuwere, the staffer alleged, was a result of the constant harassment they suffered at his hands. They also resented consultants Kasukuwere deployed at the board as they bossed everybody around. Such was their resentment of the minister that some employees claim they resorted to fasting and praying that Kasukuwere would not be reappointed to the ministry in the new cabinet. “Working with Kasukuwere was very difficult,” said a relieved staffer. “We were very depressed. If it were not for the high unemployment rate, we would have quit our jobs. Some of us started prayer and fasting sessions before the president announced his cabinet for Kasukuwere not to come back (to the ministry).” The NIEEB employees also described Kasukuwere as “combative and excitable”. The minister was involved in several confrontations during his tenure as Indigenisation minister, with the most notable being his fallout with Reserve Bank governor Gideon Gono over company seizures.

Zanu PF’s populist policies disastrous by ZimSitRep – 09-13-2013
via Zanu PF’s populist policies disastrous – The Zimbabwe Independent by Faith Zaba September 13, 2013 PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe’s populist policies that saw him ordering the scrapping of utility bills is set to boomerang in the long run as it emerged this week that Zesa and municipalities have already lost approximately US$3 billion in revenue as a result of his 2013 “philanthropic” election campaign. The move saw local municipalities writing-off domestic water bills and rates incurred between February 2009 and June 2013 after Mugabe argued that the harsh economic environment had disadvantaged many ratepayers. The hardest hit by Mugabe’s order are the 92 local authorities which are jointly owed US$2 billion while Zesa, which has more than US$800 million locked in debts, will lose US$170 million through debt cancellation for farmers and domestic consumers. The Zimbabwe National Water Authority (Zinwa), which is owed over US$100 million by local councils countrywide, is yet to scrap the bills following recommendations for them to do so by Vice-President Joice Mujuru and Local Government minister Ignatius Chombo. Councils, Zesa and Zinwa heavily rely on rates and other charges, and the debt cancellation will negatively impact on water and electricity supplies as well as sewerage reticulation. On Tuesday Zesa slashed domestic debt to the tune of US$160 for every household while writing off a collective US$80 million owed by farmers, but consumers are expected to settle balances monthly. However, Zesa spokesperson Fullard Gwasira allayed fears the debt cancellation was likely to affect electricity supplies saying the utility planned to install prepaid metres in every household countrywide by December to speed up the debt recovery process. Gwasira said about 300 000 households in the country, which represents 57% of domestic consumers, were already using prepaid metres while Zesa has already started installing prepaid metres at farms with a power rating of 50kVA. “The writing off of debts won’t affect our operations because with the usage of prepaid metres we will be able to recover some of the money locked up in consumers. There is no losing out,” Gwasira said. However, councils say they will be hit hard by the debt cancellation. In the run-up to the July 31 elections, Chombo under instruction from Mugabe, ordered councils to scrap bills in a move seen by political pundits as blatant vote-buying. In the process, Harare City Council lost more than US$166 million, followed by Bulawayo City Council which bled US$46 million, Masvingo City Council US$6,7 million, and Masvingo Rural District Council US$4,8 million. Victoria Falls Town Council cancelled US$3,6 million and Mangwe Rural District Council reversed a US$2 million debt, among other local authorities.

Mnangagwa declines finance portfolio by ZimSitRep – 09-13-2013
via Mnangagwa declines finance portfolio – The Zimbabwe Independent by Herbert Moyo September 13, 2013 Justice minister Emmerson Mnangagwa reportedly turned down an offer from President Robert Mugabe to be Finance minister, saying the job needed someone younger and more energetic to tackle the numerous economic challenges buffeting the country. Highly-placed official sources say Mugabe, who agonised for over a month to appoint his new team, initially offered the Finance portfolio to Mnangagwa (officially 67 although some claim he is older than that), but the former Defence minister declined, suggesting his close ally, Patrick Chinamasa takes over. Mugabe is said to have wanted to retain Chinamasa at the Justice ministry. However, sources say Mnangagwa suggested Chinamasa for Finance as he still has the vigour and dynamism to take up the challenging post at a time when there are high expectations government would turn around the economy now mired in deceleration after impressive recovery and growth figures since 2009. “Mnangagwa, who has previously served in the Justice portfolio, is also no stranger to the Finance ministry having served there albeit for 15 months from 1995 to 1996,” said one Zanu PF source. “So that’s why Mugabe wanted to appoint him new Finance minister. However, because of his experiences at the ministry, Mnangagwa is under no illusions about challenges anyone who goes there will face.” In the past weeks, Mnangagwa’s name was one of those touted as candidates for the post alongside Reserve Bank Governor Gideon Gono, Zimbabwe Revenue Authority boss Gershem Pasi and chairperson of Starafrica Corporation and former Delta CEO Joe Mtizwa, before Chinamasa’s name came up. In addition to holding various government portfolios, Mnangagwa has handled party finances — at one stage managing Zanu PF’s collapsed business empire. He is also involved in business as an individual. Sources say getting Finance proved to be a major gain for the Mnangagwa faction which was crowded out by the Mujuru camp in the cabinet appointments. “He (Chinamasa) proved himself to be a hardworking minister during the Global Political Agreement negotiations and the consequent inclusive government (with the two MDC parties from 2009 to June this year) where he fought hard in Mugabe’s corner and as a result it was not difficult for him to be accepted,” said a source. Gono welcomed Chinamasa’s appointment saying he is “more than equal to the task” of providing strong economic leadership. Chinamasa had a brief stint as Finance minister from 2008 to 2009 prior to the inclusive government when the multi-currency system was introduced. However, his critics say he might be an efficient lawyer, but has no strong credentials to head Treasury and has also proved hostile to business through his loud populist rhetoric on land, indigenisation and sanctions.

Embrace market, new Finance minister urged by ZimSitRep – 09-13-2013
via Embrace market, new Finance minister urged – The Zimbabwe Independent by Chris Muronzi September 13, 2013Zimbabwe’s new Finance minister must embrace the market and not to fight it, a World Bank official has said. In a paper presented at the Sapes Trust summit recently, World Bank country manager for Zimbabwe Nginya Mungai Lenneiye said the country’s Finance minister would need to promote actions that encouraged domestic and foreign investments. He would also need to strictly manage the fiscus as well as implement and support the economic programme agreed to with the International Monetary Fund. The bank official made his pronouncements before the appointment on Tuesday of Patrick Chinamasa as Finance minister. He stressed that whoever was put in charge of Treasury needed to ensure government did not spend all its revenues on civil servants’ salaries. Currently, civil servants’ salaries gobble up nearly US$2,6 billion annually, which is about 70% of government’s total revenue collections. In all, the Zimbabwe government spends around 35% of GDP compared to 27% on average for Africa and 25% for Asia. More than half of that spend goes towards paying 230 000 civil servants. Zimbabwe therefore has the highest public service wages-to-GDP ratio in sub-Saharan Africa, after Lesotho. The World Bank expected Zimbabwe’s revenues to remain largely within US$300 million a month and the annual GDP growth rate between 2013-15 to be 5%. The bank remained concerned about the continued vulnerability of the local banking sector, strangled by persistent liquidity challenges. A US$10 billion debt overhang and failure to attract investment remained huge challenges for the economy going forward. Lenneiye recommended that Zimbabwe now privatises state-owned enterprises. While Ziscosteel and Noczim seemed to be frontrunners for privatisation, the transactions were clouded by uncertainties, he said. According to the World Bank official, government also needed to complete its land reform programme by providing records and setting up administration systems. It also needed to put up measures for handling conflicts (including compensations), ensure security of tenure and create a land market. Government also had to harness remittances of funds by the diaspora, which amounted to US$401 billion last year, up 5,3% from the prior year. The World Bank sees remittances to developing countries between 2013 and 2015 growing 8,8% annually to peak at about US$515 billion in 2015. Of this amount, US$28 billion to US$39 billion is expected to flow into sub Saharan Africa. The bank projects that by 2015, remittances to developing countries will equal foreign direct investment and will be five times the level of Official Development Assistance. This is because diaspora investors can be a more stable source of funds than other foreign investors owing to their familiarity with the home countries.

Industry awaits recovery blueprint by ZimSitRep – 09-13-2013
via Industry awaits recovery blueprint – The Zimbabwe Independent by Taurai Mangudhla September 13, 2013 THE general elections have come and gone, yet business is still at a standstill, awaiting the new government’s blueprint for economic revival. President Robert Mugabe on Tuesday announced a 26-member cabinet with the key Ministry of Finance allocated to Patrick Chinamasa. Analysts say with a few exceptions, most of the appointments do not inspire confidence. Following Mugabe’s controversial victory in the presidential election and his party’s more than two thirds majority in Parliament, the Zimbabwe Stock Exchange index nosedived as its market capitalisation fell by more than US$1,3 billion in the first 21 days of trading while the banking industry lost in excess of US$1 billion in deposits over the same period. Mugabe’s declaration of his intention to bring back the defunct Zimbabwe dollar as well as to vigorously implement the indigenisation programme in line with the Zanu PF manifesto sent shockwaves across the market. Industry is waiting for cues from government on the strategy to rebuild confidence, particularly among foreign investors. First Mutual Holdings Limited group CEO Douglas Hoto this week said Zimbabweans were beginning to develop a savings culture but the trend had since changed after talk of a return of the Zimbabwe dollar made daily headlines. Although uncertainty was still rife in the market, Hoto said his company was in a safe position. “Since July 31, the market has been volatile but we don’t really worry. Some people are saying the Zimbabwe dollar is coming back next week, but we are not really worry about that,” he said. Hoto believes the local currency could be re-introduced in about 18 months. Zimplow CEO Zondi Kumwenda recently said the company’s outlook was premised on the new government’s policy on agriculture as well as the outcome of the rainy season. SeedCo CEO Morgan Nzwere also told the company’s annual general meeting the group had pinned its future locally on a pro-agriculture bias by the new government. He said a number of inquiries for seed supply were already trickling in after the election. Economist Takunda Mugaga said one of the new government’s major challenges was to restructure the Indigenisation Act in order to accommodate foreign investors as the current 51% minimum local ownership threshold was generally on the upside. He said indigenisation should not be the key policy in government at a point the country is in desperate need of foreign capital. “In its current form, the policy is not sustainable, with the Zisco-Essar deal an example of how impractical the 51% stake is towards highly capital-intensive industries,” Mugaga said. The new government should not allow implementation to continue without an audit of progress made so far, he added. Bulawayo-based economic analyst Eric Bloch said indigenisation had to be dealt with in the post-election period to give the economy a clear trajectory.

World Bank paints a gloomy outlook for Zim by ZimSitRep – 09-13-2013
via World Bank paints a gloomy outlook for Zim – The Zimbabwe Independent By Victor Makanda September 13, 2013Zimbabwe’s pace of economic recovery has slowed down significantly in the past 20 months. It all began when the Ministry of Finance (MoF) downgraded the initial 9.4% GDP growth forecast for 2012 to 5.6%. By the end of 2012 GDP growth came in at 4.4%, lower than the revised figure. In the current year, the MoF further revised downwards the 5% initial growth forecast to 3.3% on presenting the mid-term fiscal policy review. Reasons advanced for the review concur with a recent report that was published by the World Bank during the week under review. The report, dubbed “Zimbabwe Economic Briefing – September 2013”, forecasts real GDP to grow by 3% in 2013, the lowest GDP growth rate for the economy since the adoption of the multi-currency system in 2009. The slow growth has been a result of the continued slowdown of key sectors of the economy amidst easing of international commodity prices. Low investment, tight credit conditions and policy uncertainty soon after the July 31 elections are some of the reasons for the forecast low growth rate. Concerns over the new government economic policies, including the anticipated extensive implementation of the indigenisation legislation, are bound to extend the wait and see attitude of both domestic and Foreign investors that characterised the run-up to elections. The World Bank further forecast GDP growth rate for the ailing economy to be 3% in 2014, the same level as 2013. This, they note, it was a baseline projection. Levels of investment are expected to remain below potential in 2014 as economic agents adjust to the uncertain times. Risk will remain tilted towards the downside. The multilateral institution cited expected volatility from both the global economy and domestic economy as the major reasons for the low growth rate. On the global side, soft commodity prices are expected to persist, leading to declining levels of export proceeds. On the domestic side, there is risk of exacerbation of vulnerabilities in the banking sector due to tight liquidity, expected fiscal spillages and the potential negative effects of the indigenisation programme and a precarious external position. In addition, capital outflows due to the expected unwinding of the US Federal Reserve’s expansionary policy are expected to worsen the external position. In light of the above factors, the World Bank’s growth forecast of 3% appears to be a true reflection of how the economy will perform at the end of the year. This concurs with the revised 3.4% target by the MoF. All sectors of the economy are ailing. Growth in agriculture is expected to contract by 0.3% as performance of the 2013 season has been below initial projection. Whilst the tobacco sector has been strong, maize production is expected to decline by 17.5% in 2013 to 798 600 tonnes. There will be need for food imports for an already overstretched treasury. The manufacturing sector will remain stunted by low investments, declining competitiveness, amidst tight credit conditions. Ideally, the key sectors in the economy should be the major contributors to GDP growth. This will increase aggregate output as measured by GDP. However, in our case the services sector is expected to be the major contributor to GDP at 40.6%, according to the World Bank report. Agriculture and mining are expected to contribute 16% and 9,4% respectively. The situation is unlikely to reverse in the short term due to lack of affordable capital. Attracting capital from across national boundaries remains tough due to the absence of investor-friendly policies. In addition, tight credit conditions are further depressing aggregate domestic demand in the economy. The liquidity condition has worsened as evidenced by the contraction in broad money supply after the deposit run that was witnessed in the banking sector post-election results. Broad money supply declined by 3% in the first half of the year to US$3.84 billion. This reflected the adjustments in the financial sector and the slowdown of the economy in the run-up to elections. Close to US$700 million is estimated to have been withdrawn from the system before the central bank reassured the nation that the multi-currency system would remain in use for the foreseeable future. Up until key issues in the economy are resolved growth rates which were witnessed between the periods 2009 to 2011 to the north of 5% may remain a thing of the past. Inability to capacitate the manufacturing and mining sectors may also see reduced aggregate output in the economy. As highlighted by the World Bank, stemming fiscal slippages, especially through meaningful contribution to revenues from diamonds, will also reduce the fiscal stress currently bedevilling the economy. Government expenditure may also need to focus on increasing the level of capital formation within the economy as this will lead to increased employment creation and increased activity translating to more consumption. The announcement of the new cabinet is now past us. Whilst there were no major surprises, the nation awaits policy direction from the new team which will help allay fears and uncertainty. As it stands right now, the direction of the economy is as clear as mud.

Makoto an international master by ZimSitRep – 09-13-2013
via MAKOTO NOW AN INTERNATIONAL MASTER | The Zimbabwean by Victor Chimbamu 13.09.13 Rodwell Makoto is now officially an International Master. He finally got his Title. He was very elated by the good news. Makoto started his chess in Mabvuku when he was 11 years old and he showed a lot of potential from there. He became a National Scholars chess champion, National Champion and has won several tournaments in South Africa since relocating there. The most prestigious tourney he won was last year’s CommonWealth South African Open, where he competed against some Grandmasters of repute. He was also among the country’s best sports persons for last year at a colourful ceremony held at Sheraton Hotel. Makoto earned his final IM norm in Botswana where Gillian won the ticket to go to the World Cup and he came second. Meanwhile on the local scene in the Schools chess league, players are advised that there will be a double round fixture at Prince Edward School on 21 September starting at 8 am.

Police left with egg on face as judge quashes ban of ZCTU march by ZimSitRep – 09-13-2013
via Police left with egg on face as judge quashes ban of ZCTU march | The Zimbabwean by ZLHR ZIMBABWEAN police have been left with egg on their faces after High Court Judge Justice Nicholas Mathonsi overturned a ban imposed by the police on a procession organised by the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) scheduled for Saturday 14 September 2013. The ZCTU had notified the Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP) of their planned procession and even had the courtesy to request police escort for the commemoration aimed at celebrating trade union rights to organise and the workers struggle for emancipation and recognition. The labour federation also intended to hold a cleanup campaign at Copacabana commuter omnibus terminus in Harare and thereafter stage a lunchtime march. But the ZRP which on Tuesday 20 August 2013 had granted the ZCTU authority to hold the procession later withdrew the permission on the basis that the political situation obtaining in the country was not conducive to hold the commemoration. The ZRP through Chief Superintendent Saunyama charged that some unscrupulous elements might take advantage of and hijack the whole programme and insisted that according to the intelligence they had gathered there were some unidentified people who were waiting to hijack the march. The police ban prompted lawyers from Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR) acting on behalf of the ZCTU to file an urgent chamber application in the High Court seeking to overturn the police ban and declare it illegal and void at law. ZLHR lawyers argued that the ZCTU as a registered trade union is exempt from the limitations and qualification imposed on processions. In the urgent chamber application, ZLHR lawyers Jeremiah Bamu, Tawanda Zhuwarara and Bellinda Chinowawa argued that the ZRP’s refusal for the ZCTU to hold its procession in commemoration of workers’ rights is beyond what is prescribed by the obnoxious Public Order and Security Act as it is a violation of the labour federation’s right to freedom of assembly and association as enshrined in the Constitution of Zimbabwe. On Thursday 12 September 2013, Justice Mathonsi who heard the urgent chamber application quashed the police ban of the ZCTU’s procession. Justice Mathonsi interdicted the police from disturbing or interfering in any way with the ZCTU’s procession. The Judge directed the ZRP to provide police escort for the procession.

Govt pay deal in sight | The Herald by ZimSitRep – 09-13-2013
via Govt pay deal in sight | The Herald by Felex Share September 13, 2013 GOVERNMENT prioritises the welfare and conditions of service for civil servants and will soon start implementing strategies to improve their income in line with the Zanu-PF election manifesto, Public Service, Labour and Social Welfare Minister Cde Nicholas Goche, has said.Salaries of Government workers have remained low over the past five years as the defunct coalition government failed to address their grievances, insisting that it was bankrupt. Minister Goche — who has served in the same portfolio before — said Government workers had been neglected for a long time and something needed to be done. “This is one of our major priorities and the President, at different platforms, has always said that their salaries and conditions of service should be improved because civil servants did not get anything in the last five years despite their dedication to duty. “What is worrying us is that even those whom they were supposed to negotiate with were not available. We need labour for Government to deliver and to effectively do that, the workforce should be motivated hence the need to improve the conditions of service.” Civil servants failed to get a meaningful salary increment during the tenure of the inclusive Government, with the then Finance Minister and MDC-T secretary-general Tendai Biti repeatedly telling them that Government had no money. The civil servants also failed to engage Government over salary negotiations as another MDC-T Minister, Lucia Matibenga, who superintended the Public Service portfolio, snubbed them and they accused her of being “arrogant” on the few occasions they met. Minister Goche said he would work closely with Finance Minister Patrick Chinamasa to ensure some of the challenges civil servants were facing were addressed as a matter of urgency. He said views and proposals from civil servants’ representatives would be welcome. “We are going to work in consultation with the Finance Minister to see what can be done for the workers,” Minister Goche said. “We also have to consult, get views and proposals from the various civil servants unions and see what we can do for them now depending on what will be in the coffers. I am coming from the Ministry of Transport, Communications and Infrastructure Development, but I am not new in the ministry as I have served in that capacity before and I am here to see what we can do to labour as well as bringing social services to the people.” Civil servants, who are paid a minimum salary of US$297, need their salaries to be reviewed in line with the poverty datum line. The PDL is over US$600. Workers’ unions have welcomed President Mugabe’s appointment of Minister Goche as their minister, saying they had once dealt with him and would not have difficulties in airing their views. “He is not coming in for the first time and we hope that he will use his experience to ensure that we get a meaningful salary that is above the PDL,” said Zimbabwe Teachers Association chief executive Mr Sifiso Ndlovu. “We believe in dialogue and we are glad the minister has expressed his wish to listen to our proposals. We are looking forward to working with the new Zanu-PF Government as we had suffered for long.” Progressive Teachers Union of Zimbabwe secretary general, Mr Raymond Majongwe, has since hailed President Mugabe for giving Cde Nicholas Goche the Ministry of Public Service, Labour and Social Welfare saying his return was likely to see most of the challenges facing civil servants being solved. President Mugabe has already indicated that salaries for civil servants and their conditions of service would be improved before the end of the year. “Government is concerned about the welfare of members of the Public Service and will continue to implement strategies aimed at improving their conditions of service,” he said, in his inauguration speech last month. “We have promised to address the issue of salaries and conditions of living. We pledge to fulfil this promise this year. Thank you civil servants, I promise better conditions. We do not make promises in vain.”

Ethiopian oldest man at 160 by ZimSitRep – 09-13-2013
via Ethiopian man claims to be world’s oldest man at 160-years-old Digital Journal by Eric Morales Sep 11, 2013 [Hopefully Zim leadership won’t be making any bids for this titleAn Ethiopian farmer is apparently able to recount a century worth of African history which may help prove that he is the world’s oldest man. Nearly 120 years ago the Kingdom of Italy invaded Ethiopia sparking the First Italo-Ethiopian War, Dhaqabo Ebba an Ethiopian farmer claims he remembers the war vividly, and more so that he is 160-years-old. If true he would be the new record holder beating out 115-year-old Misao Okawa from Japan. Unfortunately for Ebba, no birth certificate exists that can substantiate his claim. However reporter Mohammed Ademo of Omoriya TV says that Dhaqabo Ebba provided so much detail about the history of his region that there is no doubt that the humble African farmer is at least 160-years of age. “When Italy invaded Ethiopia I had two wives,and my son was old enough to herd cattle,” said Mr Ebba. If Ebba’s claim can be medically proven he would turn out to be 46-years older than the oldest man ever recorded by history. He would also overtake French national Jeanne Calment who lived to be 122-years-old dying in 1997. Even if Dhaqabo Ebba doesn’t gain certification as the world’s oldest man ever, the knowledge he holds could be invaluable. “Ebba speaks with a firm, articulate voice while recounting his life story. He may no longer be able to see but his memories of historical facts seem sharp,” interviewer Mohammed Ademo said. “Given that the Oromo like many African cultures are an oral society, ‘each time an elder dies, a library is lost.’ Ebba’s is one such library from which much can still be preserved.”

Mujuru’s ring takes Cabinet by ZimSitRep – 09-13-2013
via Zim VP Mujuru’s ring takes Cabinet | News | Africa | Mail & Guardian by Takudzwa Munyaka 13 SEP 2013 Emmerson Mnangagwa’s faction has been mostly sidelined during the Zimbabwe Cabinet’s appointment process in favour of Joice Mujuru’s supporters. Vice-President Joice Mujuru’s faction emerged as the biggest winner in President Robert Mugabe’s Cabinet appointments on Tuesday after it scooped up key posts, placing the faction ahead in the race to assume power should Mugabe vacate office. Zanu-PF has two main factions, one led by Mujuru and the other by Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs Minister Emmerson Mnangagwa, though both publicly deny this. Although Mugabe, who is 89, has announced his intention of completing his seventh term of office, most party officials believe he does not have the stamina to finish the new five-year term because of his advanced age and failing health. To protect its electoral gains, Zanu-PF insisted on a clause in the new Constitution that, in the event of the death or incapacitation of a sitting president, the party the president belongs to will choose a successor who will complete the term. Mujuru’s key ally, Simon Khaya Moyo, the national chair of Zanu-PF who orchestrated the removal of provincial executives reportedly aligned to Mnangagwa ahead of the polls, was appointed a senior minister of state, but without a portfolio, a position once held by the late Joshua Nkomo before his elevation to the position of vice-president. The senior minister position is widely regarded as a waiting post for the vice-presidency, for which Moyo has emerged as a favourite. Taking another critical position Another key member of Mujuru’s faction, Sydney Sekeramayi, was appointed defence minister, which is a critical position in Zimbabwe, where the army does not shy away from politics. Mujuru, Sekeramayi, Moyo and other members of the faction hugged and celebrated at State House after the letters of appointments were handed out. Other members of the Mujuru ­faction who got appointments include David Parirenyatwa (health and childcare), Dzikamai Mavhaire (energy and power development), Mike Bimha (industry and commerce), Olivia Muchena (higher and tertiary education, science and technology development), Walter Mzembi (tourism and hospitality), Lazarus Dokora (primary and ­secondary education), Nicholas Goche (public service, labour and social welfare), Webster Shamu (information communication ­technology, postal and courier services), Douglas Mombeshora (lands and rural resettlement), Francis Nhema (youth, indigenisation and economic empowerment) and Didymus Mutasa (presidential affairs). Mugabe also appointed three ministers of state who do not sit in Cabinet. Flora Buka (presidential affairs) and Sylvester Nguni (vice-president’s office) are in Mujuru’s faction. Josiah Hungwe, a key Mnangagwa ally, was appointed minister of state for liaising on psycho­motor activities in education. The Mnangagwa faction only got two key ministries — the department of justice, which Mnangagwa holds, and the department of finance, which is held by Patrick Chinamasa. Bouncing back Obert Mpofu was moved from the mines ministry to transport and infrastructural development after an outcry from the public over the manner in which diamond revenue was being handled. Oppah Muchinguri bounced back into Cabinet as the minister of women’s affairs, gender and community development. Saviour Kasukuwere, who was ­previously in the Mujuru faction but moved to the Mnangagwa faction after clashes with the vice-president over the indigenisation programme, was moved from the indigeni­sation and economic empowerment ­ministry to the environment, water and climate ministry — a move that has been interpreted as a demotion. The appointments resulted in the Mujuru faction further consolidating its grip in Zanu-PF. Mujuru, Moyo and Mutasa are part of the presidium together with Mugabe and are in charge of the day-to-day running of the party. Their influence could be crucial ahead of the Zanu-PF ­congress, which Mugabe wants brought forward to this year to choose new leaders. Scoring significant gains Dr Eldred Masunungure, a University of Zimbabwe political science lecturer and the executive director of the Mass Public Opinion Institute, said the Mujuru faction had scored significant gains in the new Cabinet and attributed the development to the influence of the Mujuru faction in the presidium. “It appears the Mnangagwa faction has been shut out from the pivotal ministries. For Mnangagwa, being moved from the defence ministry to justice was a significant blow, though the justice ministry is quite important. “Indigenisation is critical to Zanu-PF, which based its campaign on the programme, so the removal of Kasukuwere from that ministry is quite symbolic,” he said. “It seems the Mujuru faction used its strategic positions in the party and state to have some influence on the Cabinet. Mujuru and Khaya Moyo, who is considered a moderate, used their influence to ensure that their people get positions.”

Africa and the politics of slavery by ZimSitRep – 09-13-2013
Africa and the politics of slavery: Can the case of Zimbabwe inspire the young generation at all? via ZimbabweSituation Facebook By Andrew Manyevere At the end of everything humanity has the burden to ask a question if posterity will be of value to future generations and inspirational for lasting peace or cause political instability and failure again and again? Historians have to inquire whether people can survive time based on such canning behaviour dressed in cheap character of emptiness prided in piety born on selfish glory as we witness repeatedly watching Zanu false victory in Zimbabwe. Africa has mothered impressing big numbers of cruel dictators while the world is breeding nation-builders historically acknowledged for making contribution to democratic epic measured as pillars for thought processes in mastering good governance. We have few thinkers who have not had much time, on the continent, to practising democratic management demonstration but wasted away, under lock-prisons, during the colonial legacy. Personalities such as Nelson Mandiba Mandela, who we pray that God may grant peace and the joy to know he set a record for succession and unconditional support on constitutional supremacy. Others that had length time to influence political change in their countries but had varied impact on teaching masses to see issues beyond self. These are such as Julius Kambarange Nyerere of Tanzania. We then have numerous in-betweens and far many in the line of wild dreamers, who fail totally, but are never relenting on power control till death do deal with them to part. Among such are the Robert Mugabes of this world. The case of African leadership is contradictory and lacks in good examples of inspirational leadership for the growing youth. The choice therefore is often disastrous. As a people, Africans can no more and should not just talk about it and leave it as though to suggest that nature has to deal with it. Timidity reaches a level of meaninglessness and the urge to be innovative gets into automatic gear of engagement, the results of which are always referred to as revolutionary up rise against governments. While these are far and evenly spread, their reality, with Arab Africa under fire from internal abscesses, is something only extreme selfishness can lead to ignoring irrespective of the disruptive persistence we see North Africa experience today. Suffering creates urgency in people to consider measures of reversing leadership vanity for the redemption of posterity from blame and slander caused by neglect and passive engagement. Today awaits people’s bold declaration against further human denigration from waste under Zanu election rigging government in Zimbabwe. China shall neither be forgotten nor forgiven by unborn Africans who shall lament and rise at the cheapness with which their freedom is exchanged for the sake of China material aggrandizements and benefits. History is already telling on China, as a country in aggressive pursuit of exploiting what was left underground by colonialism. Unlike in colonial times the Chinese style of exploiting Africa today is done with very minimal compensation and extremely poor human development prospects. No African leaders has had the decency to reflect on colonialism and its disadvantages against what China is proposing to do long term and has done in the shortest period. It is worrying when Zanu, for fear of its sins against dehumanizing Zimbabweans, claims that the west is an enemy, while China the untried new comer is the darling of Africa. Michael Sata of Zambia is known for being a critic of China prior to coming into power.  Once he came to power, he went quiet on Chinese but gave them further leases on land and mining rights. Like all foreign governments, the Chinese collaborative stance in African politics is taking the continent back into slavery and dark ages through cheap barter trading. Poverty on the continent and the love for quick money by those in power has cultivated Africa into a rich political soil for Chinese trade. Africa is slowly becoming a dumping ground for poorly made equipment’s and clothes. There is a lot of sentimentalism on colonialism as though any kind of unequal relationship where you bond your land can ever produce desired freedom. The short sighted approach is what killed Zunu from salvaging our economic as well as political freedom.  Yet, Zanu would even today dare repeat the failure circle under guise that they won elections that they together, with the help of Chinese, rigged. The truth be told that this is an extension of suffering because Zanu can never be free from her fraudulent electoral rigging behavior and therefore shall not be able to exercise democracy without viewing losing as threat to their investments in foreign governments. Zanu and China Communist Party have forged ties beyond state and country relationship on Diamonds and Aluminum minerals. The new minister of finance-Patrick Chinamasa- has already begun singing the song of dependence on China instead of aiming at removing obvious politically human motivated abuses in order to access world finances relatively free from encumbrances. To look at MDC or any political opposition as a big threat for Zanu is part of what has caused Zanu to be a wasting asset for the country. To fail thinking democratically and deny that no other party than Zanu can rule, is a recipe for political chaos in Zimbabwe long term. Unlike the SADC emissary on election observations who falsely projected the permanent stay in power of Zanu in Zimbabwe, such is gullible propaganda that is surging dictatorship on the continent. The Leadership Hooked in Slavery Mentality (LHSM) concept is a behaviour that has worked viciously against noble thinking citizens who wanted to establish democracy and has replaced them with Black Traditional Oligopoly-nationalism (BTO) styles. Is it any wonder that Africa is being sacrificed to abandon freedom and become appendages to new emergent world order system that professes neither Capitalism nor Socialism and yet acquiring world wealthy that can only make the system an economic world giant or dictator. Basic human rights do not exist in these countries and the existence of such programs is only academic. In reality it cannot be found. Standards of living and social services are extremely poor in these countries. The world, were it not for the liberal world that fosters accommodation for other people respecting their basic rights, would have been a fertile ground to hatch this hypocritical form of government. Would we wish to see anything but a replica of failure and corruption appealing to directionless leadership? As an example, the cabinet of Zanu after 31 July 2013 rigged elections, is an effort to balance tribal centrifugal forces which have always been hatching in Zanu except for the iron feasted control Mugabe employed then. With his eminent departure soon or weakening of control, those lost out before are coming back much stronger than before. Whether these characters are any new contribution to the party, remains as dubious as having Chinotimba as an MP. The Dzikamai Mavaires, and Josiah Hungwes only highlight regional power and balancing act. The cabinet that took the country into the economic decline gear till its bankruptcy has been returned on the basis of what merits? If they could not perform then what good new incentive is there for them to outperform the past?  People have limited competencies and the failure to acknowledge that fact renders Zimbabwe a laughing stock case. Humanity cannot be this puerile and Africa so permissive to believe something new has to come out of failure. Children who see this but cannot say anything for fear of their lives, cannot be said to be inspired by such poverty of creative thinking and intelligence. While the country appears so quiet, it is terrifying that people are critically aware of where the rot is and are flabbergasted. The security business is growing in leaps and bonces, simply because crimes comes from Zanu ways of creating money, they need more security themselves now more than the past thirty three years. The state servants who are Zanu party card holders, and have political positions, have power and can blackmail leadership. The question is who controls who is such a situation? People know all this and talk openly among themselves about it. The question is who controls who in a state like this? There are three groups of youths in Zimbabwe today. Those who emulate their parents, who earn much money and give them huge sums of pocket moneys at school, grow up ignorant of realities except that money is not a problem to secure and spend. They are a danger long term because they are irresponsible and lead gungs and are therefore useful to the party hierarchy for protecting the hierarchy. The second group comes from civil servants and emulate the idea of becoming rich like their parents friends. They could be a change factor if they keep learning and disciplined. The temptation of being rewarded for failure is high so they often fail in life and go drinking and cause trouble for the sober and hard working. It could be from this lot that the country will build its future. The last group is the hopeless yet much exploited in every respect of the word. They see and understand pain of being disadvantaged. They see their relations taken advantage of, raped and beaten by Zanu hooligans. They know the truth about being abused and live through it every day. They cannot leave because they do not have the means. These are the strongest case for bringing change in Zimbabwe because they are reliable and know suffering. For this reason Zanu has kept a clamp on this population. The joy is that they understand but will take time to accept that change is come and Zanu is gone if and when they go because they have been a reality of pain bearing for too long. The coming into power of Zanu is not at all looked at as victory by any stroke of imagination. The two groups we have shown above tried to paint an impression that victory was great in Zanu camp but it could never be compared to 1980 for example. People are tired of being cheated. Change has to come from both within and outside. Change is the only way Zimbabwe will survive the future. We all owe it to change and have to work to change for the better of the country, people, vegetation and people. We agree Zanu is a selfish beast that is synonymous with corruption. It is all because politics of poverty and corruption has taken up all structures of Zanu from top to the ground and has spread into state organs. In such circumstances there is neither hope of economic recovery nor for youth inspiration to run the country on good governance. Education needs be intensified for people to stand their ground. Together we cannot be beaten down by few corrupt army officers, central intelligence guys and hooligans within police. People you know, people you understand and people you will bring change soon. We are the people. The fact is that politics of slavery must be changed, or has to end than to be watched while thriving irrespective of any prevailing circumstances.

WTF? Mugabe’s Psychomotor minister by ZimSitRep – 09-12-2013
via Mugabe’s biggest surprise: Psychomotor minister – Southern Eye by Chief Reporter President Robert Mugabe’s Cabinet, as critics say, is old wine in new skin, but very few can say they were not surprised at the announcement of a Minister of State for Liaising on Psychomotor Activities in Education and Vocational Training. Former Masvingo governor Josiah Hungwe, has the honour of being the first minister and may be the last, to have such a high sounding title, which many shall find to be a bit of a mouthful and a jawbreaker. While others were still musing over a somewhat uncharacteristic ministry — Senior Minister Without Portfolio — which will be presided over by Simon Khaya Moyo, the Psychomotor ministry dropped a few jaws. “What’s that? I cannot even spell the word,” a bemused Pathisa Nyathi, a veteran educationist and renowned historian said. “If you had asked me about culture, which has a standalone ministry, I would have freely commented, but not this. “I know that the word has something to do with physical skills, but I struggle to find its relevancy. “Perhaps the minister knows that his ministry entails.” The psychomotor aspect of the ministry and that it was a State ministry, left many confused, wondering whether it should not have been left under the Ministry of Higher and Tertiary Education. Psychomotor learning is defined as the relationship between cognitive functions and physical movement. Psychomotor learning is demonstrated by physical skills such as movement, co-ordination, manipulation, dexterity, grace, strength, speed, actions, which demonstrate the fine motor skills, such as use of precision instruments or tools, or actions, which evidence gross motor skills, such as the use of the body in dance, musical or athletic performance. Hungwe and his ministry, were the toast of the day on social media, as online users tried to make sense of the ministry. Efforts to get a comment from him were fruitless, as he was probably attending the swearing-in ceremony for the new ministers. However, after all is said and done, Hungwe and Khaya Moyo have probably rolled their sleeves and are hoping to hit the ground running in their respective portfolios. [ROFLMAO]

Perform or be fired: Mugabe by ZimSitRep – 09-12-2013
via Perform or be fired: Mugabe  by Everson Mushava NewsDay September 12, 2013 PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe yesterday said he is confident of his choice of Cabinet ministers which he said was based on provincial representation and the length of service in his party, Zanu PF. He said he expected those chosen to deliver and put the interests of the people first, to improve their livelihoods, adding that non-performers would be fired. Speaking to journalists at State House in Harare after the swearing-in ceremony for ministers, their deputies and provincial ministers, Mugabe admitted that corruption was a scourge in government, but said he could not punish individuals on the basis of unproven allegations. “People expect me to act on corruption. They say so-and-so has emerged rich, has bought houses and is corrupt, without proving it. People are clever these days; they would say we took loans to acquire these properties. So how do you prove they stole? So the onus to prove this is on you the people that deal with them in these corrupt activities to come and tell me. We cannot victimise people because there is an appearance of a person prospering,” Mugabe said. Back on the composition of his Cabinet,Mugabe said: “I am glad we have a team (of ministers) full of youngsters who will tomorrow, take over from us as long as they put the interests of people first.” The new Cabinet comprises all old members who were either ministers or deputies in Mugabe’s previous governments with some having served from as early as 1980 when the country attained independence. The President said he would have considered including the main opposition MDC-T for Cabinet positions, but could not do so because the party’s leader Morgan Tsvangirai had made public statements refusing to be part of his government. Mugabe said his team would have a challenge to deal with the revival of the mining sector, agriculture and industry as well as the provision of basic services such as health, education, and infrastructural development. Asked if his choice of Francis Nhema for the Indigenisation ministry, a man viewed as reserved and not so outspoken as compared to his predecessor, Saviour Kasukuwere, would not compromise the push for indigenisation, Mugabe said a book could not be judged by its cover. “Nhema is an introvert, Kasukuwere is an extrovert, but don’t think that the one who talks a lot is the one who performs a lot. We expect all ministers to deliver. If the introvert goes to sleep, we chase him away,” Mugabe said. The veteran leader said government would form mining joint ventures with foreign investors as long as they complied with the indigenisation policy. Government’s contribution, he said, would be the resources under the ground. “We cannot be cheated any longer,” Mugabe said. “Our resources matter much more than their sophisticated equipment. Our contribution is what we have (underground). We have refused to add more capital. Digging does not make one the owner of the resources underground. Our resources are a possession that we would pass on as a legacy to future generations until Armageddon. We cannot deprive those future generations of what they are entitled by nature.” Mugabe said the solution to keep the country’s economy afloat in the face of sanctions was hard work. “Zimbabwe must just make progress. Sanctions, yes, we know they are there, but we must teach those sanctions people that no, Zimbabwe will never fall,” Mugabe said. “Yes, sanctions can be a predicament on us (but) we will find ways to make progress and we have other friends who really would want to work with us.”

Gem deals listed by ZimSitRep – 09-12-2013
via Gem deals listed | The Zimbabwean by Staff Reporter The Central Intelligence Organisation plays a pivotal role in smuggling diamonds out of Marange, according to documents in our possession. Documents dated May 23 reveal records of the clandestine movement of the gems on a daily basis, as part of what is referred to as the Special Interests Project. A daily surveillance report that was leaked to The Zimbabwean shows that Angola and China were key players in the smuggling of at least 36,800 carats of diamonds removed from the Marange mining field in a space of less than two months. The diamonds were removed from the fields where Anjin, Marange Resources, Mbada Diamonds and Gename are extracting the gems in partnership with the Zimbabwe Mining Development Corporation, between April 4 and May 16 this year. The document says the money is given to the Special Interests Office in the CIO. The report details the following movements: April 4, Veronica Fung left Marange with 3,000 carats flying direct to Angola where she met agent General Kopelipa Dias in Luanda; April 8, Mr Chen Dhosheng, in the company of Ms S Mpofu left with a parcel of 800 carats of clear stones direct to Angola to meet Mr Sam Pao on behalf of the project. (Another document refers to Sam Pa – the Chairman of Sino Zim, who has been named as one of the Zanu (PF) sponsors during the 2013 general elections.) April 14, Mr Dhosheng reported back in office with a token payment of $3m from Mr Pa and $2 million from General Kopelipa Dias. (whose nationality could not be established at the time of going to print.) April 20, Mr D Kassel and Jiang Zhaoyao left with 1,000 carats in the company of Mr R Mhlanga to Dubai to meet a Nawer Al Baddawi on behalf of the Sheikh. (Robert Mhlanga is the head of Mbada Diamonds. The Sheikh is not identified.) Kassel reported back on May 27 where he handed over $12 million to the Special Interests Office. May 4 Sonangol gave a cheque guaranteed by Mr Pa to Special Interests for the supply of stones worth $41 million. May 10, Ms V Fung, in the company of Air Vice Marshal Henry Muchena, left Marange with a parcel of 12,000 carats to Number 88, Queensway in Hong Kong on behalf of the Special Interests Project. May 11 – received directive to allow Mr Zhang Shibian, Cheng Qins and D/Director Muzonzini to leave the field with 16,000 carats to Luanda in the company of General Dias. May 16 General Kopelipa Dias in the company of an unidentified man in Angolan army fatigues left with 4,000 carats of clear stones to Angola with payment guaranteed by China Sonangol and Mr Sam Pa.

Can China save Zimbabwe? by ZimSitRep – 09-12-2013
via Can China save Zimbabwe? | The Zimbabwean EDITOR – Zimbabwe’s Foreign Direct Investment has grown from US$60 million in 2009 to US$450 million in 2012, excluding direct investment from China which stands at US$600 million. This makes China the biggest single investor followed by South Africa. Is this a good thing? Yes, if we are to judge by solely looking at the above. No, if we look at the trade flow between Zimbabwe and China, and between Zimbabwe and western countries. More than 80 percent of our exports are raw materials (raw cotton, tobacco, chrome, diamonds etc), the majority of which are going to China. This is same as exporting jobs to China. That explains why as far as unemployment is concerned, we are at 85 percent. So China’s investment is going into agriculture, mining and infrastructure – for them to easily get raw materials. It’s not a sustainable arrangement. What do we get in return from China? We get cheap and low quality products that are competing out our local industries, and further triggering employment downwards. We are selling our sugar to western countries, as well as other finished products – not raw materials. Now, that’s keeping jobs in Zimbabwe. In a nutshell, China won’t save Zimbabwe. Given time, it will kill Zimbabwe.

Nikuv’s $3 billion budget: leaked docs by ZimSitRep – 09-12-2013
via Nikuv’s $3 billion budget: leaked docs | The Zimbabwean by Staff Reporter Documents leaked to The Zimbabwean reveal shocking details on how the Zanu (PF) campaign in the run-up to the July 31 elections was bankrolled, with two presidents from the Southern African Development Community donating a combined $177 million to the party. Minutes dated June 3 of an election briefing at Manyame Airbase Station between the Zanu (PF) commissariat and some members of the Joint Operations Command, reveal the level of involvement by the security agents in directing the Zanu (PF) election campaign. The minutes do not show who attended the meeting, but reveal that DRC’s President Joseph Kabila advanced $85 million for the Zanu (PF) election campaign, while Equatorial Guinea’s Obiang Nguema donated $92 million. Kabila was one of the few heads of state who attended President Robert Mugabe’s recent inauguration. Nguema and Mugabe struck a cordial relationship in the early 2000s when Zimbabwean security thwarted a coup attempt by mercenaries led by British national, Simon Mann. JOC comprises the heads of the army, police, air force, CIO and prisons. It was supposed to be disbanded in 2009, upon formation of the Government of National Unity, and be replaced by the National Security Authority, but Zanu (PF) resisted the move and JOC continues to operate clandestinely. The NSA, which consisted of representatives of MDC-T, MDC and Zanu (PF), the principal parties in the coalition government, was set up, but hardly convened, amid resistance from the security sector that has never hidden its hatred for the opposition. The documents also lists other donations: Campaign regalia from Sino Zim Chairman Mr Sam Pa who pledged two million t shirts and a corresponding number of caps and bandanas. 500 trucks donated so far by Meikles and CPC. Mbada Diamonds and Anjin (Pvt) Ltd donated a total of $800 million for transport and moblisation. Other local donations Mahomed Mussa $2 million, Van Hoog (presumably British business tycoon Nicholas van Hoogstraten, a long-time supporter of Mugabe and owner of vast tracts of land in Midlands and a major shareholder in the Rainbow Tourism Group and Hwange Colliery) $3 million. The minutes also record that the Israeli company believed to have manipulated the election results, Nikuv International Projects, had submitted a projected budget of $3 billion “to secure 50% of possible adult votes”. It is not clear whether this money was actually paid. In the run-up to the elections, Webster Shamu, the Zanu (PF) national commissar, announced that the party had faced difficulties in sourcing funds for campaign regalia but a donor, whom he did not name, had come to their rescue. When the regalia was unveiled, it was reported at that time that a truckload of the campaign wear had been shipped from China. JOC agreed during the meeting at Manyame that 33 percent of the Zanu (PF) budget must be used to drum up support for poll credibility before, during and after the elections through a regional diplomacy offensive targeting the SADC Chairperson, Mozambican President Armando Guebuza and the various liberation movements in the bloc.

Zim’s 8th Parly: The good, the bad and the ugly by ZimSitRep – 09-12-2013
via Zim’s 8th Parly: The good, the bad and the ugly | The Zimbabwean by Adrian Mutigwe Our new Parliament promises the nation lots of drama and comedy. Beyond that, nothing substantial is in the offing as the Zanu (PF) majority shall be expected by the Executive to toe the line – rather than fulfil the legislature’s proper oversight role. The dominant characters range from the comical to the aged; from those dusted from the political wilderness to the urbane; from school drop outs to academics and professionals. The die-hards Fronted by Joseph Chinotimba, a former municipal night watchman, and Sarah Mahoka, a self-confessed primary school drop-out, Parliament now accommodates resuscitated party die-hards, Chenhamo Chakezha Chimutengwende, Shuvai Mahofa and many others. Chinotimba of Buhera South has a chequered history of violence and intimidation which climaxed in 2000 when he led the chaotic farm invasions. On the day he was sworn-in, he quickly set the ball rolling by telling journalists that one of his priorities was to lobby for an anti-heckling rule in the House. “When we are in Parliament, shouting has come to an end,” he said. “I will be the first to introduce a ‘law’ on anybody who does that. (We should have a) by-election quick. All that shouting, wowowowo should stop and anybody breaks that ‘law’ we should declare their constituency vacant.” The drop-outs Mliswa, a former fitness trainer, has a fiery temper. His history is replete with stories of his direct involvement in violent take-overs of commercial farms in Mashonaland West. Another elementary school drop-out, now a law maker, is Masango Matambanadzo of Kwekwe. Known as Blackman in Zanu (PF) circles, Masango has close links to Defence Minister Emmerson Mnangagwa. “A lot has been said about my educational qualifications,” said Masango. “I say I am educated; I went to school, I did my Grade One, then Grade 2 and stopped there. But I know what the people want and how to do it.” Luke Masamvu is the new representative for Mutasa North, Manicaland. He is a member of the Johane Marange Apostolic Faith sect and has 10 wives. Reports say he was once investigated for harbouring paedophiles. Of interest is how he would debate issues related to health, education, women and children given that the sect shuns modern medicine, education beyond primary school for the girl child and immunisation. The sect is also notorious for blessing marriages to under-age girls. The corrupt Back into the legislature after a forced “sabbatical leave” are July Moyo, a victim of the infamous Tsholotsho Declaration in 2004, and former government ministers Chemutengwende and Mahofa. Chemutengwende led a quiet life after he lost his Mazowe seat in 2008 to the MDC-T but Mahofa was extremely busy in the Save Conservancy, trying out a new career as a wildlife farmer. She made a poor start though, as she was constantly fingered in poaching syndicates and accused of destroying the once vibrant hunters’ paradise. She is a member of conservancy invaders, all senior Zanu (PF) officials, who call themselves the Masvingo 37. When asked about the abundant quantities of game meat in her butchery in Gutu a few months ago, she retorted: “I have to make money from our natural resources”. David Butau of Mbire, Mashonaland Central, fled to the United Kingdom to avoid arrest in 2007 at the height of the higher-inflationary era after police expressed an interest in interviewing him in connection with some shady deals. He denied any wrongdoing, stating that he had been motivated by fear of police corruption. He returned to stand trial in March 2009, before the prosecution dropped all charges. The melting pot Mbare legislator, Tendai Savanhu, is believed to be the power behind Mbare-based vigilante group, Chipangano, which has terrorised residents with impunity. The list goes on, displaying a potpourri of characters from academics, lawyers, doctors, farmers, former domestic workers to journalists and artisans. Little can really be expected in the way of meaningful national direction, policy scrutiny and oversight.

Moyo remembered as ‘ruthless’ Information Minister by ZimSitRep – 09-12-2013
via Moyo remembered as ‘ruthless’ Information Minister | SW Radio Africa by Alex Bell September 12, 2013 Jonathan Moyo has been remembered as a ‘ruthless’ and ‘merciless’ Information Minister, in the wake of Robert Mugabe’s decision to reappoint him to the same Ministry. There continues to be a shocked and worried reaction from members of the media fraternity to the news that Moyo will once again be heading up the ministry that governs media practice. He was previously the Information Minister in the ZANU PF government from 2000 to 2005. And during that time, there was a severe crackdown on media freedom, with Moyo drafting and implementing repressive legislation that saw journalists being victimised and arrested and independent media houses being forced to close. The crackdown saw Moyo being dubbed Zimbabwe’s media ‘hangman’ and there is concern about what his return to the position means to the current media space. Veteran broadcaster and reporter Tapfuma Machakaire was one of the many journalists who were victimised by Moyo during his last stint as Information Minister. He told SW Radio Africa this week that he hopes Moyo will be different this time around, because “his assignment now is different from what it was is 2000.” “The media is likely to remind him of the ruthless approach he took and the effect he had on the whole media industry. So I don’t think we’ll see the same Jonathan Moyo now,” Machakaire said. The journalist explained his experience as a target of Moyo’s media crackdown in 2001, describing the then Minister as ‘merciless’ and ‘ruthless’. Machakaire, who was a Chief Reporter and Producer with the ZBC at the time, found himself demoted and ultimately forced out of the state broadcaster as a result of a ‘feud’ with Moyo. Moyo used his position as Information Minister to target Machakaire, who was reassigned as part of a restructuring exercise that Moyo undertook during his Ministerial term. Machakaire said that Moyo’s influence was responsible for the ‘crumbling’ of the ZBC. “He showed me I was supposed to find my out (of the ZBC). I was reassigned but again I was harassed by my bosses. I was also told I had stolen a car and a camera, and it was all part of efforts to show me that I was no longer accepted there,” Machakaire said. Moyo meanwhile has said that journalists have nothing to fear now that he is returning. Moyo told journalists gathered at State House on Wednesday, where the new Cabinet was being sworn in, that he is prepared to usher in a new dispensation. “The one thing that I hope will be different is that you and us will work together very harmoniously… journalists have nothing to fear except fear itself,” said Moyo. Moyo however made it clear that so-called ‘pirate’ radio stations broadcasting into Zimbabwe from the Diaspora, remain a thorn in his party’s side. He accused the stations, which include SW Radio Africa, of using “hostile propaganda,” and welcomed the regional SADC bloc’s call for the stations to be shut down.

MDC-T supporters in Mash Central ‘living in fear’ by ZimSitRep – 09-12-2013
via MDC-T supporters in Mash Central ‘living in fear’ | SW Radio Africa by Alex Bell September 12, 2013 Supporters and members of the MDC-T in Mashonaland Central are said to be living in fear, because of a targeted campaign of arrests since the elections on July 31st. Most recently, the MDC-T’s Shamva South election candidate Leman Pwanyiwa, was arrested on Tuesday and held in detention for two days, on assault allegations. He was granted bail by a magistrate on Thursday and will appear in court again at the end of the month. Pwanyiwa and his campaign team were the target of politically motivated attacks in the run-up to the elections, and four days before the polls opened the group was assaulted by ZANU PF activists. The case was reported to the police, but Pwanyiwa was told that the police did not intervene in ‘political matters’. A spate of arrests has also been seen elsewhere in Mash Central, including in Bindura. A Bindura party activist, speaking on condition of anonymity, told SW Radio Africa on Thursday that “people are living in fear because there are so many arrests.” “Soon after the elections they started arresting MDC people, starting with Lovemore Langton, on allegations that he destroyed a ZANU PF poster. He was arrested and detained for two days, before being found guilty in a special court and fined,” the Bindura activist said. He described that since that arrest there have been many others, and all the victims have been MDC-T members or supporters. “I was also a victim. I was charged with insulting a ZANU PF councillor in Ward 8 and I was fined $150 or 30 days in prison,” he explained. He said that “Special Courts”, set up to deal with election violence, are now being used to determine the fate of all the arrested MDC-T officials. “These courts that have been set up have just been set up to persecute MDC members. This system is so biased towards ZANU PF and they are still arresting people,” the Bindura activist said. The run up to the polls saw other Mash Central MDC-T members being targeted with pre-election harassment. Also in Shamva South, the then aspiring MDC-T councillor Shadreck Sibanda had his house and granary burnt to ashes by suspected ZANU PF supporters on July 8th, for being in possession of his party’s regalia. Sibanda was later ordered to vacate the area or face more violence

Govt’s failure to provide hospitals with water “irresponsible” by ZimSitRep – 09-12-2013
via Govt’s failure to provide hospitals with water “irresponsible” | SW Radio Africa by Nomalanga Moyo September 12, 2013 A human rights group has deplored the ongoing water shortages which are affecting service delivery at some key hospitals as ‘irresponsible’ and ‘totally unacceptable’. A leading newspaper, The Standard, this week exposed the extent of the water shortages at Parirenyatwa and Harare hospitals where visitors were said to have resorted to smuggling water into the wards for use by patients. The paper also reported an overpowering stench emanating from the hospitals’ overflowing toilets leading to fears that the city is sitting on a ticking health bomb. Following these revelations, the Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights criticised the government for its indifference to the right of citizens to clean water. The rights group said government had shown no commitment to ensure, through the relevant Water Ministry and the Zimbabwe National Water Authority, adequate and regular water provision. A statement by the group said: “The chronic water shortage at these two hospitals is totally unacceptable. It undermines the progressive realisation of the right to water and negatively impacts on patients’ ability to progressively realise the best attainable state of physical and mental health. “Whilst the country continues to be plagued with perennial water shortages, which is particularly striking in the urban areas, this situation persists with no commitment from the authorities to fully address this, and no accountability for its failure in this regard,” the statement said. Last year, following the outbreak of typhoid and cholera in Harare, the lawyers group said it was holding the government, the Harare City authorities and ZINWA, responsible following the deaths of scores of residents from the waterborne diseases. The group reiterated this position, adding that “investigations must be made into culpability for this disruption of service and failure to deliver and those responsible must be made accountable forthwith.” For close to a decade, Zimbabwe’s major cities have battled serious water shortages but with little political will to effectively address this. A year-long cholera outbreak in 2008-2009 killed more than 4,000 people and infected nearly 100,000 others. “These wanton infections are intolerable and shameful, and the State’s failure is merely a replication of other high level failures,” said the lawyers group. Dr Elopy Sibanda, a lecturer at the UZ, said the unavailability of water at health institutions is very worrying: “Institutions need the water to maintain basic hygiene. It is also essential for use in the laboratories, operating theatres and also for laundry services among others. “We are dealing with vulnerable patients whose immunity is already compromised and so are likely to catch any disease that might break out as a result of lack of access to clean food or water,” Sibanda added.

Unregistered “fake school” profiting ZANU PF chefs by ZimSitRep – 09-12-2013
via Unregistered “fake school” profiting ZANU PF chefs | SW Radio Africa by Tererai Karimakwenda  September 12, 2013  It has been reported that an unregistered school, originally set up as a campaign gimmick by ZANU PF officials in Chimanimani, has continued to operate without a curriculum and is bringing profits to unqualified ZANU PF teachers. According to local activist Peter Chanetsa, who spoke to parents and students from Westward Hall Primary School in ward 14, there is no real curriculum at this so-called “fake school” and local children spend their time learning “chimurenga” liberation war songs. Chanetsa told SW Radio Africa Thursday that the school is not registered by the Ministry of Education and the teachers are unqualified, some never having completed grade 7. Yet they are paid by the parents through a barter system which gives them wheat, maize meal and beans. The headmistress, Mrs. Bheme, has a small office that boasts a ZANU PF poster of one of the original founders, Samuel Undenge, and Robert Mugabe on the door. The unqualified teachers allegedly include Christopher Chingwaru and another named Ndumiyani. “The school was built on Westward Estate, property that was once owned by Border Timbers, but which was invaded and settled illegally by ZANU-PF supporters. They are also burning trees illegally there,” Chanetsa said. He explained that the original idea of setting up the school came from Joshua Sacco, a white farmer who was once described by Robert Mugabe as being the last white man standing in ZANU PF. Sacco stood against Samuel Undenge in the ZANU PF parliamentary primaries for Chimanimani East in the July 31st elections. Chanetsa said Sacco’s supporters announced to the state media prematurely that he had defeated Undenge. But the final count showed otherwise and Undenge went on to win the MP seat for the constituency. Ironically, they had both promoted the creation of Westward Hall during the campaign period, hoping to gain support in ward 14 and surrounding areas. It is not clear who is now in charge of this still unregistered school.

Govt to Prioritize Agriculture Financing, Industry Revival by ZimSitRep – 09-12-2013
via Mugabe: Govt to Prioritize Agriculture Financing, Industry Revival by Thomas Chiripasi VOA Zimbabwe 12.09.2013 HARARE — President Robert Mugabe says his new administration will prioritise the financing of newly resettled farmers and the resuscitation of closed industries to improve the country’s ailing economy. In his first address after swearing in cabinet ministers Wednesday, Mr. Mugabe said his government will ensure that new farmers have access to credit facilities as they aim to increase the country’s productive capacity in the agricultural sector. Zanu PF accused former Finance Minister Tendai Biti of the Movement for Democratic Change formation of Morgan Tsvangirai of failing to create policies to support the country’s agriculture – a charge the MDC-T denied. Following the then Zanu PF government’s land grabs in 2000, resettled farmers have not had access to bank loans because the new agronomists offered no collateral to financial institutions. As a result, the growers failed to utilize the land because they had no adequate inputs and agricultural knowledge. Mr. Mugabe said his new administration will also work with speed to revive industries in the second largest city of Bulawayo with a view to create employment and improve the country’s industrial capacity. Dealing with problems affecting the National Railways of Zimbabwe is another key issue that needs to be dealt with to enable industrial companies in Bulawayo to transport raw materials, said President Mugabe. The president’s utterances on Bulawayo industries is a major climb-down after he declared three weeks ago that residents of Bulawayo and Harare should go to the MDC-T for developmental support since the two cities rejected his party in the July 31 polls. Economists say Zimbabwe’s economy took a turn for the worse when Zanu PF embarked on chaotic land reforms in 2000 that displaced hundreds of former white commercial farmers and thousands of their farm workers. The economic meltdown resulted in several industries closing shop.

Zimbabwe Association of Doctors for Human Rights by ZimSitRep – 09-12-2013


To Prioritize the Right to Healthcare and to Clean Water

INTRODUCTION The Zimbabwe Association of Doctors for Human Rights seizes this opportunity to remind the newly sworn in government and Parliament of Zimbabwe as the duty bearers to place priority on the right to healthcare as enshrined in the Constitution of Zimbabwe at Chapter 4, Sections 76 and 77. While it is plausible and commendable to note that the right to healthcare is now part of our constitution, it is important for government officials to bear it mind in that human rights are indivisible, interdependent and mutually reinforcing. As such, the entire bill of rights in the new constitution must be read to the effect that all the other rights in the new constitution exist to reinforce the right to healthcare. The other ancillary rights such as the right to food and clean water are useful in ensuring good health and the provision of adequate healthcare. As a nation we have to work together for the collective good and appreciation that respect for human rights and peace are essential for the realisation of the highest attainable standard of physical and mental health. In light of the above, it is important for the new government to ensure that it respects, protects and fulfills the right to healthcare: THE RIGHT TO HEALTH IN THE ZIMBABWE CONSTITUTION                            The Constitution of Zimbabwe guarantees the rights to health at section 76 where it states that: 76. Right to health care 1)    Every citizen and permanent resident of Zimbabwe has the right to have access to basic health-care services, including reproductive health-care services. 2)    Every person living with a chronic illness has the right to have access to basic healthcare services for the illness. 3)   No person may be refused emergency medical treatment in any health-care institution. 4)    The State must take reasonable legislative and other measures, within the limits of the resources available to it, to achieve the progressive realisation of the rights set out in this section. 77.  Right to food and water Every person has the right to— (a)   safe, clean and potable water; and (b)  sufficient food; and the State must take reasonable legislative and other measures, within the limits of the resources available to it, to achieve the progressive realisation of this right.   GOVERNMENT OBLIGATIONS AT INTERNATIONAL AND REGIONAL LEVEL                                                                           The Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that, “every human being has right to the well-being of himself and of his family, including food, clothing, housing, and medical care and necessary social services, and the right to security in the event of unemployment, sickness, disability, widowhood, old age or other lack of livelihood in circumstances beyond his control”. The constitution of Zimbabwe also guarantees these rights. There is need to translate these rights into a reality for the people of Zimbabwe. In terms of Article 16 of the African Banjul Charter on Human and People’s Rights, “Every individual shall have the right to enjoy the best attainable state of physical and mental health” and that “States parties to the present Charter shall take the necessary measures to protect the health of their people and to ensure that they receive medical attention when they are sick”. In pursuit of the obligations in the Abuja Declaration of 2001 in which Heads of States and Governments of African countries met and pledged to set aside 15% of their annual budgets to improve the health sector, Zimbabwe must follow through with this commitment and ensure that at least 15% of the national budget is committed to the health sector.COMPLIMENTARY AND MUTUALLY REINFORCING                                                                                                                 It is important for the government of Zimbabwe to realize that the right to health cannot be achieved through the provision of health services and healthcare alone. It also depends on the realization of other human rights as enshrined in the Constitution of Zimbabwe and other International instruments such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Human rights are by their nature complementary and mutually reinforcing. The right to health cannot exist in the absence of other rights.RECOMMENDATIONS                                                                                                    

  • The government of Zimbabwe must engage and deepen relations with the private sector, the international community and donor institutions in efforts aimed at intensifying the progressive realisation of the highest attainable standard of physical and mental health.
  • The government of Zimbabwe should engage in pro-poor planning which offers welfare support for the poor. Policy planning and implementation on the right to health must be all inclusive and participatory with community involvement, ownership and accountability for health being major components of Zimbabwe’s health policies.

The government of Zimbabwe is also encouraged to renew its efforts in seeking to achieve the commitments in the Millennium Declaration. Priority must be given to health related Millennium Development Goals. In particular priority must be given to; a)   Millenium Development Goal Number 4 – Reduce child mortality. The government must continue its sterling efforts in seeking to reduce by two-thirds the mortality rate among children under five. While significant gains have been realized in this area, a lot needs to be done to ensure significant reduction of child mortality.   b)   Millennium Development Goal 5 – Improve maternal health. Many women continue to die during child birth in Zimbabwe and most deliveries are not done in safe maternal institutions because of poverty. The government must ensure affordable or free maternal services throughout Zimbabwe. Further, priority should also be given to cervical cancer through increasing access to information and cancer screening centers. Zimbabwean women have one of the highest recorded age-standardized rates of cervical cancer in the world (67 per 100,000), with less than 5% cervical cancer screening coverage (National Health Strategy).   c)    Millennium Development Goal 6 – Combat HIV/AIDS, Malaria and other Diseases other diseases.

  1. There is need for the government to scale up provision of Anti-Retroviral treatment. Currently there is a huge deficit with only 350 000 currently receiving ART against the huge backdrop of over 1, 2 million people who are in need of the life saving drugs. While there has been a steady decline in the prevalence of HIV/AIDS, there is need to maintain the trend of reduction and focus on the realization of, “Zero Infections. Zero Deaths. Zero Discrimination”.

Government must also ensure;

  • Access to adequate clean water by all citizens of Zimbabwe;
  • Public hospitals and clinics are stocked with adequate and affordable medication;
  • Trained medical personnel, with motivating working conditions, are recruited and placed in medical institutions throughout the country to rid the health sector of the workforce deficit reported in many public health institutions throughout the country.
  • Food and food assistance is given to the poor and marginalized members of our Zimbabwean society. Many Zimbabweans are facing the scourge of poverty, hunger and famine;

By and large the ZADHR firmly believes that the sustenance of the Health Transition Fund will continue to create a pool of resources necessary for financing health programmes of the Ministry of Health and Child Care. In so doing, the government, as a duty bearer, should also supplement the Health Transition Fund by channeling a portion of the revenue realized from our own natural resources towards investing in the health of the people.

ZCTF report 11 September 2013 by ZimSitRep – 09-12-2013

Only after the last tree has been cut down.
Only after the last river has been poisoned.
Only after the last fish has been caught.
Only then will you find that money cannot be eaten.
Cree Indian Prophecy
11th September 2013
A gang of 6 poachers has allegedly poisoned 41 elephants with cyanide in Hwange National Park. The 6 poachers allegedly placed salt laced with cyanide around the water holes where the elephants drink. The elephants eat the salt and die from the poison. 17 tusks have been recovered by police and the 6 poachers have been arrested.
The other problem is that when other animals and birds feed on the rotting elephant carcasses, they will also die from the poison. Hundreds of animals are now at risk. The police suspect that there could be more elephant carcasses in the park that have not yet been discovered.
This is the disadvantage of overestimating the elephant population in Zimbabwe. The poachers read that Zimbabwe’s elephant population far exceeds its carrying capacity and this encourages them to poach them. The punishment meted out to poachers who are caught, is not harsh enough to discourage them from reoffending. They need to be given some extensive jail time.
Johnny Rodrigues Chairman for Zimbabwe Conservation Task Force Landline:        263 4 339065 Mobile:           263 712 603 213 Email:             galorand@mweb.co.zw Facebook:     http://www.facebook.com/pages/ZCTF-Zimbabwe-Conservation-Task-Force/246013052094585Website: www.zctfofficialsite.org.
The Zimbabwe Conservation Task Force relies soley on public donations. Your donation can help to preserve the wildlife in Zimbabwe. If you would like to assist, please contact us.